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Sex Worker Rights Organizing As Social Movement Unionism: Responding to the Criminalization of Work

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Sex Worker Rights Organizing As Social Movement Unionism: Responding to the Criminalization of Work UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones 5-1-2013 Sex Worker Rights Organizing as Social Movement Unionism: Responding to the Criminalization of Work Crystal A. Jackson University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/thesesdissertations Part of the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, Gender and Sexuality Commons, and the Labor Relations Commons Repository Citation Jackson, Crystal A., "Sex Worker Rights Organizing as Social Movement Unionism: Responding to the Criminalization of Work" (2013). UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones. 1844. http://dx.doi.org/10.34917/4478263 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SEX WORKER RIGHTS ORGANIZING AS SOCIAL MOVEMENT UNIONISM: RESPONDING TO THE CRIMINALIZATION OF WORK By Crystal A. Jackson Bachelor of Arts in Psychology University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2003 Master of Arts in Sociology University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2007 Graduate Certificate in Women’s Studies University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2009 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology Department of Sociology College of Liberal Arts The Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2013 ADDENDUM -- ERRATA This dissertation was updated in January 2014 to make minor, non-substantive changes from what appeared in the original document as defended. Some participants chose to use their real names when they provided informed consent, but later found that doing so may not be in their best interest. As a result, the author and her doctoral committee members agreed that removing names and identifying information from the document would be the best course of action. These changes to anonymize participants has no impact on the substantive content of the dissertation, the research, or the findings. Changes to the following pages: vii-viii, ix, 1, 10, 11, 16, 66, 67, 74-80, 96, 98, 100-102, 104-108, 110, 112, 120-124, 126, 128, 131, 132, 134-137, 139, 142, 143, 144-147, 157, 160-167, 170, 171-176, 178- 180, 184, the original Appendix B was removed. THE GRADUATE COLLEGE We recommend the dissertation prepared under our supervision by Crystal A. Jackson entitled Sex Worker Rights Organizing as Social Movement Unionism: Responding to the Criminalization of Work be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology Department of Sociology Barbara Brents, Ph.D., Committee Chair Kathryn Korgan, Ph.D., Committee Member Christie Batson, Ph.D., Committee Member Marcia Gallo, Ph.D., Graduate College Representative Tom Piechota, Ph.D., Interim Vice President for Research & Dean of the Graduate College May 2013 ii ABSTRACT Sex Worker Rights Organizing as Social Movement Unionism: Responding to the Criminalization of Work by Crystal A. Jackson Dr. Barbara G. Brents, Examination Committee Chair Professor of Sociology University of Nevada, Las Vegas In a post-industrial, de-regulated economy, worker organizing is changing shape and function. While much research has focused on the decline of U.S. union organizing and the difficulty of organizing today’s workers, a growing body of research on social movement unionism interrogates how “un-organizable” and “non-traditional” workers like day laborers and domestic workers are organizing. Yet sex worker activism in the U.S. is little studied, which is interesting given sex workers unique position as criminalized and contingent workers. Based on a two year ethnographic study from 2010 to 2012 of a national sex worker rights organization, the Desiree Alliance (DA), I examine the organizational structure and organizational goals of sex worker activists and their allies. I find that the Desiree Alliance embodies many characteristics of social movement unionism, such as an internally democratic structure, a reliance on a small, dedicated core of activists to maintain the organization, and an emphasis on worker development and community building over political advocacy or collective bargaining. However, there are also aspects of the Desiree Alliance (DA) that do not fit with, and arguably problematize, the social movement unionism model. First, organizationally, as an alliance, the DA has no physical space, with decentralized leadership and diffuse membership spread across the country. Second, DA organizational goals revolve around community building and worker empowerment precisely because sex work is largely criminalized. Criminalization iii necessitates a strong internal support system. Further, it limits worker’s political efforts to the criminal justice system. Third, anti-trafficking advocacy shapes sex workers’ collective identity, and impacts the success or failure of political advocacy efforts to decriminalize sexual labor. Arguing for decriminalization from a labor rights approach has been ineffective thus far, while using a language of protection—the language of mainstream anti-trafficking advocacy—has won some gains at the state level, such as the removal of prostitution charges for someone found to be trafficked at the time of arrest. Therefore I argue that “social movement unionism” as a concept has yet to fully theorize the contemporary relationships between criminalization, contingent labor, and class, race, gender, and sexuality. Criminalized workers develop a counter-ideology in response to a socio- legal master status. In this way, worker rights intersect with citizenship rights. Social movement unionism literature fails to make explicit the role of criminalization as a form of labor control. And while social movement unionism research emphasizes the necessity of localized efforts, it has yet to parse out the different types and meanings of political advocacy. Overall, the sociological imperative to relate late capitalist worker organizing to early 20th century unionizing overshadows the changing faces and changing needs of low-wage, contingent workers in the U.S. economy. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my advisor, chair, and mentor, Dr. Barb Brents, for her continued guidance and support. Barb, I am forever grateful for your kindness and patience. I would also like to thank my amazing committee members, Dr. Kate Korgan, Dr. Christie Batson, and Dr. Marcia Gallo for their enthusiasm and understanding. I am also grateful to the numerous scholars beyond my committee who have influenced me as a feminist sociologist. Thank you to Dr. Jennifer Keene and Dr. Ana Prokos for encouraging me to join Sociologists for Women in Society, an organization that has become an intellectual home for me. I cannot thank enough the UNLV Women’s Studies professors who inspired me and helped me develop as an activist-scholar: Dr. Anita T. Revilla, Dr. Lynn Comella, Dr. Lois Helmbold, and Dr. S. Charusheela. Thank you, Anita, for your patience, love, and caring throughout my graduate school career and teaching me about social justice in the classroom. I am indebted to the Women’s Research Institute of Nevada (WRIN) and the Jean Nidetch Women’s Center (JNWC). Without WRIN’s NEW Leadership Nevada program, I may have never found my path. Both WRIN and JNWC provided me unique research and outreach opportunities during my time at UNLV. Thank you to WRIN’s director, Dr. Joanne Goodwin, for helping me grow from student to program manager. Applying my academic knowledge in new and different ways solidified my commitment to community and social change. I am also deeply appreciative that I have had strong peer support, from informal conversations to formal support groups—thank you, socio-grads! And a special thank you to my family and close friends, without whom this journey would have felt incomplete. Thank you to my parents, Paula and André, and my sister, Rachel, for your abundance of care and love, thank you to my friends outside of academia for your unending cheerleading, and a huge thank you to v my partner, Jesse, for your love, caring, and kindness. You all provided me with strength and confidence at every step. Finally, I am forever grateful to all the activists that I have met through the course of my research. Your activism inspires me! I truly believe that research is a path toward social change, and this project is my thanks to you. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT………………………………..………………………………………………………………………………………………..iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….v LIST OF FIGURES…………………..…………………………………………………………………………………………………….ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................ 1 Rationale .................................................................................................................................... 7 Research Design ........................................................................................................................
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