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ZIMBABWE NEWS Official Organ of the African National Union (ZANU) - component of the Zimbabwe Patriotic Front March-April, 1977, Vol. 9, No. 3. Department of Information and PublicityCaiza Postal 743, Maputo - Mozambique. Table Of Contents Pages. * Editorial * Chitepo: Architect of Chimurenga * The scramble for Southern Africa *3 Ruda base pounded * Castro pledges material aid * Chimurenga: A peoples' war * Zanu fashions new leadership * Comrade Mugabe tours Africa * The choice of imperialists * ZDF - Funding what? * Yankee planes for Smith * The beginning of the end * Dar is PF headquarters 1-2 3-4 5-6 7-8 8 9,10,14,15 12-13 16 17-18 19-20 21 22-23 24

EDITORIAL The Scramble For Southern Africa THE RECENT. Visits to Southern Africa of Mr. Andrew Young, US Ambassador to the United Nations; Dr. Fidel Castro, Prime Minister of Cuba; Mr. Podgorny, Head of State of the USSR and Dr. David Owen, the British Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, reflect the deepening and sharpening conflict in Zimbabwe in particular, and Southxern Africa in general. There can be no question that the scramble for super power control of the region has begun. Certainly after the visits of Dr. Castro and Podgorny, the situation in Southern Africa can never remain the same again. Southern Africa can never be the same imperialist playground that it had been known to be. Sooner or later great changes are bound to take place, for Dr. Castro and Podgorny are no ordinary tourists that these countries are used to entertain. These meu are makers of history not only in their own countries but also in the world at large. These are men of action-true revolutionary fighters who back their words with concrete material and logistical support To us freedom fighters, Dr. Castro and Podgorny brought with them a breath of fresh air, and raised the hopes of millions of exploited, oppressed and suffocated masses of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. In sharp contrast to Dr. Castro and Podgorny's visits were the visits of Mr. Andrew Young and Dr. David Owen. What Dr. Owen and Young brought to the exploited millions of Africans in Southern Africa is the same old, stale, stuffy, polluted and insipid air that has contaminated us for the last eighty years. There were no new ideas or fresh proposals. What the African masses got from these two Western gentlemen and in p~rticular from the good British voung doctor were the usual ,platitudes, apologies and excuses about British lack of power in Zimbabwe, the possible use of USA and SA pressure to topple and the anti-armed struggle stance of Western powers. Dr. Owen's suggestion to hold a Constitutional Conference in London is nothing new. Several attempts to solve the Zimbabwe conflict by peaceful negotiations have been tried before but to no avail. There was, the Tiger of 1966, Fearless of 1968, the Home Smith Anglo-Rhodesian proposals of 1971 the Smith - Muzorewa talks of 1973-4 and the Victoria Falls fiasco and last but not least the Ueneva Conference of last year. All these talks had no impact on Smith, and we see no reason why and now or. Owen's latest dancing motions will have an impact on the rebels. The fundamental reason why previous attempts to reach a settlement in Zimbabwe have failed is that-Britain has always argued that It has no power in Zimbabwe to remove the rebel regime of Ian Smith.. British strategy has always depended on international pressure and moral persuasion. In his recent safari to Southern Africa Dr. Owen gave the heads of the Frontline States and the Patriotic Front the same sermon: British lack of power to effect change in Zimbabwe and British dependence on USA pressure. As long as Dr. Owen depends on the same old strategy of depending on international pressure and moral persuasion, there cart be no hope for hii latest initiative. Perhaps the most dangerous aspect of Dr. Owen's manoeuvres is his over-zealousness in involving the USA directly in the Zimbabwe conflict. Dr. Owen wants the USA to be a full participant at the Zimbabwe Constitutional Conference. Such a step is fraught with dangers. In the first place it definitely seeks to internationalize thoZimbabwe conflict JSA's deep involvement in Zimbabwe would intensify the gathering super power rivalry in the region. How would Britain feel if the Patriotic Front asked USSR and the People's Republic of China to attend the Zimbabwe Constitutional Conference? Surely the USSR and China might just also like to sponsor a conference on Zimbabwe. Another dangerous aspect of the tn. ternationalisation of the Zimbabwe conflict is that British national imperialism is unashamedly being shifted to international imperialism. Britain wants the decolonisation of Zimbabwe to become the responsibility of international capitalism and imperialism. In short Britain wants other Western, capitalist countries to take over her responsibility of decolonizing Zimbabwe. Equally serious is the trend toward direct American colonisation of. Zimbabwe. It is always the strategy of the USA to take direct control of a situation wherever and whenever a weaker imperialist power is seriously being challenged by the forces of liberation sand progress. Once America co-sponsors the Zimbabwe conference and fully participates in it, one can be rest assured that the recolonisation of Zimbabwe by the USA will- have begun. This might now appear far - fetched, but the Vietnamese experience puts this point intosharp relief. Vietnam was a French colony, but after second imperialist war, (Second World War) the French asked for American help because the latter had no power to defeat the national liberation forces in the region. In 1955, the USA attended the Paris Talks on Vietnam. The next thing was that the USA had taken direct colonial control of Vietnam and in the 1960s engulfed the Vietnamese people in one of the most savage barbarous, bitterest and ruthless wars the world has'ever seen. Dr. Owen's invitation of the USA to the Con(Continued on Page 2)

(Continued from Page 1 EDITORIAL stitutional Conference has the roots of in- genuine independence. And finally, Britain ternationalising as well as Americanizing the must prove that she can implement the Zimbabwe conflict. Such a move is unac- agreement reached at any Constitutional Conceptable to the people of Zimbabwe. We ference. categorically say NO to the in- -What is the use of going to London to draw ternationalisation and Americanisation of our up a constitution whioh will not be imsituation. plemented? . 4" Our resistance to direct USA participation in During his Dar es Salaam meeting, Dr. Owen any Zimbabwe Constitutional Conference does tried to intimidate, if not really to blackmail, not in any way stem from our hatred of the Patriotic Front into accepting a peaceful Americans. On the contrary, Americans are not' option in Zimbabwe on the ground that the PF different from other people. There are some could win an outright victory on the battlefield good and bad Americans, just as there are in the shortest possible time and on the strange good and bad people in any other society. Our grounds that armed struggle would be long and opposition to direct American involvement in bloody, dislocate the economy and undermine our affairs is that by accident of history we the chances of creating a multi-racial society. have been colonised by Britain. We did not like Certainly none of us have ever promised our it, we still do not like it, but we cannot change people roses. We have no illusions about the this reality that Britain is the colonial power in stiffness of our struggle. We have often told our Zimbabwe. As the colonial power, Britain people that our struggle would be long and alone is therefore duty bound to discharge its protracted; that we would pay heavily with our colonial responsibility and not to try and shift own blood and lives. True indeed the people of responsibility to the USA. Zimbabwe have already paid and continue to Closely related to USA constitutional in- pay heavily in human lives. Despite the volvement is American economic involvement atrocities committed by the enemy and the through the so-called Zimbabwe Development overall hardships generated by the war Fund (ZDF) which is intended to buy out situation, thousands of Zimbabwe young men whites who do not want to stay in Zimbabwe, to and women cross the border everyday to join build up African middle class which would be the struggle. Never in the history of African a counter-vailing force against socialist recon- liberation movements have so many young struction and transformation and finally to men and women committed themselves to the create an investment area for American multi- cause of national liberation as those in Zimnational corporations. babwe. It does not matter what sweet-coated Furthermore, it is important for Dr. Owen to phrases might be used to describe the ZDF, the know that we are not engaged in a military fact remains that it is an imperialist scheme to coup which requires a quick decision. We are blackmail the People of Zimbabwe and to engaged in a social and political revolution create favourable conditions for capitalist- which involves a change in the whole basis and exploitation of the resources of a young in- structure of the present racist dependent Zimbabwe. If Owen is to make a society. It is a change in which decisive headway with his scheme on Zimbabwe, he political and economic power passes from the should be guided by the views of the Patriotic hands of the white minority to the people of Front. The Patriotic Front's position is very Zimbabwe who are destined to take society clear. First, Britain must recognise that the forward to a new phase of development. Such Geneva affair is dead. The death of Geneva' fundamental and historical change cannot be means also that the ground rules and the par- achieved at the stroke of a pen. As Lenin ticipants at Geneva have disappeared with it. correctly said, "a revolution is a transfer of The latest British initiative must have its own power from one class to another, that it is not a ground rules and new participants. conspiracy or a coup by a small group nor is it Secondly, Britain must recognise that Zim- just a single dramatic and violent act - but babwe is at present engulfed in a war situation, whole stages of struggle taking different forms The two parties to the war raging in Zimbabwe and proceeding at a different tempo, now adare Britain as directly represented in vancing now retreating; following a complex Salisbury by the Smith regime and the African zig-zig path, not according to any preconmasses as represented by the Patriotic Front. ceived blue-print but constantly compelled to To solve this war situation it is therefore only adjust itself in the very process of struggle, the warring-parties that must come to an depending on the rapidly changing relation of agreement. In this connection, it is the British forces that accompanies all periods of Government on the one side and the Patriotic revolutionary change. It is in the course of Front on the other hand who should come such a process that the revolutionary together at a peace table to solve the conflict organisations help to raise the whole level of in Zimbabwe. Britain must accept the 'reality political understanding of the people so that that this is not a traditional decolonisation they clearly understand their role in history process where-by any interests groups, even and are ready to struggle and suffer in order to church choirs or tribal organisations are in- make the great change." vited to a constitutional Conference. This is Dr. Owen would do well to heed the warnings peace conference which involves tie warring of the Patriotic Front not to internationalise parties. and Americanize the Zimbabwe conflict and to Thirdly, there must be a definite transfer of invite only the parties to the conflict, i.e. the power. There can be no half measures. The British Government and its extention,. the transfer of power must be comlete and total. Smith regime on the one hand and the Thepeople of Zimbabwe havenotaoughtortae Patriotic Front on the other hand. Inviting Thet people iorZimbaer hetug fOr le church choirs and tribal groups will only com. last decade in order to get crumbs. Our people plicate his initiative and makes a false start in are sacrificing their lives in order to get true, Zimbabwe.

ARCHITECT OF CHIMURENGA *d, Sadat Kufa Mazuva's a feat of unimaginable Those of us who went to Sthe' incident immediately Dnb explosion and saw the could riot believe that Ad have Furvived. lay Comrade Chitepo was d; the Party issued a ademning the Smith regime ;9 black and white for the and dastardly murder. since happened to convince i; We maintain that the perm who killed Chitepo were iperialism no matter what ,or-2status is. A person who )reedomn fighter like Chitepo e a revolutionary no matter )Asses, to be. Obitepo was born of poor rents in Manicaland. His whilst he was still a young isult he was brought up by :an missionaries at St. lMision, in the Umtali waspa brilliant student who ped his class. From St. be went, to Adams College id FortHare College (Cape ut& Afuica where he did his and -University education At Fort iHare he gained Arts Degree in English. ly'1950s he'went to London *,studies and was called 'to de Middle Temple becoming Tican'iawyer to practise III I 'Africair Federation of id Nyasaland in 1954. nChitepo was ,a 'very comer and as a result' became most popular lawyers in the country. He defended most of the outstanding nationalists of the day and together with Mr. Maisels and Advocate Tete of South Africa. defended the famous Michael Mawema case in 1960. Chitepo's name became a household throughout the length and breath of Zimbabwe. The new African Government in the then Tanganyika appointed him its first Director of Public Prosecutions in 1962. The late Chitepo combined his legal practice with nationalist political work. He was a; founder member of the "National Democratic Party (NDP) in 1960 and its legal adviser during the 1960 Rhodesian Constitutional Conference; founder member of the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU) in 1962 and founder member of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in 1963. He was elected national Chairman of ZANU at the Party Congress in Gwelo in 1964 in absentia. A revolution , like in science occurs when a forward leap takes place. The leap signals that a forward movement has taken place. One can say that the big leap in Comrade Chitepo's life 'ccurred in 1966 when he accepted the Party'st clarion call and left' his prestigious job in Tanzania to take charge of the Party's external wing in the absence of the Central Committee's leadership. With the exception of about four members the rest of the Party's Central Committee was in detention. The late Chitepo did not waste time in reorganising the Party's scattered forces outside the country. Under' his wise guidance, the Party's Military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), Was quickly constituted, into a fighting force. And on April 28, 1966, a few months after he had taken over charge of the Party, the first shots were fired in the country by ZANLA forces. The great Chinese revolutionary leader, Comrade Mao Tse Tung, once wrote that "the dividing line between revolutionary intellectuals and nonrevolutionary or counter-revolutionary intellectuals is whether or not they are willing to integrate themselves with the workers and peasants and actually do SO." If we accept Mao's definition or criterion of a revolutionary intellectual then there can be no question that Comrade Chitepo was one of the first true Zimbabwean revolutionary intellectuals. Comrade Chitepo did not only integrate himself with the broad masses of workers and peasants but also did so in practice. Although he started as a petty bourgeois intellectual Comrade Chitepo through being tempered in the struggle radically changed his whole outlook. He became a simple man in his taste for clothes and food. He mixed freely with all the comrades. He fully identified himself with the masses and took particular interest in the women comrades. He had indeed became a man of the masses! Those who were fortunate and privileged to work closely with him as some of us have done, know what kind of a man Comrade Chitepo was. He was a very warm, compassionate and kind person. He loved every comrade. He was a family man. He often visited his family in Moshi, Tanzania. He was very fond of his daughter Nomusa who was studying at the University of Zambia. He often tried to give her as fatherly attention as he could and she wes always at his house at Chilenje South. Comrade Chitepo was a tireless worker. Our DARE meetings sometimes would go on all night and Chitepo as Chairman would preside over these meetings without faltering. He would energetically take voluminous notes. Because of his legal background, he had the knack of taking almost every thing that a person said in the discussion. Sometimes our DARE meetings ended at 4.00 a.m. and about 8.00 a.m. when we opened our offices, Comrade'Chitepo would have a written summary of our discussion ready for circulation. Comrade Chitepo was such a superb and brilliant speaker that he was a joy and pleasure to watch and listen to him address a rally. He was a speaker 'Who kept his audience spell-bound from the beginning to the end. He was also a good writer. Philosophically, and ideologically, Comrade Chitepo had become a true (Continued on Page-e 4)

CHITEPO THE MARTYR revolutionary with a definite internationalist outlook. At the Sixth Pan African Congress in Dar es Salaam in 1974, Comrade Chitepo proposed a global strategy against imperialism. He declared: "The basic approach we submit is both to give more material assistance to national liberation movements of Africa and simultaneously to launch our attacks on capitalism 'and all its manifestations on all fronts - in the developing areas and in the heart of capitalist - North America and Western Europe. "We, in ZANU, believe that this double - pronged approach constitutes the best strategy to attack and defeat racism, capitalism and imperialism. Each movement, each country, or each nation should shoulder the main burden of liberating itself. However since imperialism has its weakest links in the periphery in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, we think that more concerted efforts should be made to defeat imperialism in these areas. Once these areas are liberated they will become bases for the final assault on imperialism at its centre. In other words, .underdeveloped areas would provide revolutionary bases from which revolutionaries launch their attack against imperialism. By cutting off the tentacles of imperialism in the periphery we will deprive the white working class in capitalist countries of their high standards of living they have enjoyed because of the super profits that the multi-national corporations reaped in underdeveloped countries. It is only when the exploited working class of both black and white realise that they have a common enemy, a common oppressor, and a common exploiter that they will unite and jointly seek to overthrow the capitalist system. This is our global strategy against capitalism, racism and imperialism." Comrade Chitepo was a staunch opponent of the detente exercise in Southern Africa that was introduced in December 1974. He died heroically bitterly opposed to it. He did not believe that Smith would be dislodged by talking. The language that Smith understood was violence. "Zimbabwe was taken from us through bloodshed," Comrade Chitepo told a Chimurenga Day rally in 1968. "Only bloodshed - a bloody Chimurenga involving 41/2 million of us can restore Zimbabwe to. its owners." He was also not happy with the 1974 Zimbabwe Unity Declaration because it was to a large extent an imposition by forces that wanted unity but did not take into account the concrete situation in Zimbabwe. That Comrade Chitepo supported the unity of the people of Zimbawe was never in doubt. He was in 1972 instrumental in bringing about the Joint Military Command (JMC) composed of ZANU and ZAPU. Comrade Chitepo wanted unity based on principles and achieved on the battlefield. What even worsened the situation in 1974 was the imposition of Bishop Muzorewa as President of the ANC. Comrade Chitepo despised Bishop Muzorewa. He felt that Muzorewa was politically naive and was also an opportunist. Comrade Chitepo's assessment of Muzorewa has since been confirmed. Muzorewa- is not only naive. opportunistic, but also a double-dealer and an outright sell-out and reactionary. Comrade Chitepo's bitter opposition to the detente exercise and his lukewarm attitude towards the Zimbabwe Unity Declaration earned him the wrath of the advocates of the Detente exercise and undoubtedly cost him his life. Comrade Chitepo often warned us during those dark Detente days that this exercise will inevitably die away but it will not die alone. A heavylprice would have to be paid before the process comes to an end. Indeed many lives have since been lost by the Party between 1974 and 1975 because of the Detente exercise (Shona colloquialism Dende). His detractors labelled him a "Black Napoleon," a war-monger and the like. This assessment of Chitepo is completely wrong because Comrade Chitepo was by nature a peace-loving humane person who, like most oppressed people, was driven to the limit of his patience, and urged people to take up the gun against their enemy becaus4 no other way of meaningful the system. Whatever his. opponents Comrade Chitepo was the the Zimbabwe revolution1., Without his history of the Zimbabwe would be incomplete. Thei one Chitepo and that irreplaceable. He was a h babwe. As we commemorate Chitepo's death, let us als4 Comrade Shamiso, Dick A massacred-at Mboroma an gallant and brave heroes wh their lives in the struggle. A: have remembered all of ther for us to know that remerai and admiring their bravery k will no. bring them back t died for a cause and to tthe tinues in the success of the we who are alive today * resolve not to bend but to daunted by any difficult or o make the cause successful.4 remember Comrade Chitepo other comrades who fell in it is very important for us a that the only way of honoifIi measurable sacrifice is tota2 of fatherland Zimbabwe an, neo-colonialism. Pamberi ne Chimurenga. "IT will take a bloody Chimurenga to free Zimbabwe," said Comrede Chitepo. These young cadres train to fight for the liberation of Zimbabwe.

OWEN MISSES 'M ,E BRITISH Secretary of State for t oregn and Commonwealth Affairs, 'r. David Owen, began his whirlwind It of Southern Africa on Monday, a bpril II, in the Tanzanian Capital of ar es Salaam. Dr. Owen's African diplomatk' "(%Iuttle followed high-level 1iscussions with the American N mornment during the visit of the 14 ritish Prime Minister James ,*$allaghan and .Dr. David Owen to Ahe USA in February. The two %ititisli officials held talks with the Omerican President, Jimmy Carter, 1'4tnd the USA Secretary of State, 'yrus Vance., . 0* The Anglo-American Summit in Washington worked a new 'iphisticated formula for Zimbabwe ,vhch would involve both the USA *nd 'Britain. Before making the ' Safari Shuttle," Dr. Owen met first 0ishop on Thursday, 1. ,pril 7, in London. As usual the %shop wai very much impressed by 1 eh' . "He is a dynamic man," the! ,ishop contided to his colleagues. W .On the eve of his departure, April d0, Dr. Owen met a delegation of the' 'atriotic Front led by Joshua ikomo. Other members were 3mrades, Mukudzei .Mudzi, ZANU 'eretary for External Affairs; Rex ,hiwara, ZANU representative in the tK and Daniel Madzimbamuto of PU. Dr. Owen-left for Africa irledately after this meeting. In Dar es Salaam Dr. Owen met tnt o' Patriotic Front delegation W by , Secretary *eneral and Head o* ZANU. Also ac'ompanying him was his Deputy. ,limon Muzenda, Rugare Gumbo 1 ANU Secretary for Information and Niblicity, , Secretary meneral of ZAPU and T.G. Silun'&, Secretary for Information and 'ublicity.ZAPU. Dr. Owen's meeting with the PF elegation lasted about two hours * nd covered a wide range of issues. ' e PF-was not at all impressed by ., latest British proposal. At a Press ?onforence that same evening, !.omrade Mugabe told reporters that jp_. Owen had' not brought anything e ew except the possible convening of 4.conititutional conference and that 'je failed to convince the PF that any. arnstitutional conference he might -*Dnvene would. be fruitful. On the ime day, Dr. Owen saw President yorere of Tanzania. President, Iperere is very important because he also chairman of the Frontline tates. Dr. Owen expressed satisfac- THE POINT tion at the talks he held with Mwalimu Early the following day, Owen left for Maputo, Mozambique, to see President Samora Machel. The meeting with President Machel and his Foreign Minister, Joaquim Chissano, is reported to have been cordial and the British Foreign Secretary 'told reporters afterwards that he was pleased with his talk.s with Mozambican officials. 'The Mozambican Foreign Minister also told reporters that his GQvernment was in agreement with the British on the question of ousting Smith from power in Zimbabwe. On .the same afternoon, Dr. Owen jetted into Cape Town, where the following day he met Johannes Vorster and Ian Smith. The meeting with Vorster lasted about three hours and concentrated almost exclusively on Zimbabwe. Although very little was revealed on vhat transpired between Owen and Vorster, it would appear that V- drster was impressed by Dr. Owen. Dr. Owen's meeting with Smith took about two hours and a half. It was held at the residence of the British Ambassador to South Africa. The atmosphere. in the meeting was reported to have been considerably more cordial than recent meetings between Smith and other British emissaries. During their talks, the two men agreed to consider the proposed conference co-sponsored by Britain and the USA. The only major development to emerge from the talks between Owen and Smith was Owen's announcement that he planned to visit Salisbury during his Safari. Smith described his talks with Owen as "sincere and honest" and said that "a lot more spade work will have to be done before we are convinced that this is a starter." Dr. Owen could only say that the talks had been conducted in a "friendly, intelligent and sensible way." Dr. Owen left for Botswana the following day. In Gaberone, Dr. Owen held talks with the President of Botswana, Sir Seretse Khama, and his Foreign Minister, Archie Mogwe. Afterwards, Owen expressed satisfaction at the way the talks had gone. After Botswana, Dr. Owen flew to Lusaka where he had a two-hour discussion with PresidehtKaunda on Friday. 'President Kaunda is reported to have expressed scepticism about the chances of a peaceful settlement in Zimbabwe. Afterwards, Dr. Owen said that his talks had gone "very well." On the evening of the same day Dr. Owen flew to Zimbawe. It was the first visit by a British Foreign Secretary since the visit of Sir Alec Douglas Home in i971. On arrival, Dr. Owen made a serious claim that the Frontline States accepted that the reactionary groups like the Muzorewa and Sithole church groups should be allowed to attend the proposed constitutional conference. It is reliahly reported that no Frontline. Head of State ever committed himself to such a thing. For to do so would certainly mean stabbing the PF in the back which Frontline States would never do. What is true is that all the Frontli .' Heads of State told Dr. Owen that they would back the armed struggle to the hilt whether there are talks or not because they did not trust Smith. Dr. Owen made it clear in Salisbury that the constitutional talks he was proposing were intended -y: to transfer power to the people of Zimbabwe in 1978 through what he called a "democratic election nrocess." He also stated categorically that the USA would co-sponsor the qonference. ' After the Press Conference, Dr. Owen immediately saw , the former Rhodesiar Prime Minister. The fidlowing day, Dr. Owen had a packed programme. Firstly, he saw representa'lves oIf the internal wing of the PF, namely Nolan Makombe and Canaan Banana of the People's Movement and, clergymen from the Muzorewa and Sithole' church movements. Canaan Bananaand Nolan Makombe were specially brought from detention to see Dr. Owen. Later that evening Dr. Owen gave a political lecture at the University of Rhodesia. The lecture was interrupted by militant students who denounced Owen's proposed scheme and shouted slogans supporting Chimurenga and guerrilla fighters.' The following day Dr. Owen saw groups that. included African petty bourgeoisie, Trade Union and Des Frost, the Chairman of the Rhodesia Front. When he emerged from the meeting with Dr. Owen, the country's arche-typal right winger said he had gained confidence from Dr. Owen's approach and "believed and hoped" the Front would help the Foreign Secretary's initiative.s. In the afternoon, Dr. Owen visited Dombotombo, the small township on the periphery If the provincial town of Marandellas, 64 kilometres from (Continued on Page 6)

(Continued froAl Page 5) Salisbury. Dombotombo is an experimental scheme on bantustinism. It is supposed to be run entirely by Africans but this is not true because the person who took them around, Eric Robinson, is the Mayor of Marandellas, the main administrative town. When Owen was being-escorted around by Robinson, an African comrade shouted sharply that "no African would afford to buy the furniture, let alone the house." In one of the houses that Dr. Owen was being shown he asked a young comrade, a nursing student, what she wanted politically. The answer was categorical:, 'A change, even if it comes violently. We want a better government which will give every one the same rights to live and work." "Who would you vote for," Dr. Owen asked. "I would vote for the most capable leader," came the straight forward reply. Such is the high level of political consciousness among the youth in Zimbabwe. Can Muzorewa and Sithole make it? NADA. That evening Dr. Owen held a two hour meeting with rebel leader Smith. Dr. Owen said the following morning that his talks with Smith were encouraging. He thought that Smith was more positive towards his proposals than when they first met in Cape Town. However, he still shared the scepticism of many people about Smith's commitment to any settlement proposals. "I must say I share this scepticism," Dr. Owen said. Smith as usual was sceptical. He said that they had made progress on certain points but there was "still a lot of ground to be covered before this exercise gets off the ground ..... if it ever does." From Salisbury, Dr. Owen flew unexpectedly to Luanda on Monday where he held talks with President Agostinho Neto and his Foreign Minister, Paulo Jorges. Afterwards Dr. Owen said that his talks with Angolan officials had been extremely helpful and friendly. "The response was good." Dr. Owen also told reporters before leaving that there was no question of asking the militant PFto abandon its armed struggle in Zimbabwe until there were effective guarantees that majority rule would be respected. "I have not asked *them to give up the armed struggle." Dr. Owen then left for Lagos en rbute to London. As his entourage ,was leaving Luanda airport, it brushed shoulders with Frontline Presidents who were jetting in for the Frontline Summit meeting in Luanda. On arrival at Heathrow Airport in London, on April 18, he told reporters that he found in Zimbabwe scepticism almost verging on disbelief as to whether the Rhodesia Front and Smith really do intend giving up -power and accept a black majority government. He said tnat he would conduct the negotiations as if he (Smith) does believe in what he says. "I will judge the outcome and his intentions on events." He warned Rhodesian whites that if they started negotiations and in six months' time their actions gave cause! for disbelief about their intentions.; then there would be a very vicious backlash and world ovinibn would react adversely. "The days of moving on this issue in a way that will be thought not to carry true conviction are over," he declared. On the 19th of April, Dr. Owen briefed the House of Commons on his Southern Africa Safari. All MPs with the exception of the enigmatic Enoch Powell, hailed Dr. Owen's Safari as a great success. Dr. Owen did not reveal much about his plans to the PF. Neither does he seem to have revealed it to any group except that a conference would be convened soon. Where? One doesn't know. However, the little that one can piece together seems to take the following scenario: A constitutional conference co-sponsored by the USA and Britain and chaired by Dr. Owen, will be convened either in London or in an African capital sometime in June or July. Thensometime in October or November, a Bill will be piloted in the House of Commons setting out the Zimbabwe In e Act has been p March or April n Smith will be ask, ced to step dow terim governmefl set up and will b( with the respons conducting predence elections. The interim go would last three months, and in So 1978, Zimbabwe w achieve its indep Dr. Owen said ternational develoomE America as the, maij will be on the main conference. As we go tc -USA and British engaged in intensive London about th 'imrs Patriotic Front otega Mugabe tells Owen that Genei they met recently in Dar es wnen six e ,f Ruda bas erminded by commanders a.m. and en A tire I centratec from the Ls easily A on the rounded, ghters' r and mi casuialti e minor it nambul to the b POUNDED Army "We hit this base successfully because *ri 11 of the excellent reconnaisance work that sPOt was carried out by our reconnaisance unit", the commander of the operation mc!iny at Ruda base exuberantly declared after area the battle. "Everything they told us was argest correct. We took them unawares." He went on: "we managed to move as se was close as 100 metres from the target as on without being detected. It was very nemy good...." The attack on Ruda base was a major e was morale booster for the masses and the some fighters. The masses were happy with The the destruction of Ruda base because it led at represented white power. It was common talk to hear the masses say in icated Shona "mabhunu achakaura" meaning A for- "the Boers will get it". s that The fighters Were happy with the outpower come of the battle because none of their d that comrades was lost or seriously injured nor- in the battle. Add to this the fact that silen- the battle was commanded by some of ZIPA's most experienced commanders. espot The battle of Ruda is one of many some concerted and stepped-up operations ockets being carried out by ZIPA in the last ilitary two months. The intensification of the es on war in the country has forced the enemy scrat- to admit that it lost over thirty troops in the month of March alone. The high lances figure is very revealing indeed because ase to the enemy always tries to play down its men killed in action. Asked to comment on the progress of the war in Zimbabwe, one of the commanders of ZIPA recently replied: "in general the war is progressing well. The enemy is admitting he is being hit hard". On ZIPA's new tactics, he said, "our tactics have changed and our way of hitting the enemy has also improved for the better. We are attacking ehemy strongholds. We have forced the enemy to assume a passive role while we have gone on the offensive. We no longer use the tactic of hit-and-run but we attack and advance". He also said that ZIPA was using "sophisticated weapons which enable us to - attack and destroy enemy strongholds." ."Our victories over the last two months have brought the enemy's morale to zero. These victories have been due to the high morale, fitness, strength and bigger fiumber of our forces. They are also accounted for by the flexibility of our tactics and support from the masses." He said that ZIPA had increased its "areas of operation". And the enemy had been forced to reallocate his forces to ry and counteract ZIPA's attacks. the so-called en kilometres [ley) north of s the second ' base in the It is situated of which is a h-eastwards ,ntain. n to the west a quarry. To Pad from Urnfrom east to HEAVY weapons becoming a necessity in the fight in the present phase of the armed struggle.

Rude muse Because of this, enemv attacks on neighbouring independent African countries have been minimized", he declared. "In fact, enemy troops are now not prepared to move more than ten kilometres away from their bases. The enemy is virtually living in a state of fear", he concluded. The relentless onslaught of the ZIPA forces has stretched enemy troops to the verge of neuro-psychological exhaustion. This has necessitated a change of tactics. Whereas before enemy troops used to go out on patrols in groups of 20 to 30, nowadays, because the guerrillas are in total control of most of the rural areas, enemy troops are always concentrated (between 500 and 1,000) in strongly fortified bases from where they periodically move out to make forays of terror and carnage among the masses. It has then become necessary for ZIPA forces to adopt the strategy of pounding these fortifications and reducing them to rubble. As the tempo of the war increases in its intensity, the enemy is also intensifying its atrocities in the country. The Smith regime has intensified its campaign of throwing people into concentration camps, brutally murdering innqcent civilians under the guise of "curfew breakers", wantonly destroying people's villages and property, raping women and children and looting shops of supporters of the nationalist struggle. Equally cruel has been the mass massacre of white missionaries by the notorious Selous Scouts under the direct instruction of Ian Smith himself. The mass murder of white missionaries by Selous Scouts who pose as freedom fighters is intended to sow' seeds of discord between the freedom fighters and missionaries most .of whom have admitted collaboration with freedom fighters. In spite of the atrocities committed by the Smith regime, the morale of the fighting forces and the masses in Zimbabwe is vety high. Thousands of young men and women pour out of Zimbabwe every month to join the fighers in Mozambique. What has particularly raised the morale of the comrades is that they are now better fed,. better clothed and better trained as a result of the concerted efforts by international agencies to meet the needs of Zimbabwe people. Secondly, ZIPA fighters are getting more sophisticated weapens which have devastating effect on the enemy. Of course, shortage of weapons has been the major problen, of Zimbabwe freedom fighters and the enemy has often cashed in on it. However, the situation is slowly -changing and the enemy is no doubt beginning to feel the punch. A 4. '4$. 1. 14 4 .4 A women cadre in action - more support promisi Castro Pledges Material Aid THE CUBAN leader, Fidel Castro, "Frontline States - Tan returned home to Havana on April 8 bia and Mozambique di after one of the longest foreign tours ficial visit to these coun he has undertaken since coming to The most important o power in 1959. Fidel Castro began his muniques was the joint, foreign tour at the beginning of istued in the MozambicE March and visited Algeria, Libya, Maputo on March 2. 1 South Yemen, Somalia, Ethiopia, solidarity with the Tanzania, Mozambique, Angola, the movements of Southern German Democratic Republic and On Zimbabwe, the the Soviet Union. stated that the creation During his visit to Africa, the babwe Patriotic Front Cuban revolutionary leader reaf- portant, step towardsl firmed Cuba's support for the tne unity of the countr liberation struggle in Southern -forces in their struggle Africa. On Zimbabwe, the Cuban liberation. leader concluded a communique with It further said that I the Mozambican People's Republic and the Soviet Union dei on March 24. The communique, full power be handed. issued after a visit by the Cuban authentic representatileader to the Mozambican city of people, the patriotic ft Beira, stated that Cuba and Mozam- shortest possible time. bique had pledged support for The two countries a guerrilla war as the only way to end support for the Namibia * white rule in Rhodesia. struggle, and said thi In the communique the Cuban solution of the Namibi revolutionaryleader condemned the was possible without thf aggression of the racist Itnoaesian ticipation of SWAPO, th regime against the People's Republic liberation movement. of Mozambique. Mozambique and the Q "The Cuban Leader's African visit also demanded an end i coincided with a tour through four. policy of apartheid in S African countries of Tanzania, and expressed their sol: Mozambique, Zambia and Somalia, the fighting forces in So by the Soviet President Podgorny. The communique de The Soviet Union leader opened perialism for supplying ai his African tour in Tanzania and en- South Africa, and called ded this tour in Somalia. He signed a to the Western -series of communiques in the three ,collaboration with the Vo couni 'rster r4 sChimurengo -A People's Wor CHIMURENGA is a Shona word which. ferent class positions different class. America and even in capitalist countries means revolution or armed struggle. interests, and with different ideologies, that our struggle will be meaningful and Chimurenga denotes the idea of totality. What this means for us is that as we will receive universal support. It denotes the total rejection of foreign struggle to change (our society in Zim- 'hilst the ultimate objective of our domination and occupation and the babwe, we also struggle to change our- revolution is the establishment of scientotal transformation of the Zimbabwe selves. This revolution-this total tific socialism, we are painfully aware society and the Zimbabwe people, transformation of men on a mass scale, that the road from to-day's settlerism Theword derives its meaning from is necessary not only because the ruling and colonialism in -Zimbabwe, to the national liberation war tougnt by class cannot be overthrown in any other socialism is a big jump and that halfour fore-fathers in the 1896-97 uprising way, but also because the national way we will have to pass through the in opposition to British foreign liberation forces seeking to overthrow it present transitional stage of national domination and occupation. The 1896- must rid themselves of the muck of ages denocratic revolution. 97 armed uprising by the entire Zim-, if they are to be fitted to form the new By this we mean that the revolution babwean masses was one of the stiffest society of man. embraces in its ranks not only the resistance' registered by the African The bitter and more protracted the workers, Peasants and the urban petty. people in Southern Africa to colonial struggle is the better the chances for bourgeoisie-the usual motive forces of and imperial advance in. the region. revolutionizing the greater number of the revolution, but also the nationa'l On April 28, 1966, the Zimbabwe the people. The struggle in Zimbabwe is bourgeoisie and other patriotic and antiAfrican National Liberation Army linked with the just struggles being imperialist democratic forces in the (ZANLA) fired the first salvo in Zim- waged by peoples all over the world country. In the, present stage of our babwe. The Sinoia battle which the against rarism capitalism, and im- struggle against colonialism and imParty ceiebrates every year as perialism. perialism, it is absolutely necessary to CHIMURENGA DAY ushered in an en- It is not only in Zimbabwe, but also rally all anti-colonialist and antitirely new era. We celebrate this day not in the whole of Africa, in Asia, in Latin (Continued on Page 10) because it marked the opening of the armed struggle, but because it marked an - +_+ -+ +44+4++ +++++ ...... f...... +..+...... important turning point in the character 7 of our struggle. From the barrel of the N i gun held in black hands, bullets aimed ++ + at white exploiters flew, triggered by a + + black finger. Out of that barrel would APRIL 28 has become a National Day reached Sinoia they had been joined by As we celebrate this important day ' for the people of Zimbabwe. On this day over 40 recruits. They gave the new * this month;. it is important to reflect on + in 1966, a ZANLA commando unit stor- recruits elementary military training on , what has transpired since the oc- + med an enemy camp at Sinoia 120 kn the spot. + cupation of our country and what the + north of Salisbury: This battle Since the number of recrui'ts was + future holds for us. It is vital that the Vsignalled the beginning of modern war- swelling and there was a shortage of Zimbabwe Revolution be placed on its + fare in Zimbabwe. ZANU fired its first weapons it was decided to get them from .4 proper ideological -and theoretical per- + sholts in the country. the coffers of the enemy. The enemy spective. + This landmark in our struggle against police camp at Sinoia was chosen + The struggle in Zimbabwe and indeed + the evil forces of colonialism, capitalism because reconnaisance had revealed I in Southern Africa as a whole is'fun- and imperialism and the lesson,, drawn that it was well stocked with weapolns. + dalftentally an anti-colonialist, anti- from it was the precursor that has Because of thorough preparations the imperialist class struggle. It is a struggle + propelled ZANU from victory to victory enemy was completely taken by .,irprise between an exploiting class and an ex- Z against the Smith terrorist forces, and incurred heavy loses. i-er 20 + l16ited clAss. The exploiters who control The newly organised ZANLA forces enemy troops were killed, many more + th political,, military and economic from the outset faced imponderable were wounded (some of the wounded I power are wholl.y.'whites and the ex- problems which required super human subsequently died in hospital), 'three (3) + ploited and powerless are wholly 1 effort to overcome. Weapons had to be enemy aircraft were destroyed and + Africans. Because of this division along ; transported from Tanzania to the Zam- much ammunition captured. The + racial lines, the struggle in Zimbabwe bian-Rhodesia border. Here the operation was a resounding success. has tended to be also racial. But white + crocodile and hippo- infested Zambezi As the commando unit withdrew racismisia I resull of'the irrationalit3 + awaited them. Nor was this all. The seven (7) of the comrades who had been of.capitalism. Capitalism has been the + border was patrolled round the clock by trained locally lost their lives, many major source of economic and social i* the Rhodesian racist forces, were giving cover to the rest of the unit conflict, The concentration in a few when they fell. + hands of the ownership of the means of ; Thi.s unit was therefore compelled to The shots at Sinoia opened the progluction and unequal distribution of use the most difficult and least expected Second Chimurenga and the first time 4 the' products of human labour have ' crosing puuint. There was also the con- that ZANLA confronted the enemy on +respiltedo..in a.tragic situation where a * ,tant danger of atacks from wild an equal footing - with modern few ' ountries in Western Europe animals which abound on either side of weaponry. Sinoia is a shining example + USA, and' Japan have established + the river. Some of these difficulties plus of courage, dedication and deterPokitical,- economic, military and + .fatigue led later to the death of mination to the cause of freedom and + cultural hegemony over many parts of Comrade Percy Ntini at Kafue Bridge. the independence of the Zimbabwe the,world not yet developed. Once in Zimbabwe the guerrilla unit people. It remains the inexhaustible+ There is nothing peculiar with ot . had to transport weapons over their source of inspiration for all of. us who + Situation in Zimbabwe. Our society, i hare backs through msqui o-ridden are currently waging the armed struggle, any-human society, has been in the jungles for weeks. However, once they There can be no doubt that the battle of + .-r--es hitria dl + were among the masses their misery was Sinoia will forever be remembered wi this process has unfolded classes ad ed. They mobilised the masses all reverence, patriotsm an mm poces ha unomeaclasesaria aon re....r- ""ce, patits an' d pride by alL with ad along the way so that by the time they Zimbabweans. Class struggles have emerged dif- I

THE gun changed everything in Zimbabwe. Young boys and girls have been joining the guerillas in thousands. (Continued from Page 9) imperialist patriotic forces that can be united. The Zimbabwe colonial experience has been a nasty and brutal one for Africans. In 1890 our beloved fatherland, Zimbabwe, was invaded by Cecil John Rhodes's settler forces with the full backing of British imperialism which granted a Royal Charter in 1889 authorising the occupation of our country. This act of invasion reduced our fatherland to a colony. In that year we lost our national independence and sovereignty. Ever since that time the Zimbabwean society has been characterized by the political domination of the broad masses of Zimbabwe by the settler minority; the economic subservience of the broad masses of Zimbabwe to the settlers and International finance- capital; the military subjection and control of the broad masses of Zimbabwe by the settler minority; and cultural enslavement of the broad masses of Zimbabwe by the colonizing power. Hence the social character of Zimbabwe is thus that of a typical colonial society with the principal contradiction being characterized by the domination of the broad masses of Zimbabwe by the racist reactionary minority regime which has in its possession the instruments of state power. In the domination, oppression and exploitation of the Zimbabwean people, the settler forces are supported and encouraged by the allied and traditional imperialist forces of world reaction. In reality the settler regime is the social base of imperialist exploitation and control currently existing in Zimbabwe while on the other hand the imperialist forces constitute the main prop Vf settler rule in Zimbabwe The motive behind the settler occupation of our country was the exploitation of the mineral wealth, human labour and other riches abounding in Zimbabwe. Thus, concommitant with the loss of our national soverignty, was the inception of a most inhuman form of economic exploitation in multifarious ways. First, the settlers deprived us of our land which had until then constituted the basis of our human dignity, African personality and livelihood. To us, land was an invaluable asset and in fact it was the very foundation of our life. To this date the loss of our land tops the list of grievances against the colonizing power and the settler regime. Today, more than 6 million African people are crowded in less than 50 per cent of Zimbabwe's geographical area whilst the rest is set aside for only 6,000 white farmers who have carved out vast tracts of land for themselves which remain largely unused. This inequitable distribution of land has brought about rural and agrarian exploitation of the Zimbabwe people by the rural bourgeoisie and international finance capital who run and control the estate farms. This accounts for the miserable exploitation of the African peasantry. The national bourgeoisie and the multinational corporations went on to set up factories and secondary industries which together with the mining industry facilitated the exploitation of African labour power. Each year the national bourgeoisie reaps astronomic profits for themselves at the expense of the African proletariat from their factories, industries and mines that are virtually manned by the African proletariat. The settler authorities went on to set up a system of commerce that serves only their interests at the expi use of the African peasantry. They get raw materials from the peasantry and sell them back at exorbitant prices which is tantamount to daylight robbery. To enhance their exploitation of the Zambabwe people the settlers went on to set up a most evil system of taxes and fines in order to suck out whatever little might have survived the gruesome exploitation described above. To make matters worse, the oppression and exploitation of the Zimbabwe people is exacerbated by a noteof obnoxious racial discrimination that runs throughout the social and economic fabric of Zimbabwean society. The indigenous Zimbabweans, the right. ful owners of the land are treated as secopd class citizens in the land of their birth by virtue of their skin. How abominable! Anyway, all in all, this amounts to the fact that all Zimbabwean generations after the settler occupation of our country, have been born into the insecurity of the landless THE and the indignity of social degr Thus all Zimbabweans have a ca fight to overthrow settlerrule-%*i perialist control and exploitirtioi has brought us all this stiffferhlg right and just for us to, fight fu human freedom. The struggle for national liberat Zimbabwe has followed a tor course. African resistancee to th cupation of Zimbabwe started asu the first settler force set foot it country. The Resistance reacel pinnacle with the famous Matabee in 1893 and the Chimurenga W 1896-7. This was a total war to foreign capitalists and imperialists the soil of Zimbabwe. Our afi were only defeated because of the port that the settler occupation I got from the neighbouring'reactii South African regime and in because of the superior weapm equipment which the settler force at their disposal. Our ancestors only armed with spears, bows. arrows; but their determination to the intruders, their capaeity sacrifice for national independe nee commendable. This is a source a spiration which guides us in our a struggle against the.Smith regime With the defeat of our foreita 1897 due to the superiority of the s forces, African resistance went derground up to the mid-fifties African Nationalism came to theDuring this phase of relative lu African resistance the struggle largely restricted to individual isolated labour groups and sough improvement of labour relations an elevation of the status. hj enlightened Africans to the w snhere. We regard this phase asf cubation period that gave birt African Nationalism in Zimbabwe The post Second World War p witnessed the emergence- of l Nationalism in the Africar-'com and it was not until the late 50' African Nationalism took shape in babwe with the birth of the A] National Congress in 1957. Thisnmi the resurgence of African reaistai settler rule in Zimbabwe and this't up to the birth of ZANU (the 75ml African National Union) constituto third phase of resistance to settler After, the ANC was proscribed! iv came the NDP which was outlaw 1960 and was in turn succed ZAPU which was also. bannedi This phase of the struggle 'is c terised by the search for _ns liberation through constitutional and mass meetings-the kind of y we refer to, as reforist politics. The essence of this politics was (Continued on Pag

&E'S WAR t ed from Page 10) all hopes on the reasonableness of the settler regime and. the goodwill of the .British Government. To the great dasilusionment of the African masses .,on independence was forthcoming .though great serides had been made in the reawakening of the national consciousness of the broad masses of Zim0 e. 'The realisation that great hopes had been pinned -on reformist politics, and much effort had been put in the peaceful struggle but all to no avail, led the more far-sighted nationalists to re-examine their ,strategy of liberation. This resulted in the nationwide call for more positive and radical action against settier rule. However, this call was sup. pressed by the conservative elements within the nationalist leadership who were content to continue along the old road of political reformism. This conservative iniffectual and recalcitrant nationalist leadership which was setting brakes to the pace of the liberation inevitably led to the split of the nationalist movement and consequently to the birth of ZANU which now had the historical taks of spearheading the national liberation struggle. The realisation that liberation could not be attained through peaceful means alone thus necessitated the birth of ZANU. The formation of ZANU in August, 1963 ushered Zimbabwean politics into a new era-that of direct confrontation. The experience of the years from 1957 to 1963 taught ZANU that reliance on reformist politics was not only a sheer waste of time, but also a dissipation of precious effort. Throughout this period the enemy had hltbked all means of neaceful struggle through emactment of the iniquitous piees of legislation (e.g. Law and Order Maintenance Act) and -through the callous application of the full weight of reactionary state apparatus against the African population in order to suppress all respstance and cow the African population into submission. Thousands of African nationalists had been bundled, into prisons for the simple reason of calling for majority rule based on universal suffrage. This alone was clear .proof that reformism alone was far from bmough and a clear demonstration that -ew forms of struggle had to be employed if a change in the status quo was t be effected. ZANU came into existence with the eternal and all powerful slogan "We are our own liberators by direct confrontation" which was the clarion call to,ithie African population for armed 4faistance dsince all other alternatives Algal and political had been eliminated 7 b *the enemy. It was just at this time that the ultra rightist had come to power which only served to confirm the correctness of ZANU's choice of liberation through armed struggle, To facilitate the im. plementation of its call for the at. tainment of national indipendence and liberation through armed struggle ZANU mapped out its general strategy for the coming years and laid down the basic principles that were to guide the struggle. These were based on the cardinal tenet that poritical mobilisation ot the broad masses of the* people was essential to the successful prosecution of the of the armed struggle to its logicai conclusion - the attainment of true it dipendence. The broad masses of Zim. babwean people themselves would be the makers of their own history and revolution. They had to rely on their own efforts in the prosecution of their struggle. It was only through their own sweat that liberation would come about. From the start ZANU asserted the Zimbabwean people's independencence in the struggle by stating that no bullying control or interference by external forces would be tolerated. In 1964 ZANU embarked on its policy of direct confrontation by organising cells of young men armed only with knives to eliminate the notorious white settlers e.g. OBERHOLTZER in the E. l litricts. ZANU only operated for a year before 'it' was banned by thi settler regime but that one year was enough for the Party to organise the groundwork for the launching of the armed struggle. ZANU was thus fixed on its course of waging an ardous protracted armed struggle till final victory. Nothing could deter ZANU from this course. During the second half of 1964, the Party met its first major set-back. After barely one year of existence the maj3rity of its leaders who had been the founder members of this revolutionary organisation were rounded up and denied the opportunity of putting to the test of practice the ideas they had fathered. It was not until ten years later that they were free to give full play to their revolutionary genius. The task of organizing the actual launching of the armed struggle was left to the inveterate leader, the late Chairman Herbert Chitepo, the National Chairman of ZANU and the few members of the ZANU Central Committee that escaped Smith'&: security network and found sanctuary in the neighbouring independent African states to spearhead the Zimbabwe Revolution. It was not until 1966 that organised armed struggle was finally launched. This was precipitatel by the Unilateral Declaration of Independence by the racist Smith regime. By April, 1966, ZANU had trained and organised the first guerrilla force in the history of Zimbabwe which fired its first salvo on 28 April, 1966, in the now celebrated Sinoia Battle which heralded the beginning of a new phase-that of armed struggle. Thus through the - Sinoia battle blazed a trail of revolutionary armed struggle-the Party had embarked on the implementation of its programme of revolutionary armed struggle. The sinoia Battle was followed by many other incidents of guerrilla activity in the upper northern half of the country. The guerrilla bands mainly followed the strategy of operating in small units and attacking the small outlying enemy outposts. By the beginning of 1969, little in terms of military achievement had been realised at home. This lack of significant progress in military terms led the Party to sum up its experience of the few years of the armed struggle and to re-examine its revolutionary strategy This taught the Party that the enemy was strong and that victory could not be realised without relying on the broad masses of the people.Little had been done in terms of organizing and mobilizing the masses for the armed struggle. This in addition tb the Zambesi River which constituted a strategic obstacles had accounted for the little progress in the first few years of the armed struggle.., The other negative factors had been the shortage of modern weapons and the absence of a military background on the Party cadres and --leadership. Equally serious was the lack of a rear base with a sound indeological and theoretical basis. In the light of this, the years 1969 and 1971 were devoted to the reorganization of the Party orientation and reviewing of its ,strategic and tactical approach to the armed struggle and to, the thoroug going preparatoLv. for the resumption of an arduous arrr(-d struggle. By 1971, the Party oiganisation had undergone the necessary transformation and was now ready to launch another phase of the armed struggle that would be based on the thoroughgoing organisation and mobilisation of the broad masses of the Zimbabwe people. 41 Of greater significance during this period of reorganisation is the fact that the Party managed to forge a close and viable working relationship with FRELIMO which made available transit facilities in TETE province for our guerrilla forces. This made it possible for the Party to open the North-East Front thus circumventing the formidable Zambesi River which had constituted an affront to the progress of our war. By the end of 1971 the Party had infiltrated small guerrilla units of its army, ZANLA, into the counitry. The task of these units was to prepare the ground work for the launching of the first major guerrilla offensive in the North-East.' They carried out painstaking organisation and mobilisation of the masses and the military strategic reconnaisance that facilitated the launching of the major guerrilla offensive. By the end of 1972 everything was set for the launching of the guerrilla war in the N.E. which began around December 22, 1972. By mid 1973, the guerrilla offensive had develeped into popular war V" tinned on Page 14)

THE ZIMBABWE African National Union Central Committee has been broadened to thirty (30) members. The decision to broaden the Centralcommittee was taken at atwo day emergency meeting of the old Central Committee and top: army commanders at the party headquarters in Mozambique on March 31 and April\ 1. The meeting was chaired \ by Robert Mugabe, Secretary General and leader of the Party. The thirty memberCentral Committee does not include those Centra Committee members 'who are detained at home. The positions of Comrades (Treasurer 'General), Morris Nyagumbo (deputy Secretary for Public Affairs), Musembure and Robert Marere (Chairman of the People's Movement) are not affected. They still retain their positions in the overall Central Committee. The new structure has been designed basically to effectively prosecute the armed revolutionary struggle. The new Central Committee is headed by a 12 man National Executive Committee consisting or the following: Robert Mugabe, Secretary General and head of the Party; , Chief PoParty leader; Matuku H. Hamadziripi, Secretary for Manpower Planning; , Administrative Secretary; Mukudzei Mudzi, Secretary for External Affairs, Josiah M. Tongogara, Secretary for Defence; Rugare Gu- ZAN mbo, Secretary for Information and Publicity; Kumbirai M. Kangai, Secretary for Welfare, Logistics and Transport; Crispen Mandizvidza, -secretary for Finance; Hebert ushewokunze, Secretary ' for -Health; Rusunungko kar- dungure, secretary for Education and HIupo C. Chigowe (Tambanawo),. pcretary in the office of the Secretary General. Four new departments have been created-Manpower planning, Health, Education and secretary to the Secretary General. The deputies are: Meya Hurimbo (Commissariat), Robson Manyika (Manpower Planning), Don Muvuti (Administration), Ackim Mudende (External Affairs), Rex Nhongo (De.fence), Dzinga Mutumbuka (Information and Publicity), Justin Chauke(Welfare, Logistics andTransport, Webster Gwauya (Finance), (Health), Sheba Tavarwisa (Education). The other members of the CentralCommIttee are Sheba Gava, Charles Dauraman.i, Cuthbert Chirhedza, Josiah Tungamirai, Henry Makoni, arudzai Chinamaropa, Teural Ropa and Ray Musikavanhu (Gurira). The new CC team includes two women .-i Sheba Tavarwisa and Teurai Ropa. It might appearheavily weighted in favour of the military. Certainly much weight was put on the military organs. This was necessary because it brings about the intergration of the fighters and the leadership which in turn helps consolidate the ideo-, logical unity of the party. The Central Committee also reorganised thepoltical, military and external organs of the party. The new Party representatives are as follows: Don Muvuti (Maputo), Acklm Mudende (Dar es salaam Acting), Henry Makoni (Lusaka), C hademana (Botswana), Augustine Mombeshora (Cairo), Ronnie Chiviya (Nigeria), John Shoniwa (Sweden), Makamure Chidoda (Canada) Hamadziripi Synos - Ac she straWn cont Nip and wth reso in the world except in the mett figment ofaperson's imaginatiOn. ques The richest sources of power io wage war liesIn issu the masses of the people. is b We should at all times thod learn from the masses cuss as well as teaching them. pers only by learning from and the people, from actual circumstances can we be coer, practical In our work and Co far-sighted as to the i- acco ture. b mane We should learn to e shou pupils before we become met teachers and to learn from math the cadres at the lower levels before we issue Th orders. conti avol( We should also listen to aic mistaken ideas and vlews nisti from below; It Is Wrong ator not to listen to them at heall all although such views favo should not be acted upon the but are to be criticised. revo The leadership as well W as ordinary members of the the Party must always dict bear in mind that correct stre ideas do not drop from the I w sky. They come from so- tica clal practice and from it exp alone. Cen Mao says that 'A cor- mos rect idea can be arrived mer at only alter many repeti.' tions of the process lead- jec ing from matter to con- and sciousness and then back the to matter that is leading ide from practice to know- the ledge and then back to practice'. Such is the dialectical materialist thedry of knowledge&. one of the major tasks that the new CentralCommittee will graple with is the art of handling contradictions correctly In the party. There are two kinds of contradictions. The contradictions between ourselves are nonantagonistic. Those between ourselves and the enemy are antagonistic. !1 Since they are different in nature, the contradictions* between ourselves and the enemy and the contradictions among the people must be resolved by different methods. Antagonistic contradictions such as those between ourselves and the Smith Regime can only be resolved by armed stru -. gle. But non-antagonifsle radictions such as e among the people specifically those in our party, must be 'Ived through peaceful iods. .he only way to settle tions of an ideological re or controversial es among the people y the democratic me, the method of dising, of criticism, of uasion and education not by the method of cion or repression", declared. mrades must on no unt resort to comlism or coercion but Id always use the od of education and uasion, .e proper handling of radictions helps to I turning non- antagoc ontradictions into gonistic contradiis and creates a :hy atmosphere and irable conditions for dvancement of the lution. e can only acquire art of handling contraions properly by ggle through struggle. ill not come automaly from the sky. The Lnsion of the ZANU tral Committee is a t welcome developLt. lhe new blood should int new life in the Party hopefully strengthen revolution and the )logical position of Party. PAMBERI NE CHIMURENGA Chgowe I, Kadungure -Adership of ,an an ever bit into all iestioiis so e the revod. The fact been made r does not nean that everything. es not accept L1 because io not exist

(Continued from Page 11) with the Smith regime having codenamed the N.E. area "Hurricane". The guerrilla units who were infiltrated into the country were waging a truly people's war being rooted deeply in the masses of the people. The guerrilla units carried out a wave of operations against the enemy strongholds in the N'E. and parolysed the enemy's communication lines in the area. They also carried out sabotage operations and dealt telling blows on the enemy's economic life line. Before long the enemy felt the pinch of the war and carried out desperate actions to contain the people's fighters, In an effort to isolate the guerrillas from the masses he staggered from blunder to blunder and went on the rampage terrorizing the masses. He began by imposing collective fines on vilages in an uatempt to discourage the masses from succouring the guerrillas but all to no avail. He went on to terrorize the masses by not only killing innocent civilians, looting their wealth, burning down their villages and sometimes even bombing them out of existence. This was not enough. He went on to herd the masses into concentration camps euphemistically dubbed "protected villages" and rigorously enforced the pass laws. All schools in the operational areas were shut down. All these frenzied actions failed to contain the raging flames of the people's war. By the end of 1974, over 600 enemy soldiers had been killed and over a thousand wounded. Large quantities of enemy material and equipment including vehicles and aircraft had been destroyed. Throughout the period from 1972-74 the Party had, through its army, ZANLA, scored tremendeous victories in the war. ZANLA had inflicted heavy military losses on the enemy forces. ZANLA had established, itself in the country and never to get out again. It had gained a foothold within the country which is of strategic signifcance in the development of guerrilla war. ZANLA had extended the operational area to cover 1/3 of the country with a population of 11/2 million. ZANLA had aroused and finally accomplished the mobilisation and organisation of the broad masses of the people, the indispensable condition for victory in a guerrilla war. This facilitated greater recruitment which in turn brought about development and growth of the guerrilla army. Through this war the guerrillas gained the necessary combat experience to wage and lead a protracted war. These resounding victories scored by ZANLA which shattered the Smith' regime and shook the power base of imperialist exploitation in Zimbabwe won a great deal of international support for the Party whose reputation was enhanced on the credit side. On the debit side theze great victories alerted and alarmed the imperialist" forces who feverishly sought all possible means to stop and thwart the revolutionary advance spearheaded by the Party which had made their interests extremely vulnerable. These desperate actions by the allies and traditional forces of reactioni resulted in the infamous Detente Exercise which was aimed at sabotaging the Zimbabwe Revolution spearheaded by ZANU. Thus ZANU was the sole target of the Detente Exercise masterminded by the racist South African Premier, John Vorster in collaboration with the USA and the related imperialist powers. You are all aware of the setbacks that our struggle suffered as a result of the evil Detente Exercise. The first round of Detente covered 1974-75 during which time the imperialist designs to destroy or neutralise ZANU was implemented. To facilitate the implementation of their sinister motives the reactionary. forces ad-vocated the idea of unifying the Zimbabwean liberation movements under the umbrealla of the ANC. This "unity" advocated by the reactionaries was in fact counter- revolutionary unity, which would be the main weapon of the imperialist forces in the evil scheme to liquidate ZANU. By .forcing ZANU to come under the ANC leadership they would thus realise the dilution of ZANU's dynamic and revolutionary leadership. After forcing ZANU to come under the umbrella of the ANC which was essentially an armophous and reactionary organisation, they masterminded the liquidation of ZANU's leadership. The year 1975 was one of the Most difficult years for the Party. The rank and file ZANLA fighters lost contact with the leadership. This was a period of hunger and starvation; anguish and grief for the ZANLA forces. The Party lost many able comrades. It was period of tempering. It was not until September 1975 that some ZANLA commanders managed to establish contact with the detained DARE leadership which urged them to relentlessly work to resume the struggle based on the idea of a common military frort with ZAPU. DARE's suggestion came as a welcome development to ,the masses 6f the ZANLA fighters who had been frustrated by the setbacks that had visited the movement. DARE's idea was the salvation of the Zimbabwe Revolution. Soon afler eltin, directives from DARE to fotrm a joini military command with ZAPU, ZANLA fighters worked tirelessly for the formation of a joint mililary front with ZAPU. And in November 1975, the Zimbabwe People's Armn .NIPA comprising ZANLA forces and ZAPU forces was formed. ZIPA was formed mainly to resume and organise armed struggle in Zimbabwe, to procure the necessary requisite for the prosecution of armed struggle, to create one national army and to rally and win international support for the armed struggle which would bring about the liberation of Zimbabwe. CHIMURE In January, 1976, the war in Zimbabwe resumed again. Within a few months of ZIPA's formation, the war was raging in Zimbabwe again and had covered the esatern half of the country with Salisbury, the regime's capital being within striking distance. The struggle was going on at greater momentum than ever before. The significant victories scored by ZIPA within the few months of its existence sent shock waves Within the imperialist world and as in 1974 they were already contemplating new sinister plans to sabotage the struggle. In other words, they thought of master. minding a second round of Detente. It was quite clear to them that their protege Ian Smith could not withstand the onslaughts of the Zimbabwe People's Army. It was quite obvious, that their interests and system of exploitation in Zimbabwe were severely threatened. The task of organising a strategy to contain ZIPA's advance fell squarely on the notorious US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who shutled fnr.we.eks in preparation for the Geneva conference. ZANU organised a tactical alliance with ZAPU. the partner organisation in ZIPA. This resulted in the formation of the Patriotic Front on October 8, 1976. The Patriotic Front was intended to develop a common ap. proach to the Geneva Conference. ZAPU was the only other organisation in Zimbabwe with an army. The Patriotic Front put up a commendable show of unity in Geneva and managed to beat off imperialist manoeuvres. Since the collapse of the Geneva Conference, the "Patriotic Front has been changing its complexion. Whereas initially the Patriotic Front was only a tactical front and not an ideological and political front, now however, the - "PF is turning into an ideological and political front. Its ideological and political outlook is slowly changing and harmonized. The theoretical posit;.:'n of the PP was spelt out in the Maputo Document The objectives of de PF as stated in that Document are to liquidate colonialism, imperialism, capitalism and racism; hence to over-throw the racist minority regime; to create s national democratic independent state of the people of Zimbabwe; to establish a socio-economic order that will eliminate all forms of tapitalist exploitation of man 5by man-hence to create conditions for a full-scale socia revolution; to guarantee national peace, security, equal rights and happiness for all in a free Zimbabwe." The Maputo Document equally. spelt out the PF's method of strugi "The principal form of struggle in conditions of Zimbabwe is the (Continued on Page 15y1

, (Contlnued from Page 14) , revutionary armed struggle. All other forms of struggle (strikes, sabotage, diplomatic and political action, etc) complement and suppement the revolutionary armed struggle," the document declared. / The PF Coordinating Committee meeting in Lusaka on April 20, decided to take a major step of:establiqhing its Headquarters in Dar es Salaam. The Coordinating Committee also set up a number of Sub-Committees that will work out methods of harmonizing the PF's military, diplomatic and .prpaganda activities 'including the resuscitating of the joint military conmmrpanda iite inudngth The Geneva uonferettce was clearly 'the direct result of the resolute armed atruggle. waged by ZIPA and the resolute application of economic sanctions by the international community in particular, the People's Republic of vozambique. The imperialist powers on their part wanted to underplay the role played by the armed struggle in bringing about the Geneva Conference and endeavour to present it as if itwas 4 result o f Kissinger's diplomati efforts. By so doing, they attempted,4t hijck the fruits of ZIPA and turn victory into a defeat. The latest diplomatic shuttle to Southern Africa by the British Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Dr. David Owen, is intended to stem the tide of revolution in Zimbabwe in two specific areas. First and in the short run, it is intended to blunt or destroy altogether armed struggle ir, the country. Second and more dangerous than the first is the imperialist strategy to thwart the emerging revolutionary ideology in the region. Imperialist success in installing a puppet regime would undermine the strengthening of a firmly united revolutionary vanguard with a sound ideological Outlook and conscious of the true meaning and objective of the National Liberation struggle. For there are orly two possible paths for an independent state: to return to imperialist domination (Neo-colonialism, capitalism, state capitalism) or to take the way to socialism. The people of Zimbabwe have made their choice: TheN want a social revolution in Zimbabwe which will bring them true independence. ZIPA forces In training.

Comrude Mugube tours African states COMRADE Robert Mugabe, leader of the Party and joint leader of the Zimbabwe Patriotic Front, said on his return from a tour of several West African states that he had had very fruitful discussions with the leaders of four African countries on matters concerning the advance of the national liberation struggle in Zimbabwe Comrade Mugabe was speaking immediately after his return in Maputo on 7th March, 1977. Comrade Mugabe, who led a five-member delegation, said that the countries, Angola, Nigeria, Ghana and Togo, had expressed solidarity with the Zimbabwean people's struggle and had promised assistance. While on the tour, Comrade Mugade spoke on several topics of interest in the armed struggie flint our liberation army is waging. Speaking in Nigeria on the possibility of a cease-fire in Zimbabwe, Radio Lagos quoted Comrade Mugabe as saying that the Patriotic Front would not subscribe to any cease-fire agreement until it had reached its objectives. On the possibility of a round-table conference to solve the Zimbabwe problem. Such a conference would be a futile exercise and would serve no useful purpose. Comrade Mugabe's visit started in the Mozambican capital on February 11. Comrade Mugabe again left Maputo on April 22 for a short tour of other African States. His tour took him to Somalia, Egypt, Libya, Guinea (Conakry) and Ghana. In Comrade Mugabe was jo Comrade Mutuka . Hani Secretary for Manpower Plan: Development. Comrade , a leader -4 the Patriotic Frontwi Comrade Mugabe for a meeting President of Ghana, Gener Acheampong who had invited Comrade Mugabe was acco by Comrade Rusununguko Ki Secretary for Education; Mudende, Deputy Secretary ternal Affairs and Mombesi Party's new Representative to Ignitius Muzenda. Comrade Mugabe is welcomed at the Dar es Salaam International Airport when he made a brief StOl-over on his way to West Africa.

The choice of imperiulists BISHOP ABEL Tendekai Muzorewa and Reverend Ndabaning Sithole have become serious contenders for the leadership of the American and British proposed black puppet Government in Zimbabwe. The coordinated activities to groom either of the two clergy to head a puppet Government are being carried out in ..Salisbury, Pretoria, London, apd Washington. The groundwork is being carried out by Muzorewa's and Sithole's lieutenants. . Chavunduka, Muzorewa's former Secretary General recently visited Pretoria, and Sithole's men are working hard to have him allowed to return to Salisbury. Current visits by Mu~orewa and Sithole to England and America are * intended to have the two religious ministers brief their mentors and sponsors on the latest development and to compare notes. At first the imperialists concentrated all their efforts on Muzorewa, thinking that he had the support of the people of Zimbabwe. But of late they are building both Muzorewa and Sithole. The imperialist scheme to pilot Muzorewa to take over the leadership of the Nationalist movement started in December, 1974..Their campaign was crowned with success when Muzorewa was dramatically made President of the ANC. .Imperialists also ". wanted Muzorewa to take over the leadership of the guerrilla fighters in 1975. He was even advised to go and stay in Maputo and President Machel was compelled to ask him to attend his Press Conference when he closed the border with Rhodesia in March 1976. The 'srategy of taking over the *military lea ership ran into a brick wall. The guerrilla fighters at Mgagau denounced both Muzorewa and Sithole as reactionaries. When it became clear that Muzorewa could not penetrate the fighting forces and had no base externally, Muzorewa's sponsors changed their strategy. Muzorewa was advised to return and build his base at home. This he did in September last year. On arrival in Salisbury, Muzorewa was given a tumultuous welcome. It was on the basis of this mammoth support * demonstrated at Salisbury Airport that Muorewa was invited to the Geneva Conference. At Geneva Muorewa's true reactionary character started to emerge. Instead of working closely with the Patriotic I Front, Muzorewa and Sithole -engaged in intrigues with' Chair'man Ivor Richard, and the racist * Smith delegation. They held several aeetings with Mark Partridge, the new Defence Minister in Rhodesia and Robinson,,the Rhodesian chief of CID in Muzorewa's Hotel Continental suite. Furthermore, Muzorewa publicly denounced the Patriotic Front and introduced the idea of a referendum to choose a national leader. Since Geneva, Muzorewa has continued to campaign for a referendum. Recently at his so-called Congress on March 27, Muzorewa again called'for a referendum. Even Smith, one of his mentors, was forced to comment that Muzorewa's plan was a "nonstarter." Imperialists supported Muzorewa as long as they thought he had the support of the masses. But now it is becoming clear that Muzorewa does not have popular support in the country. He, in fact, depended on "borrowed support," from ZANU. Once that support was withdrawn, as the Party did With the formation of the People's Movement in the country, Muzorewa's UANC became a ghost party. That'Muzorewa no longer has the support of the masses except his church followers is revealed by the fact that when' he returned from a tour of West African States in March, there wasn't the usual crowds that used to welcome him at the airport when he lived on borrowed support. In fact it is reliably reported that the Bishop was advised by the Smith regime to slip into the country quietly without any fan-fare as no people would go to the airport to meet 'him. The March 27, rally at Gwanzura Stadium was not attended by 5,000 people as reported in the Rhodesian Press. There was just a handful of people; and most of those at the "rally" were members of ZUPO, the SETTLEMENT FORUM and Smith's security forces. Of course, MuLorewa and Chief Chirau of ZUPO, have made a pact and use the presence of people at their rallies as a platform to advertise the borrowed support. Commenting on the UANC- ZUPO pact, a Rhodesian newspaper editorialised, "reasonable people in all walks of life realise that perhaps the last hope of a workable settlement lies in agreement between the Government,, Bishop Abel Muzorewa's ANC and the Chiefs new party ZUPO", Before his detention, Comrade Canaan Banana of the People's Movement commented that it would be no surprise if Bishop joined hands with ZUPO in a "desperate bid" for power. The presence of ZUPO traitors, the Settlement Forum, and racist Security forces forced .Pore progressive elements in the UANC to walk out of the meeting in protest. They challenged Muzorewa for sending Chavunduka to South Africa. To save face Muzorewa asked Chavunduka to step down as Secretary General. His position was taken over by a priest, Reverend Max Chigwida, which suited Muzorewa beautifully as the entire UANC has been turned into a church movement. Behind - the - scenes discussions between the Bishop's UANC and the Smith regime resumed immediately. after the Bishop returned' from Geneva. The central figures in the scenario are the Bishop's deputy President Eliot Ghabella, Gordon Chavunduka, former SecretaryGeneral, and Rev. Gary Walker, a white clergy. The three held clandestine meetings in secret places in Salisbury.. The Bishop him-self sometimes took part in these meetings. Comrade Banana of the People's Movement also revealed in January that "clandestine meetings" between Bishop Muzorewa and the Rhodesian Government were taking place. Rejected by the fighting forces and derecognised by the Frontline States, Bishop Muzorewa sees that his salvation lies in working with the Smith regime and the AngloAmerican imperialist Governments. When the Bishop went to London on his current trip, he attended a meeting of the House of Commons subcommittee on Africa. This committee on Africa consists of Members of Parliament from all the three main British parties - Labour, Conservative and Liberal. At this meeting Muzorewa bitterly attacked the British and Americans for not backing him sufficiently. He reminded them that he was the only nonCommunist in Zimbabwe who would preserve their economic interests. He said that the Patriotic Front would nationalise all the industries and would bring Communism in the country. He feverishly appealed to them to support his referendum plan and to introduce a black puppet regime soon. Taken aback by the naive and strange behaviour of Muzorewa, par. ticularly, his more or less "squiling" against his own compatriots in the Patriotic Front, some of the progressive MPs fired tough questions at, him. The Bishop couldn't answer them. Disappointed, the Bishop left for America unceremoniously. Flabbergasted by Muzorewa's naivity and loss of support in the country, imperialists are switching their support to the intrepid Reverey-d Ndabani-, 'ithole. , e.! ;mc. -,-e- der.a V1 ZANY., Sithole is the rising star for the candidacy for a black puppet regime. lContinued Page 18)

Imperial stsI choice (Continued from Page 17) iHe is considered a good choice for this role for a variety of reasons - 1) the enemy now knows that Sithole is a paper tiger. 2) they assume that as former president of ZANU, Sithole has been for a long time identified with radical politics 3) Sithole appears on the surface fiercely nationalistic. 4) Sithole appears to have the support of some African Heads of States. Finally, Sithole as former head of ZANU, is assumed to be the only person who could destroy that movement. The enemy assumes that these qualities would make Sithole acceptable not only to the masses of Zimbabwe, but also to some members of the OAU. Frantic efforts are being made to bring Sithole back to Zimbabwe. At first Ian Smith was not sure of the wisdom of allowing Sithole to come back. Better counsel has since prevailed on Smith. He has been advised that Sithole is no longer dangerous. He no longer has the devastating ZANU political and military machine behind him. Besides Sithole has lost the support of the Frontline States. Stepped-up attacks on the Frontline Presidents and ZANU by Sithole finally convinced Smith that Sithole was repentant Sometime in March, a decision was taken that Rev. Sithole could come back. The message was quickly relayed to Sithole in Lusaka. A white messenger delivered the. message. He told him that his legal complication had been resolved and now he could return to Zimbabwe. It was on the basis of this information that Sithole in April said that he wanted to go home because "his people" wanted him. Sithole is now prepared to go home. He is no longer prepared "to shoot his way to Salisbury." He has indeed become a traitor and renegade. Sithole's treacherous actions and character should not at all shock us. A revolution brings in all sorts of characters. True revolutionaries who represent the true interests of the masses and opportunistic, unscrupulous, power-hungry, and ambitious traitors and reactionaries who represent the interests of imperialists. Sithole fits in well into the second category. He is an unscrupulousipolitician who will stop at nothing in his drive to gain or maintain power. Since being released from detention in 1975, he has done nothing for the struggle. First, he openly campaigned for the destruction of ZANU. He tried to disband all the Party organs outside the country. Secondly, in September 1975 he refused to at- tend the funeral of eleven comrades who had been shot at Mboroma, Zambia. Instead he flew to America to see his "sick" daughter. , Third, he pocketed all the monies that had been raised for the Party leaving the Party followers starving to death in the camps. Four, at the Dar es Salaam meeting of the Frontline States in September 1976, Sithole refused to identify himself with ZANU but with the ANC of Muzorewa. But when Mugabe declared openly that he was for ZANU, Sithle changed his mind and said that he was pulling ZANU out of the ANC. Since Geneva, Sithole has been waging a vicious campaign against the Party and the people he once led. He has concocted stories about fights and murders in the guerrilla camps in Mozambique. He always lies that he goes to Mozambique to see "his" fighters. Never has Sithole set foot in any ZANU camp except in 1975 when he was in the Muzorewa circus. All that Sithole does is to get to Hotel Polana in Maputo for a few days and then fly out of the country claiming to have been in the camps. His latest trip to Mozambique in April was quite interesting. Sithole arrived in Maputo and stayed at the Polana Hotel as usual. He then phoned various ministries in order to see Government officials and in particular President Samora Machel. When asked whether he was a member of the Patriotic Front or not, Sithole said he was not and did not want to hear about the Patriotic Front. The' Mozambican official politely told him that if he was not a member of the Patriotic Front, he would not see the ministers or the President because in Mozambique they only deal with the Patriotic Front. Sithole banged the telephone receiver down and the following day left for Lusaka only to claim that he had been to the camps in bique and that there wa fighting between his suppo those of Mugabe. The con the campa who listened to t report laughed themselves Sithole's-struggle has not I Comrade Mugabe, but Party, ZANU, which has re incompetent leadership ai tionary line. Actually the has been a two-line struggle the Sithole reactionary line Party revolutionary line. Ii th Sithole reactionary line exposed and resoundingly c The, danger of Muizor Sithole to the Zimbabwe r, does not lie in the fact that t the support of the masses babwe. This is becoming clen passing day that they do r Their greatest threat lies ii that they have the potential manipulated and used by perialists not only to desi prevent the Patriotic Fro gaining power but also, power to use Zimbabwe as state for South Africa ax springboard for imperialist against progressive inde neighbouring countries in ti One shudders to think of bination of the regimes of J( ster in South Africa and Mi Sithole in Zimbabwe. It is on this basis that the Zimbabwe, the Frontline progressive independent states and progressive coui the world should hight vigilance and resist temrit support these renegades strategy to attend the sponsored conference. To would be really to support and reactionaries who have and word betrayed the Z revolution. 4',- IMPERIALISTS 4d their by tR re,%

ZIF: Funding What? WHAT is the Zimbabwe Development Fund (ZDF)? Who is it intended to help? What was the purpose of setting up such a fund? Was it to help the people of Zimbabwe as the AngloAmerican imperialists have been claiming all along. Or was it a tactical manouvre to guarantee the perpetual domination of the whole of Southern Africa by imperialism? The following transcript of notes taken at a hearing of the House Sub - committee on Africa, House international Relations Committee, on the request of the Carter Administration for FY (78) Security Supporting and Military Assistance Programmes on March 29, 4.15 to 6.45 p.m., will answer the above * questions. Witnesses included - Talcott W. Seelye, Deputy Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Bureau of African Affairs, Department of State: Lieutenant-General H. Fish, Defence Department, International Secretary; W. Haven North, Assistant Administrator,* Agency for International Development (AID) Africa and David. B. Bolen, Deputy Assistant Secretary of state for African Affairs. WHALEN: When will ZDF come into being? SEELYE: It is linked to the negotiating effort. It would not become effective until there was independence under majority rule. It is hard to predict. We' tried to project for FY 1978 so as-to coincide with the crystallization of efforts to get majority rule through a negotiated settlement. We would continue to provide training and economic Aipportunity programmes. It would not be effective until there is in Zimbabwe an independent government in place. WHALEN: We have been getting ,isome ,mixed signals. 'SEELYE: There has been an evolution in our thinking. Under the previous .j, planning, we were going to increase our levels of, security supporting assistance for the area. But in terms of priorities, we decded the overriding issue was the *tr tinn in Rhodesia, it had priority oier erying else. If we find there are ftds for development assistance in the "ounding areas, then we possibly mzttcome in for supporting assistance through supplementary funding. But the was the over-riding priority. W EN: What if majority rule is bet achieved? 8EELYE: We would have in mind W amming if there was a need which +uld be justified. AEN: What will Britain" conbute? 9EELYE: There are 18 potential donors which we have asked. We are hoping that the fund will be I billion to 1.5 billion achieved over a 5 year period. The British have a historical tie to the country and would therefore accord priority to it. They have pledged 75 million pounds plus ( certain dollars..... don't know what he said here Rhodesian accounts in Rhodesian dollars? Don't understand). We have no commitments beyond that. WHALEN: There seem to be different explanations about the purpose of the fund. SEELYE: When the fund first surfaced, there was a lot of negative comment. It was said to be a buy out of whites. But that was not the content of the programme. Our responses since then from key leaders, from the Frontline States have been positive. Our purpose is to encourage whites to stay, not to abandon their homes and their jobs. There is an incentive for them to stay. Where you have moderate and constructive leaders, we believe that whites will be more willing to stay. WHALEN: Who will manage the fund? SEELYE: The world, bank will manage the fund. The world bank would respond to requests by independent 'Rhodesian Government. WHALEN: How will contributions be made? SEELYE: This is not precisely worked ,out. Governments could contribute or they could give promissory notes. WHALEN: There has been no determination then of the levels and types of programmes you have in mind? BOLEN: No. Not that far advanced in our thinking. We can guess about the broad directions. It would take in administration, Agricultural programmes, Land reform, Education, Health, Nutrition, etc. WHALEN: You have a long way to go then. BOLEN: There are political reasons for the fund. DIGGS: I am unalterably opposed to incentives for whites to stay. I would support paying a fair price to people who want to" leave. Some people just will not accept a' multi-racial government; a person who would adjust poorly. But I will not be a party to money for whites to stay. SEELYE: I agree. I mean that in restructuring the economy, it would create a worthwhile climate for whites to stay. DIGGS: We are looking at the price tag, for the ZDF. Before you were talking about money for BLS, money for Zambia, for refugees from South Africa. Now we are saying that this 'fund money is for ZDF exclusively and for no other purpose. What happens then to the earlier prospects (Continued on Page 20)

The Slush Fund (Continued from Page 19) 'for other areas? SEELYE: We are providing 25 million dollars in security supporting assistance and training for the BLS countries. The UNHCR has appealed for $3 million of which we have supplied $1 million for emergency aid. In Fiscal 77 we intend to apply for supplementary funds to increase our contribution. Zambia is not included in the $35 million. We are taking a close look at it. We may be back. We would be talking about a supplementary budget. DIGGS: I am'troubled by our use of MAY. I would like to hear from the Ambassador Bolen in regard to my BLS concerns. BOLEN: I understand your concerns. I would stress what ambassador Seelye has said. We have a finite amount of resources. We recognise that there are needs. Given the resources the priority goes for ZDF for the promotion of peace. Having said this, we are dealing with a volatile situation. It is difficult to identify projects which will be viable in FY 1978. People want us to be specific. We can't be specific about Security Supporting Assistance for BLS. As for the ZDF, we can be specific about that. SOLARZ: I want to talk about this Zimbabwe "Slush Fund." Let us suppose' that the negotiations for a peaceful transition do not take place - I think that this is in fact probable - Smith leaves ignominiously and the Patriotic Front marches into Salisbury and installs a government. Are the Zimbabwe Development Fund monies available to that government or not? SEELYE: The premise of the ZDF is that it is related to a gradualistic approach; it would be available only to a government established on an evolutionary fashion. SOLARZ: Well, I know that. But suppose that, as I think is probably the peaceful transition does not work out. 'Is the ZDF available to a majority rule government that comes in as a result of a successful guerrilla war? SEELYE: The answer to your question is NO. If majority rule comes by other than a peaceful transition, the ZDF is not available. SOLARZ: You are then telling us that all this argently needed money to stabilise the economy and assist the country is no longer available if Smith walks away and takes up residence in South Africa. So then the essential function of this fund is to get Smith to agree to settle? SEELYE: It is essentially to assure the viability of the economy. You cited the possibility that the Patriotic Front would come to power. That would be a new ball game. We don't know what we MORE and more women cadres are taking an active part in Chimurenga would do. If accordingly we our interest to do so, we w( special funds but not for Congress would be asked to but it would not be aski propriate for the Zimbabm ment Fund. The ZDF woul( letter. SOLARZ: This is a classici bureaucracy trying to, proposal long after the re has gone, and in chA cumstances. Kissinger tri Africa. He managed to V agreement based on a which had this proposal that whole package has co what way does the ZDF cr ducement to Smith to agr he wouldn't agree to ar doesn't seem to me from say that it either helps leave or to stay. Why then ducement? SEELYE: It is to help white is to encourage whites to jobs ...... It is a mistake to co the negotiations are at an e has closed the door. Wehopet the effort Secretary Owen Southern Africa. We are all effort. SOLARZ: What is the m come of whites com Africans? BOLEN/SEELYE: 11 timi Africans have an income of, per capita. Many black popu worse off than that. In Zairt for example. SOLARZ: Humanitarian could be better used eli seems to me if those fi correct. How much are y us to contribute to this SEELYE: It is 40% of the tc talking about up to $ 520 t SOLARZ: So we are talk about HALF A BILLIO] pyaers' money for this or in which blacks are much than they are elsewhere? SEELYE: We do not want t It is crucial to the peaceful e, development of Southern A whole. It is part of the dyi economic development, whict whole region. SOLARZ: It is political can't be justified excepi basis. But the income of w times better than blacks; t comfortable life. In what v make It more ttractive to settle? SEELYE: In the absence o armed conflict is presupposf SOLARZ: In the some 2'/2 been in Congress, I have nei more half-baked, assinine sc this one. First you say that w get A benefit. Then you say tl purpose p provide a benefit

ROCKWELL International and 1 Lockheed Aircraft Corporation have been supplying aircraft indirectly to Rhodesia and South Africa in violation of arms embargoes against both countries. A USA manufactured military * plane the OV-10. is being used by the RbodesianAir Force. The OV-10, a ulle - fuselage spotter,; plane that was 'used in Vietnam, is manufactured by Rockwell International 'in California. It is reported that the planes were p purchased as "civilian aircraft" by the Rhodesian' white minority regime "through round about channels." A,spokesman for Rockwell denied that the USA could have sold these planes to rebel Ian Smith 'We could . not sell these planes to Rhodesia without a US government permit," he said. He added that Rockwell records did not show any sales of ,planes to Rhodesia but declined to say how the planes got there. The Rockwell spokesman described the OV-10 as a "counter - in,,purgency" observation plane, armed with machine guns and said it had been sold to Indonesia, Thailand, Venezuela and West Germany. Meanwhile, in .Washington last week, arms sales expert Michael Mare charged that the Rhodesia Air. Force is using planes manufactured * b an Italian company under license Yankee planes for Smith from Lockheed Aircraft. Klare said Rhodesia got the planes called AL-60 from South Africa. Rhodesia, he said, uses them to supply outlying anti-guerrilla army units. South Africa, says Klare, bought the aircraft from the Italian firm,. Aermacchi. According to Klare, the Italian company produced the AL-60.: light transport plane under license from Lockheed which owns 20% of the company. Another US corporation .- the Avco-Lycoming division of AvcO Corporation - supplied the engines to power 20 of the AL-60s, which Klare says were sold to the South African Air Force at an unspecified date. Most, if not all, of the 20 -planes'! were subsequently passed on to the Rhodesia Air Force. Klare also says that 40 observation and support planes similar Jo the AL-60 have been sold :to the' outh African Air Force. These aircraft were jointly built by two Italian companies - Aeritalia ano Aermacchi - and equipped' with engines manufactured in Italy by a third firm under license from Avco. Lycoming. A spokesman for Lockheed confirmed that the corporation does own 20% of Aermacchi and that Loqkheed president G.C. Prill sits on the'Aermacchi board of directors. He also confirmed that Aermacchi manufactured what he called the "ALSA-60" under license from Lockheed, but claimed the plane was a small, non-military utility aircraft. He said that "to the best of our knowledge," no ALSA-60's have been built in the last 10 years, adding that he "didn't know for sure," whether' any of the planes had been sold to South Africa. The State Department said it had "no comment" on the reported sales of Rockwell planes to Rhodesia and Lockheed designed planes to South Africa. The big question is how these planes could have left the US without government permission. Even if they were sold to Rhodesia by a third party, (South Africa), th-, US according to its law, is supposed to know and to give its approval on any transaction of this nature. . On the basis of this we can rightly conclude that the US has been involved in gross violation of UN sanctions against Rhodesia. THE FUND but they turn out to be. better off than elsewhere in Africa. Why should Smith agree to majority rule because of this fund? SEELYE: I am not aware that it is an incentive to Smith. SOLARZ: Well then how do we justify it? .SEELYE: 'There will be a viable ,economy. Most of the whites will be very' -reluctant to stay under majority rule in the best of circumstances. They will feel they will not have their high living standards; they will be a minority politically. Unless they get some assurance that the economy will not be chaotic, they will pull out. WHALEN: Isn't one of the other purpose to secure an American ' foothold? We're not doing this thing * just for it gift. 1SEELYE: No, it is not a foothold. "There is an element of that. If there is instability and chaos, it provides a fertile soil forredicalism. That is part of our outlook as it is through out 'the world. 8OLARZ: No one disputes the desire %for' majority rule. The whole .i'qtestion revolves around Smith's in'tentions regarding majority rule. There is very little in the ftind for whites. Its the political conditions that concern them. They will, be losinK their privileged status. I don't see how these threats are mitigated, by this fund. SEELYE: If thoughful whites look round at Zambia, where there is a modern, non-racist regime, they could come to the conclusion that they could be very happy in an independent Zim-. babwe under majority rule. Whites canhave a stake in a new Zimbabwe ...... Did I say Zambia? I meant Kenya. SOLARZ: Was there a Kenya Development Fund? SEELYE: Yes there was a fund. SOLARZ: Those were British were they not? Is it conceivable that Smith would agree because of this fund? SEELYE: He sees tiat it is imperative to have a settlement. He is going to have 'to accept majority rule. SOLARZ: I don't share that view. But if Smith recognises that he has to accept majority rule, the reason for his acceptance is not the fund. SEELYE: The question of, whether whites stay or go is a minor thing. SOLARZ: If this fund doesn't help whites to stay, when they get majority rule, what is the justification for it? SEELYE: To assure that we have a sound economy. We have here a situation which is this: The blacks are not skilled. If they were left on their own, it would all fall apart. Smith would like to do it on an internal basis, but then you would not be getting authentic Zimbabwe leaders. There was a good deal of critical discussion of why Zambia, ..Tanzania and Mozambique are.not included in the package. BOLEN said that Tanzania was getting some bilateral economic development money. But it was clear that the single over-riding concern was ZDF. It seems clear that when the Subcommittee returns from recess around the 20th of April, the ZDF may be cut out and other provisiod put in by amendment so as to reflect the general view of the committee that aid for the region should be more tied to specific economic projects rather than to the questionable politics of ZDF and that if security supporting assistance were to be given to the region, it should comprehend other countries which have borne the burden of the sanctions against Rhodesia. hem begi THE MONOLITHIC ruling' Rhodesia Frdnt, which had 'ruled Zimbabwe undisputed sifce De~ember 1962, cracked and split irreparably in March this year. Contradictions within the Rhodesia Front reached their climax on March 2 when 12 Rhodesia Front members stor- med out of'the Parliamentary Rhodesia Front caucus meeting that was discussing the Land Tenure Amendment Bill. The drama started when Sutton-Pryce the deputy minister in the racist Prime Minister's Office, and eight other RF members walked out of a caucus meeting chaired by Smith himself. The MPs were, John Wright (Eastern), Peter Nilson (Jameson) Robert McGee (Matobo): Tennis Fawcett Philivs (Hillside), Ian Sandman (Gwebi), Gordon Olds (Victoria); Richard HopeHall (Highlands South), Rodney Sim.monds (Mtoko). Former Defence Minister, Reg Cowper (Wankie) and two other MPs, Dr. Colin Barlow (Avondale) and John Newington (Hill'-rest)' who did not attend the caucus ieeting later also withdrew their support from the government and joined, the dissidents. Smith, ' shock ed 'and grim-faced, quietly listened to his former defence minister, Reg 'CoWper, tell the stormy assembly that he had taken his stand because of the government's seeming "itabilfty to meet the present challenge with the'" degree of courage and positivene6s demanded of it". Cowper accused "Ian 'Smith of "highly questionable" practice of excluding him, while he was Minister of Defence, and' Minister of Law and Order, Hilary Squires from consultations with security force commanders. Central to the split in the Rhodesia Front party is the Land Tenure Amendment Bill tabled in the rebel parliament. The Bill sought to introduce a system of "free" landownership of agricultural land by Africans in areas de-signated as "European Areas"; allow non-whites to attend -private schools that had. been previously closed to Africans; attend formerly whites only :pvivate hospitals for treatment; buy commercial and industrial land in central businessdistricts; enter licenced hotels'in rural and urban areas; and get promotions in government ministries including defence. The 12 members of the rebel parliament claimed that the bill cut across basic Rhodesia Front policy of segregation and that it will not bring nationalist leaders to the negotiating table. They put forward their own plan for the future based on the Bantustan or Swiss' canton system of government and on the result of the"Bantustan inning of the end Namibian Turnhalle Conference, :They i(Mashonaland), to ensure A two thirq convassed widely for support. majority for the Smith regime Peter Nilson (Jameson constituency) The split in the Rhodesia Fronts wak said that the government had shattered so serious and the accusations. and couns its credibility and that time to discuss ter.accusations became so nasty that the: land would be at a conference. Colin "national" executive committee held ar; Barlow (Avondale) said he personally emergency meeting in Salisbury on welcomed the. removal of; any March 16 pt which a decision .was discrimination which hurt the dignity of' reached to convene* an emergency man. But he criticised the government congress on April 18. The RF executive for not implementing those parts of the committee consists 'of 'the 50 RF MPA,, Quenet Report it had originally ac- all the 50 constituency chairmen and. cepted. He said the government had eight national officials. The executive once believed that land rights were so also called for a moratorium on public important that it had entrenched the criticism of each other. Land Tenure Act in the constitution and At the special congress on April 18, now there was a complete: turn about. Ian S.- sith easily won the day. There was a large degree of political : The RF gave him a free hand to expediency, behind the racist govern-. negotiate the country's constitutional ment's reason for introducing the Bill, future.' Smith needed two thirds, but it would do nothing into getting majority which he got on the two cruciaL African leaders to the conference table resolutions. and placating outside opinion. Robert. The first resolution, passed by 42i, McGee (Matobo) declared. '"Mv con- 'votes to 25, said "congress accepts the stituency won't go along with thii and. need for a settlement and urges the" they have told me so." He said that the government to ensure that the rights of government's) suggestion that farming jll communities; are meaningfully standards would be maintained under - guaranteed." The second and most vital African ownership was "the joke of the.. authorised the roist governmentv to century." "I will not see our land~given negotiate a settlement but urged it to' away, for this will destroy us all," he strive to abide by the prmcipies ano declared. ' : - : . policies of the RF. This resolution was Angered by the actions of the 12 mem- a "watered-down" version ;of thw bers, Smith called for their resignation scheduled resolution which called ifort and 'to contest by-elections. The the suspension of the Party's principles, dissidents rejected Smith's assertions and policies. contending that they have not violated '.The knife-and-dagger battle wifti Rhodesia: Front polici6s. The dissidents the,RF has'left that party irrevocably got the support of the deputy chairman split into two camps. As we go to the. of the Rhodesia Front, Harold Coleman,' press 4the party has expelled the! :12 who declared: "It is surely logical 'that dissident' members of the racist no member of'parliament who adheres parliament and the party deputy chair,. to party principles can be expelled from man, Harold Coleman. The -position. of. the Rhodesia Front." f Des Frost, the Party. chairman is also-,tI, When the split in the RF surfaced on jeopardy. The disciplinary committee:of March 2,' it was suggested that Smith the RF has been'asked to look into, his would not be able to muster two third activities. I I votes requited to pass 'the Bill, in "; However, the contradiction in tie At parliament. That was not to be. Smitd is not necessarily fundamental. it is not managed to bribe some puppet African class contradition because fynmembers of parliament and intimidated damentaly the ruling class in Rhodeib the so-called deputy ministers to vote ,is one on the issue of preserving white ,with the government. __i supremacy and maintaining the On March 4, the Land Tenure capitalist system. The difference s (Amendment) 'Bill. passed its thIrd merely ones of tactics. ,.. :. . - i. reading by'44 votes to '12. Ten African The Smith regime, having-met $10 members abstained. Two Rhodesia . '"t - backs in its racist poliete in W Front members, .the Minister of Mines last 'decade in' particular 'tile", Gemnw Dillon (Shabani) and Christie (Umtali f'is 0ebea't~disinititutionalisklrawp West) were brought to th6' house'from Whil-tColer and his"cohort still s* their sick beds to vote in the' final vt t ofashioned crude brand of s Pt i division on the Bill. Three African mem. racial policies. Cunning Smith no ,g bers of parliament, Micah Bhebe (Nt- that far him' t0 urvive nnliteallv bea shonalanga) Peter Nkomo (Kariba) and 'to, adopt more subtle,.and sophis t 'Joe Mahlangu (Mpopoma)' voted with methods of oppression. ' -, :,*I the three African deputy ministers, *Z. " 'He realises that blatant 'iaciin M. Bafana (African Agricultur0 bitlived its usefulness and"as'such t Matabeleland) F. .Mlingo (African '*be scrapped "from the racist stat* Education) (Matabeleland) and A. T. books. Instead discrimination bsWeadt Mungate (African Education) economie disparity 'will take bvet

The End Begins show. Since the settlers occupy the top most posts in the economy and political set up of the country, they will still be bs, to exploit the Africans. One of the ,uth organs of apartheid, the "Financial Mail" of February 25 perhaps summed it all up when it said: "A major discrimination factor is the white farmers access to credit." . Over R$100 million a year is available to ibe 6,000 white farmers while only Rfl 'million is available to the 8,000 African Purchase Area Farmers and 600,000 farming families in the Tribal Trust Lands which house 60% of the population... Smith's claim that the TTUL which are to be retained to "protect" the tribesmen, is misleading. TTLs have been turned into labour reservoirs. The quality of land is infetior; over 70% of the land suitable for intensive farming falls into what has been up to now "European area." As far as ihoolinx is concerned, the "Financial Mail" was contemptous. "Government spends a mere R$46.00 per head on the 894,000 African children at. shool, compared to R$557.00 for each of the 56,000 white pupils," it declared. This apart, Africans are still segregated by theMasters and Servants Act and the Industial Conciliation Act which will still continue to exist in the statute books. Also there are no intenided changes in the African (urban areia), Accommodation and Registration Acts, which prevent the families of 127;000 domestic workers from living with them in rooms provided by their masters. Smith's land measures do not in any way radically alter the racist Rhodesian society. It is mere scratching of the surface and dishing out of crumbs to Aficans. The people of Zimbabwe will not accept half-measures, half-freedom, AIf-equality. Zimbabweans want total independence and freedom. Two big questions arise: What has caused the contradictions in the Rlxdesian Front to sharpen now? And w*y should Smith make even these minor concessions? 'Smith cannot help it now. He simply %aises that the writing is on the wall. In deciding whether to make a stand ASiot an African take over during the flRF emergency congress on April 18, f: Ith referred to an increasing white VONQuis from Rhodesia, and the wori i economic and security conditions. 'V1he decisive factor in the RF split and _',ith's seemingly accommodative atj tiod is the intensification of the war in 'Zmbbwe by the Zimbabwe people's lobes of the Patriotic Front. 3 :At the end of 1976, the enemy had lost L'" 1,500 men. 145 vehicles had been p.Goyed, six bridges blown up, 45 airgunned down, three goods trains iled and 22 military and police camps shelled or overrun by the ZIPAforces. From January to 8th April this year, the racists have admitted losing 71 men killed in action. On April 1, the racist regime admitted that' the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army forces had killed more of its terrorist soldiers in the month of March alone than in previous months in the history of the national liberation struggle. According to figures released by the racist regime itself, the total number of aeatihs announced in the month of March was 35, but our military experts and even the racist regime's intelligence believe that the true figure could be ten times higher. The high casualty rate for the month of March brought anguish and pessimism in the Rhodesian Ministry of Defence. New Defence Minister Mark Partridge expressed great "shock" at the latest situation and regarded the casualty figures as "BAD." The effect of the intensification of the armed struggle is reflected in the emmigration of the white settlers out of the country. The racist army is losing men at three times the rate of a year ago. One racist army officer gloomly commented, "We simply cannot afford to take casualties at the current rate for very long." Such a tremendous loss of men and property has inevitably affected the morale and enthusiasm of many vihite settlers. The true figures of whites leaving Rhodesia is much higher than the official figures. According to the regime's statistics nearly 15,000 settlers left the country for good last year. Thousands more who had left the country on the pretext that they were going for a holiday or business trip were never recorded in the statistics that the racists published. Settlers are abandoning homes and property as the price of getting out without red tape or without having served in the armed forces of Smith before being allowed to emigrate legally. No wonder the growing outflow through Salisbury airport has become known as the "Chicken Run." One white business tycoon best summed it all up when he said: "My family is already in South Africa on holiday and Iwill go out on a business trip, and we will never come back. The good life here is over." The Smith regime also got a severe jolt from the USA Carter administration when in March it repealed the Byrd Amendment which had allowed US importation of Rhodesian chrome since 1971 in blatant violation of the UN sanctions against the Smith regime. The Rhodesian regime has tried to comfort itself, by claiming that, jRhodesian chrome will still reach USA despite the ban. What is crucial is not so much that chrome will get to USA. This we know is going to happen. What is important is that unlike between 1971 to early 1977, Rhodesian chrome will not reach the USA legally. It will reach there through underhand means and under the threat of being impounded if the USA wishes to take action. That in itself will be a complication enough for the Smith regime. On the purely diplomatic- level, the British, South Africa and the USA governments together with the other Western countries have been. conducting series of behind-the-scenes consultative meetings in an effort to coordinate their strategies and tactics in particular to pressurize Smith to accept a neocolonialist solution in Zimbabwe now, whilst the sun still shines for him. In the wake of the Geneva debacle imperialism has even found it more urgent and imperative to sacrifice the blatantly racist regime of Smith. In its place imperialism seeks to install an African puppet neo-colonialist regime Smith remained in power to tne extent that imperialism considered him useful. Now that his regime is anachronistic and has outlived its ,ieRfulnems. imperialism is prepared to ditch him without any compunction When David Owen now has the audacity to say Smith is an important element in the checked equation of Zimbabwe conflict but not the only important element or the decisive element, he means that imperialism np longer has any use for Smith. It was not long ago that British and American policy makers often urged that no solution could be reached in Zimbabwe without Smith. But today David Owen can publicly say *he can hold a Constitutional Conference with or without Smith; what a metamorphosis! The change in USA and British strategy and tactics in Zimbabwe and also in Smith's attitude is closely and directly linked with the, drive by the socialist countries to assist national liberation movements in Southern Africa. USA and British calculations are that if they can create a neocolonialist regime in Zimbabwe that can be recognised by the OAU and UN, then this would cut'off Soviet influence in the region as no national liberation movements will go to the socialist countries asking for weapons as they would. be no need for war after a neocolonialist independence. Whether these imperialist calculations are correct or not is immaterial here. Smith is being pushed to a tight corner where he is forced to dance to the tune of Dr. Owen and showers all kinds of praises about Owen's "great qualities." Smith appears to accept his fate: an inglorious end to an inglorious regime.

Bar is new Patriotic Front THE AWE Patriotic sablshed its Headquarters in Dar es Salaam capital city of Tanzania. This was revealed in Lusaka, in a Press statement issued by the Front's Coordinating Committee. The Patriotic Front' (PF) Coordinating Committee was set up in Maputo in January this year. It consists of ten men, five (5) from ZANU and five (5) from ZAPU. The ZANU team is led by Comrade Robert Mugabe, Secretary General and leader of the Party, and includes comrades Simon Muzenda, Mukudzei Mudzi, Josiah Tongogara and Rugare Gumbo. Joshua Nkomo heads the ZAPU team. Other ZAPU members are Joseph Msika, T.G. Silundika, Ndumiso Ndabengwa, and . The decision to establish a Headquarters in Dar es Salaam followed a series of the Front's Coordinating Committee meetings in Dar es Salaam (April 10 to 13), in Luanda (April 18) and Lusaka (April 20). HReadquarters The Patriotic F ont has the very evident imperialist also agreed to open regional manouvres to install a black offices in Maputo and Lusaka. puppet regime. THE Coordinating Coin- The Co-ordinating . Committee of the Patriotic Front mittee attached great urgency met in Dar es Salaam from to the re-organisation of ZIPA the 10th to the 13th April, as a single national fighting 1977, to carry out tasks to force for the liberation of which it was assigned during Zimbabwe and as a counter to the Maputo meeting of the very evident imperialist January 15- 17, 1977. manouvres to install a black The most vital issue was puppet regime. the task of ensuring unity in The Co-ordinating Comthe national liberation mittee also examined the struggle of Zimbabwe. Ac- situation of the Patriotic cordingly the Committee Front in the context of the decided on severalf practical O.A.U. with particular regard steps to consolidate the to the effectiveness of the harmonization of the assistance to the Zimbabwe political, military, diplomatic liberation struggle. On this and propaganda activities of the Committee decided to the components of the make a strong appeal for Patriotic Front, (ZANU and greater assistance from ZAPU) O.A.U. member states, in The Coordinating Coin- view of our definite committee attached great urgency mitment to the intensification to the re-organisation of ZIPA of armed struggle. The burden as a single national fighting of supporting the Zimbabwe force for the liberation of struggle seems to fall on a few Zimbabwe and as a counter to countries, in particular the frontline states economic burden immense. The Patiotic dinating CommittA the implications of British, con manouvres to I liberation struggle. convinced that t Government has intention nor the commitment to transfer and guar power to the Zimbabwe. Unless thq Brit nment proves othei current initiat Patriotic Front cai pected to engage merry-go-round believe constituti cises whose effort ( to distract, mis create false hop minds of the peor babwe. Accordingly the Front will contint steps to intensi liberation struggl surest guarante, genuine and i dependence of the Zimbabwe. THE fighters preparing struggle. to inrensity the armed

ZIMBABWE NEWS ZANU FOREIGN MISSIONS MOZAMBIQUE Headquarters Zimbabwe African National Union C.P. 743 Maputo People's Republic of Mozambique. EAST AFRICA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union P. 0. Box 20762 Dar es Salaam, United Republic of Tanzania. ZAMBIA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union P.O. Box 2331, Lusaka. Republic of Zambia. NORTH AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 3 Ahmed Hishmat Street Zamalek Cairo Arab Republic of Egypt. WEST AFRICA The Represent9tive Zimbabwe African National-Union 4 Balewa Hall University Hall University of lbadan Ibadan Nigeria UNITED KINGDOM The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 29 Mayflower Road London S.W. 9 United Kingdom. CANADA The Chief Representative Zimbabwe African National Union, 4450 Carlton Avenue Montreal 249 Quebec Canada. AUSTRALIA AND FAR EAST The Representative Zimbabwe African National Union 51 Beddon Avenue Clayton Victoria Australia

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