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The Social Danger, Or, Two Years of Socialism in Europe and America

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The Social Danger, Or, Two Years of Socialism in Europe and America LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. S|ap...l.:.lnp5rig^ ^n,. Shelf ._#i_ -^_2. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. / V r\ THE SOCIAL DANGER OR Two Years of Socialism IN EUROPE AND AMERICA. TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OF L’Abbe winterer Chicago and New York: BELEORD, CLARKE & CO. 1886. fay - 2^ HX3^ ■\kl Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1886, by THE ST. VINCENT DePAUL PUBLISHING CO. In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. CONTENTS Translator’s Preface........ Some Words to the Reader.i. FIRST PART. PAGE A glance at the socialistic collectivist movement since 1882. 1 Germany. 9 England. 33 Austria..... 39 Belgium and Holland.,... 46 Spain and Portugal. 53 France. 56 Italy. 67 Poland. 71 Russia. 76 Scandinavia. 80 Servia and Roumania. 84 Switzerland. 86 North America. 91 SECOND PART. Anarchistical Socialism. 98 Germany. 104 England. 106 Austria ...108 Belgium. 115 Spain. 117 France. 121 Italy.134 Russia. 136 Switzerland.156 United States. 161 THIRD PART. General Observations.166 The situation. 167 Nature of the social plague. 169 The cure. 174 Appendix—Anarchism in Chicago and its terrible consequences 184 Mulhouse, le 12 Avril, 1886. Venere Confrere : Je vous accorde volontiers la permission de traduire mon travail sur le Danger Social. Je serai heureux de servir un peu meme en Amerique, la grande cause a laquelle plus que jamais nous devons tous nos devceuments et tous nos sacrifices. Je vous prie d’agreer avec mes meilleurs vceux mes sentiments les plus respectueux, Tout a vous in J. C. L. Winterer. Some Words to the Reader. Six years ago,1 the readers to whom we addressed our first study on contemporaneous socialism, were astonished by it. One critic, who is as eloquent, as he is sincere, M. D. Steyert, has made the following avowal, “the showing seemed so damaging (pessi- miste) that I thought I might offer, at least, as far as the proletariat of France was concerned, some re¬ strictions, but events have shown me that I was wrong, and have done full justice to the foresight of the author.”2 -Yes, events have justified our darkest predictions. Already in 1822s we recognized the alarming progress of socialism. In 1844, in our place in the German Parliament, we thought we were authorized in declaring, that socialism had re¬ treated nowhere and had advanced nearly every where. 1. “ Le Socialisme contemparain, Paris Palme.” 2. Le Salute public, Journol de Lyon, 12 Sept. 1883. 3. Trois annes de l' histoire du Socialism contemporain, Paris: Palme. Of the speakers on that occasion, who followed, no one thought of contradicting us. The first part of the work we now offer to the public was printed when the elections of the 28th October were held in the German Empire. In these elections the social¬ ists gained twenty-four seats in Parliament; they ob¬ tained successes which confirm more than ever our fears, and surpass our predictions. These results were saluted with enthusiasm by the socialists of all countries, who understood their importance. God grant that they who are called by any title whatso¬ ever, to guard society, recognize in their turn the immense gravity of what has happened in Germany! As for us, we do not hesitate to take up again the task we have imposed on ourselves, and to give warning of the recent developments in Germany. This task is not less tiring, than painful; we trust it may be useful. TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE. Permission to translate this work, was accorded by the Abbe Winterer, in his letter from Mulhouse, bearing date, 12th April, 1886. It was not then anticipated that the anarchists of Chicago, would cast into the shade the exploits of their brothers in Europe; and this translation was not undertaken for the purpose of utilizing the Hay Market massacre to obtain circulation. The date of the Abbe’s letter is sufficient evidence of that. The extraordinary progress of socialism for a long time had occupied the mind of the translator. The distinctive characteristics of socialism, anarchism, and nihilism, were known to him, as well as their connection; and the causes of this sudden revolu¬ tion, its importance, its aim, its remedy, would have furnished matter for an original work. But acquaintance with the labors of the Abbe Winterer, brought the conviction, that it would be II better to utilize them, and forego the other purpose. The Abbe Winterer is one of the ablest repre¬ sentatives in the German Imperial Parliament, where he has had a seat for many years, and has observed closely and specially the march of socialism. His position in Parliament, affords him opportunities of seeing, heari'ng, and studying the leaders of the movement; while his residence and station at Mul- house, in the center of the great industrial countries, which France has had to cede to Germany, permit him to examine the progress of the socialistic doc¬ trines among the laboring classes. As Germany is the headquarters of socialsm, and directs and inspires its followers everywhere, a writer of the history of this new revolution would there be best placed for his work. Some circumstances, delayed the publication of this translation until the present moment, and the Hay Market murders, and the trial of the anarchists, have caused many of the incidents narrated in this history to pale. So much more is known now of the nature and aim of socialism, that much of the information given here may be considered as antici¬ pated. Yet a general view of the movement may have its advantages, and the greatness of the local outbreak does not exclude the warning to be received from the knowledge of the unity, the discipline, the wide-spread character and the fanaticism of the attack on social order. Ill It may be beneficial to compare, too, the attacks on order in Europe, with those we had here; and notice the similarity of the tactics. The first note, one may say, of socialism in Europe, is its denial of God; and its leaders are invariably prominent atheists. We are not disposed to say that all the members participate in this denial, but the great majority do. Indeed, the destruction of Religion is considered an essential part of the war to be waged. The socialists in this country, as we have seen, are heartily in union with their colleagues in Europe. The defence of the trial in Chicago, relied a great deal on the influence over the jury of statements, comparisons and declarations, all excluding belief in the Christian revelation. Not one of the convicted men profess to recognize any religious faith. If there be no accountability hereafter, it is difficult to suppose that men fanatically engaged in further¬ ing a cause, should be restrained by such a thing as an oath. And we have seen here, as in Europe, ex¬ amples of the power of such freedom, from the claims of truth. Counter-evidence of a kind singularly apropos, can always be had among revolutionists, whose concience does not restrain. This is a precious advantage for a defence against law, and is not only used abroad, as well as here, but is sanctioned and praised; and it is not permitted, that the formality of an oath should IV in any way mar the interests of the socialistic cause. The weapons for such attacks are nearly the same everywhere. Much is expected from Science. Yet, we think, that there is less danger in bombs and ex¬ plosives, than in the gradual sapping by dangerous doctrines of the very foundations of society. “When the workingmen of England,” says one of their authorities, “become socialists, it will not be enough to say, there are socialists in England, but that England belongs to the socialists. ” This looks prophetic. It will be bad enough when a majority or a considerable minority of the the laboring men become socialists. If such a gangrene gets into the body politic, it will take a sharp operation to remove it before mortification ensues. If ever, in the United States, the laboring classes are imbued with the con¬ viction that revelation, concience, truth, rights, are fictions, no bombs will be needed, no battering rams required. The Republic will fall like Jericho. Then it may be said, Actum est de Republican Of what may be the causes of this new Revolution, and its remedy, the Abbe Winterer will explain. Chicago, Sept. 9, 1886. THE SOCIAL DANGER — OR — TWO YEARS OF SOCIALISM — IN — EUROPE AND AMERICA. FIRST PART. Review of the Movement of Collectivist Socialism since 1882. The readers, who have followed our preceding histories, know what we call collectivist socialism. This kind of socialism rejects all actual economical organization, and with it all social organization. It condemns private property, as we understand it; it asks that all instruments of labor, including the soil, and mines, be held collectively by the State. A small number of socialists would limit themselves to prop¬ erty held collectively, by the Commune. The theory of collective property, in the first sense has been expounded, by the German socialist, Karl Marx. Those who proclaim that doctrine are some¬ times called Marxists. The fundamental idea of the system of Marx is admitted to-day, generally, by the socialists of Europe and America. THE SOCIAL DANGER Collectivist socialism is revolutionary. Its aim is the destruction of the actual social organization. It does not, at least for the present, wish to employ vio¬ lent means. This distinguishes it from anarchism. It desires the diffusion of the socialistic doctrine by all such means as habitual relations, by the press, by reunions, and associations.
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