"EL SON DE N' ALAMANDA": ANOTHER MELODY BY A TROBAIRITZ?

A Thesis

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree of Master of Arts in the

Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Billee Ann Bonse, B.A.

* * * * *

The Ohio State University 1997

Master's Examination Committee:

Dr. Charles Atkinson, Adviser

Dr. Lois Rosow I Adviser Dr. Karen Winstead School of Music ABSTRACT

The literary contributions of the trobairitz, or women troubadours to medieval courtly lyric have been well documented. Far less can be determined regarding their musical contributions, for, despite several references within the trobairitz corpus suggesting sung performances, only one melody has been attributed with some certainty to a trobairitz: "A chantar m'er de so que no volria" by the Comtessa de Dia.

In this thesis, I explore the possibility of ascribing a second melody to a trobairitz. The tune in question accompanies the tenso "S'ie.us qier cosseill, bell'ami'Alamanda," a poem of debate ostensibly composed between the troubadour Giraut de Borneil and a donzella, or demoisel Alamanda. Both the melody and the text of the tenso have been transmitted in the troubadour chansonniers solely under Giraut's name. Yet the earliest chansonniers were not compiled until the mid-thirteenth century, an era when Giraut's status as a troubadour had reached legendary proportions. It is therefore not inconceivable that the prestige of Alamanda's literary partner might have eclipsed her contributions to the tenso. Nevertheless, it is the attribution of the tenso solely to Giraut that has persisted in the standard modern anthologies of troubadour lyric.

By reconstructing a viable context for the conception and reception of

"S'ie. us qier cosseill," an alternate scenario of the legends passed down in the

ii chansonniers emerges. There is, in fact, compelling evidence to suggest that

Alamanda was the composer of the melody, namely, the presence of two contrafactathat are easily performed to the tune of the tenso and that recognize their indebtedness to Alamanda. The allusions that these poets make to the "son de n'Alamanda" imply an early transmission of the melody in Alamanda's rather than Giraut's name. This complex of borrowing is further strengthened by medieval theorists' observations that a tenso be composed to a borrowed rather than a newly-composed melody. The implication is that when Giraut initiated the tenso, he did not create a new melody, but rather borrowed a tune composed by Alamanda.

My research culminates in a comparative analysis of the melody for

"S'ie.us qier cosseill, bell'ami'Alamanda" with the other songs attributed to

Giraut de Borneil, a necessary consideration for understanding the full implications of Alamanda's possible contributions and a step that has not been taken elsewhere. Through melodic analysis, I do not claim to uncover a

"feminine" voice. Instead, I intend to determine the degree to which

Alamanda's hypothesized compositional voice might be distinguished from that of Giraut.

My reevaluation of the evidence provides a compelling argument for admitting the possibility of a second melody by a trobairitz into the realm of

probability. Furthermore, by challenging the systematic exclusion of

Alamanda from discussions of troubadour melody, I hope to encourage new

hearings and informed performances of the "son de n'Alamanda" as well as

stimulate further inquiry into the contributions made by medieval women

composers.

iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to thank my adviser, Charles Atkinson, for his enthusiasm and support throughout the course of my research. The insights that he provided have greatly enriched this document. I thank Lois Rosow and Karen Winstead for their valuable contributions and suggestions during my research and writing. I also thank Hans-Erich Keller for his enthusiasm and patience in teaching me Occitan. I am especially grateful to Margaret Switten for sharing her materials and her enthusiasm for the subject matter with me. 1 also wish to thank my family and my friends for their constant love and encouragement throughout this project.

iv VITA

March 1, 1970 ...... Born - Sioux Falls, South Dakota

1993 ...... B.A. French and Music History University of Wisconsin - Madison

1994-1995 ...... University Fellow, The Ohio State University

1995 - present ...... Graduate Teaching Associate, The Ohio State University

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Music Specialization: Music History

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract ...... ii i\cknowledgments ...... iv

Vita ...... v

List of Figures ...... vii

List of Musical Examples ...... viii introduction ...... 1

Investigation into the "Son den' Alamanda" ...... 8

Conclusion ...... 54

Select Bibliography ...... 56

Appendices:

A. Sigla and Shelfmarks of the Manuscripts Transmitting "S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell' ami' Alamanda" ...... 61

B. Text and Translation of "S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell' ami' Alamanda"...... 62

C Text and Translation of the Exchange of Coblas between Bernart Arnaut and Na Lombarda ...... 66

D. The Razo of "S' ie·us qi er cosseill, bell' ami' Alamanda" ...... 69

E. Translation of the Razo ...... 70

F. Translations of the First Strophes of "Leu chansonet'e vii," "Non puesc sofrir," and "Reis glorios" ...... 71

vi LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1 The melody of "S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell'ami' Alamanda" as notated on folio 8 of Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds fran~is 22543 ...... 4

2 Map of Occitania: Comte of Toulouse ...... 12

3 Map of Chateaux in Gascogne ...... 17

4 Melodic transcription of "Leu chansonet' e vii" as notated on folio 9v of manuscript R ...... 33

5 Melodic transcription of "Non puesc sofrir c' a la dolor'' as notated on folio 82 of manuscript R ...... 34

6 Melodic transcription of "Reis glorios, verais lums e clardatz" as notated on folio 8v of manuscript R ...... 40

7 Melodic transcription of "S'ie.us qier cosseill, bell' ami Alamanda" as notated on folio 8 of manuscript R ...... 47

8 Comparative Table of the Melodies Attributed to Giraut de Borneil ...... 52

vii LIST OF MUSICAL EXAMPLES

Example

1 Phrases A of "Leu chansonet' e" and D of "Non puesc sofrir". . . . . 36

2 Phrases B of "Leu chansonet'e" and B' of "Non puesc sofrir'' ..... 37

3 Phrases H of "Leu chansonet' e" and F of "Non puesc sofrir" ..... 38

4 Text Setting of the Opening Lines in "Leu chansonet'e," "Non puesc sofrir," and "Reis glorios" ...... 41

5 Phrases C of "Reis glorios" and B of "Leu chansonet' e" ...... 44

6 Phrases D and E of "Reis glorios" and Phrases B, C, and D of "Leu chansonet' e" ...... 45

7 Phrases D of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" and F and G of "Leu chansonet' e" ...... 48

8 Phrases A of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" and C of "Non puesc sofrir'' .. .49

9 Phrase E of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" ...... 50

viii INTRODUCTION

The trobairitz corpus, comprising the works of twenty named women troubadours as well as several anonymous voices, has been established at around forty texts.1 Despite this relative wealth of poems by women, only one melody has been ascribed with some certainty to a trobairitz: "A chantar m'er de so que no volria" ("I must sing about that which I'd rather not") by the Comtessa de Dia.2 The circumstances surrounding the transmission of the tune to "A chantar m' er" are representative of issues underlying authorship in the troubadour repertoire as a whole. As is true of most troubadour melodies, the tune to "A chantar m' er'' is found in only one chansonnier, making it impossible to establish concordances with other sources. Furthermore, "not unusual" for the Chansonnier du roi (Paris,

Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~ais 844), where the melody for "A chantar m' er'' is preserved on folio 204r I 204v, the piece is transmitted without

1 For a brief overview of the trobairitz corpus, see William D. Paden's editorial introduction to The Voice of the Trobairitz (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989) 1-28. A comprehensive study of the trobairitz--a "maximal corpus" that is expanded to admit a total of forty­ six texts--can be found in Angelica Rieger, Trobairitz: Der Beitrag der Frau in der altokzitanischen hOfischen Lyrik. Edition des Gesamtkorpus, Zeitschrift fOr romanische Philologie 233 (TObingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1991). 2 The resulting ratio of melody to text (1 :40) within the trobairitz corpus is considerably lower than that for the troubadour repertoire as a whole, with approximately 260 of 2500 troubadour texts notated with melodies (1 :9.6). The latter statistics are taken from Elizabeth Aubrey, "Forme et Formule dans les Melodies des Troubadours," Actes du premier congres international de !'Association internationale d'etudes occitanes, ed. Peter T. Ricketts (London: L'Association internationale d'etudes occitanes, 1987) 70.

1 attribution.3 The melody is set with a "Frenchified"4 and gender-modified version of the first strophe of the Comtessa de Dia's original Occitan poem.s (The remaining strophes of the song were never entered into the space provided.) Even with these variants the text can be securely ascribed to the Comtessa de Dia. The same cannot be said of the melody. Attributing the melody to her, and not to an anonymous jongleur or scribe, admits such a degree of uncertainty that other viable hypotheses must legitimately be considered. The above example demonstrates the possibility of a composer's name becoming detached from his or her compositions during the course of transmission. Related questions of authorship within the troubadour corpus arise from contradictory attributions within the chansonniers. For example, in Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~ais 22543 (hereafter referred to as R)6 a melody that is attributed to Peire Cardenal on folio 72 reappears on folio 84 as the work of Giraut de Borneil.7 Elizabeth Aubrey gets to the heart of the dilemma facing musicological research when she writes: "Mais quel troubadour a compose la melodie? On l'ignore."8 Without this knowledge, the decision to attribute the melody to one composer and not to another may be made only by weighing the evidence, and the result will be tentative.

3 Vincent Pollina, "Melodic Continuity in A Chantar m'er of the Comtessa de Dia," Miscellanea di Studi Romanzi offerta a Giuliano Gasca Queirazza, ed. Anna Cornagliotti (Torino: Edizioni dell'Orso, 1988) 888n2. 4 This term is borrowed from Pollina 887. s The Comtessa refers to herself as an "amia," the feminine form of "friend." In the Chansonnier du roi, this feminine form is transformed into the masculine "amigs." 6 Manuscript sigla used in this paper are those established by Karl Bartsch in GrundriB zur Gesch~hte der provenzalischen Literatur (Elberfeld: Friderichs, 1872). 7 The melody in question accompanies Peire Cardenal's "Ar mi pose eu lauzar d'amor" and Giraut's "Non puesc sofrir c'a la dolor." For orthography of the latter troubadour's name, see Antoine Thomas, "'Giraut de Borneil' ou 'Guiraut de Bornelh?'" Romania 35 (1906): 106-9. 8 Aubrey 70.

2 Given the presence of often uncertain attributions within the written transmission of troubadour melodies, it would seem that the possibility of an additional melody by a trobairitz deserves further consideration by musicologists. The melody in question, for which contradictory medieval attributions do in~eed exist, is the tune accompanying the tenso "S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell' ami' Alamanda" involving the troubadour Giraut de Borneil and a donzella, or demoisel, named Alamanda.9 When this tenso was notated with its melody circa 1300 in manuscript R, it was attributed solely to Giraut de Bomeil (see Figure 1).10 As early as 1183, however, the melody of the same tenso had been acknowledged by Giraufs contemporary Bertran de Born as the "son de n' Alamanda" ("the tune of Lady Alamanda").11 It is the attribution of the melody to Giraut that has persisted in the standard modem editions of troubadour song.12 Likewise, in the general anthologies of troubadour lyric, Alamanda's contribution to the text of the tenso has commonly been tacitly dismissed by modem editors, who include

9 The tenso is defined as a ·dialogue or debate poem between two speakers who express opposite points of view in alternating strophes of identical poetic structure.· Margarita Egan, trans., The Vidas of The Troubadours (New York: Garland, 1984) 114. 1 O Figure 1 represents the melody as it appears in the right column of folio 8 in manuscript R. The entire text of US'ie·us qier cosseill" was written out completely in the bottom left and top right columns of folio 8 without its melody. The scribe then copied another entire poem before recopying the first strophe of US'ie·us qier cosseill" with the melody. Elizabeth Aubrey postulates that 'the scribe must have come across the music for this poem after he had already copied it, and, finding that he had left no room to enter the notes, recopied the first strophe." A Study of the Origins. History and Datation of the Troubac:tour Chansonnier Paris. Bibi. Nat .. tr. 22543 (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1982) 43. 11 This allusion is made in line 25 of UD'un sirventes no·m cal far loignor ganda." For the complete text and translation, see William D. Paden, Tilde Sankovitch, and Patricia H. Stablein, eds., The Poems of the Troubadour Bertran de Born (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986) 184- 89. 12 Hendrik van der Wert and Gerald A. Bond, eds., The Extant Troubadour Melodies: Transcriptions and Essays tor Pertormers and Scholars (Rochester, N.Y.: author, 1984); and Ismael Fernandez de la Cuesta and Robert Lafont, eds., Las caocons dels trobadors (Toulouse: lnstitut d'Etudes Occitanes, 1979).

3 Figure 1: The melody of "S'ie·us qi~r cosseill, bell'ami' ~lamanda" as notated on folio 8 of Paris, Bibliotheque Nahonale, fonds fran~a1s 22543

4 "S'ie·us qier cosseill" in their collections but omit Alamanda from the index of authors.13 The dismissal of Alamanda's possible contribution to text and music in "S'ie·us qier cosseill" is based upon the twofold assumption that Alamanda was fictitious, a poetic invention of Giraut de Borneil, and that for Bertran de Born, Alamanda's name signified nothing other than an incipit and "identifying tag" for Giraurs tenso.14 This conclusion is demonstrably arbitrary, however, and substantial proof against Alamanda has yet to be furnished.15 Consequently, Alamanda's participation in the tenso remains a possibility for many scholars, especially those who specialize in the poems of the women troubadours.16 Perhaps the most decisive factor in the historical treatment of Alamanda has been the written transmission of "S' ie·us qier cosseill." ln addition to manuscript R, all of the other manuscripts that preserve the text of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" present it under the name of Giraut de Bomeil (see Appendix A for a list of these manuscripts with their sigla). In two of these

13 R. T. Hill and Thomas G. Bergin, eds., Anthology of the Provencal Troubadours, 2d ed. rev. by Thomas G. Bergin, 2 vols. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973); and Martin de Riqier, Los trovadores: Historia literaria ytextos, 3 vols. (Barcelona: Planeta, 1975). 14 Hill and Bergin assert: "But it is very possible that this tenso is fictitious. At any rate Alamanda was the poem's identifying tag, for Bertran de Born calls its melody the so de n'AJamanda." Anthology 23. Likewise, Ruth Verity Sharman argues that Alamanda "is probably fictional" and that Bertran de Born "composed (his) poem 'to the tune of my lady Alamanda' (meaning to the tune of Giraut's S'ie.us qier)." The cansos and sirventes of the troli>aciour Giraut de Borneil: a critical edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989) 11 . 15 Shannan, for example, argues that "Giraut probably chose the name Alamanda simply for the sake of rhyme." The cansos 11 n45. It could just as legitimately be argued that Giraut modelled his rhyme scheme after Alamanda's name. 16 See, for example, Oscar Schultz-Gora, Die provenzalischen Dichterinnen (Leipzig: Gustav Fack, 1888); Pierre Bee, Chants d'amour des femmes-troubadours: Trobairitz et 'chansons de femme' (N.p.: Editions Stock, 1995); Matilda Tomaryn Bruckner, Laurie Shepard, and Sarah White, eds. and trans., Songs of the Women Troubadours (New York: Garland Pli>lishing, 1995); and most notably, Angelica Rieger, who has attempted an historical identification of Alamanda in "Alamanda de Castelnau-Une trobairitz dans !'entourage des comtes de Toulouse?," Zeitschrift tur romanische Philologie 107 (1991): 47-57.

5 manuscripts, a biography for Alamanda is suggested through a razo, or reason for composition, preceding the tenso.17 As a genre, however, the razo is known to mix fact with fantasy.18 Scholars have consequently approached the razo for "S'ie·us qier cosseill" with skepticism, generally dismissing any information it might provide about Alamanda's biography.19 While the general lack of acknowledgment of Alamanda in the chansonniers is rather striking, it is not necessarily without explanation. That the chansonniers were not always accurate in their attributions has already been demonstrated. The explanation for the resulting questions of authorship lies in the nature of the source material. Even the earliest chansonniers were not compiled until the mid-thirteenth century, at least a century after the first generation of troubadours had flourished. The dynamics of a century of oral transmission are reflected in the numerous discrepancies and variants between--and within--the troubadour manuscripts, with each capturing the tradition in a different stage. The piece that becomes fixed on parchment was subject not only to scribal error, but also to time and place of compilation.20 Thus, the scribal attributions of the tenso "S'ie·us qier cosseill" to Giraut de Bomeil may reflect the transmission of the piece after 1250 but not necessarily on its conception and reception seventy years earlier.

17 These are Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps 191 O (N2) and Barcelona, Biblioteca de Cataluna, 146 (Sg). 18 Elizabeth Wilson Poe, From Poetry to Prose in Old Provencal: The Emergence of the 'Vidas.' the 'Razos.' and the 'Razos de trobar' (Birmingham: Summa, 1984). 19 Alfred Jeanroy, for example, calls the razo a ·jolie historiette" in La poesie lyriQue des troubadours, 2 vols. (Toulouse: Edouard Privat, 1934) 1: 311-12; and, in her attempt to idemify a historical Alamanda, Rieger altogether dismisses the information provided by the razo. • Alamanda" 52. 20 For an overview of the manuscript transmission of troubadour lyric and the various theories on the transition from oral to written culture, see William D. Paden, "Manuscripts," A Handbook of the Troubadours, eds. F. R. P. Akehurst and Judith M. Davis (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995) 307-33.

6 And, in light of the legendary status accorded to Giraut in these chansonniers, it is certainly not inconceivable that a donzella's contribution to one song might have been eclipsed decades after its composition by the prestige of her literary partner. By placing the "son de n' Alamanda" within a constellation of related issues, I explore the plausibility of ascribing a second melody to a trobairitz. My research culminates in a comparative analysis of the melody for "S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell' ami' Alamanda" with the other songs attributed to Giraut de Borneil. This analysis is intended to determine the degree to which Alamanda' s hypothesized compositional voice might be distinguished from that of Giraut. I do not attempt to prove beyond doubt that Alamanda, as an equal partner in the ten so, was indeed the composer of its melody. Instead, I reevaluate the evidence in order to ascertain whether the possibility of Alamanda' s having composed the melody can be elevated to the level of probability.

* * *

7 INVESTIGATION INTO THE "SON DE N' ALAMANDA"

In 1183, the troubadour Bertran de Born wrote a sirventes 21 in which he acknowledges as his formal model and melodic source the "son de n' Alamanda:"22

cosseill vuoill dar el son den' Alamanda lai a·n Richart, si tot no lo·m demanda.

I want to give advice to Richard, there, to the tune of Lady Alamanda, even if he hasn't asked me for it. (ll. 25-26)23

The source of Bertran's borrowed tune and formal scheme is the tenso "S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell'ami' Alamanda" ("If I seek your advice, dear friend Alamanda") between a donzella named Alamanda and the troubadour Giraut de Borneil (see Appendix B for the complete text and translation). Both the text and melody of this tenso have been traditionally transmitted under Giraut's name. Yet Bertran de Born's attribution of his borrowed tune to Alamanda, and not to the legendary Giraut, raises intriguing questions as to the extent of Alamanda's contribution to the melody of "S'ie·us qier cosseill."

21 The sirventes is defined as a •moralizing poem, political, personal or didactic in tone, dealing with subjects other than love (war, politics, moral and social decadence of the time.) Sirventes often imitate the melody and rhyme-scheme of love songs." Egan 114. 22 Son is defined as tune or melody. In Occitan, son is differentiated from canso, or song, which was a fusion of both motz e sons, words and melody. Poe 2-3. 23 Translation mine. In Paden's edition of The Poems of the Troubadour Bertran de Born, son is translated as "song," and the honorary title that Bertran uses to refer to Alamanda, na, is left untranslated.

8 In this tenso, Giraut is seeking the return of his lady's favor, and he asks Alamanda, his lady's donzella, for her advice as well as her intercession on his behalf. When Bertran de Born composed his sirventes to criticize the political struggles between the brothers Young Henry and Richard of Aquitaine, his choice of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" as a model was carefully considered. In his own poem, Bertran relates his position as Richard's adviser to Alamanda's role in the tenso, jocosely implying a comparison of Richard to the rejected lover of fin 'amors. By adopting Alamanda's very stance in the debate, Bertran acknowledges the importance of her contribution to the tenso. Furthermore, Bertran's reference to Alamanda with the honorary title 11 a suggests a level of respect that would be extraneous were he merely invoking her name as an incipit to the tenso.24 Writing as a contemporary to Giraut and Alamanda, Bertran de Born is the closest witness to the circumstances of authorship in their tenso. His reference to the "son den' Alamanda" suggests that the melody was originally circulated and recognized as the work of Alamanda. An exchange of coblas, or verses, dating from the next generation of troubadours (beginning of the thirteenth century), also contains a striking reference to a Lady Alamanda that would seem to support Bertran's suggestion regarding Alamanda's role as

24 It is interesting, for example, that Lo Monge de Montaudon's imitation of Bertran de Born's song "Rassa, tan creis e mont' e poja," is acknowledged by the scribe of R to be written "el so de la Rassa." Rassa, who was the addressee of Bertran's poem, thus becomes an identifying tag for Lo Monge's model through the use of the definite article. Uc de Saint Circ, on the other hand, cites the names of troubadours from whom he is borrowing with the honorary title en (masculine form of na), writing one sirventes "el son d'en Arnaut Plagues" and another "en aquest so d'en Gui." In his article on contratacta, Frank M. Chambers does not make this distinction, considering Alamanda, like Rassa, to be merely "some person mentioned in the poem." See "Imitation of Form in the Old Provencal Lyric," Romance Philology 6 (1953): 119.

9 composer. In this exchange, Bemart Amaut, Count of Armagnac is praising Lady Lombarda of Toulouse and compares her to two ladies named Alamanda and Giscarda:

Lombards volgr' eu eser per Na Lonbarda, q' Alamanda no.m plaz tan ni Giscarda...

I'd like to be a Lombard for Lady Lombarda; I'm not as pleased by Alamanda or Giscarda... (lines 1-2)25

In her reply to the count, Lady Lombarda thanks Bernart Arnaut for having held her in the ranks of two such fine ladies:

... e grans merses, seigner, car vos agrada c'ab tals doasdomnasmi aves nomnada .

... and many thanks, my lord, for being kind enough to mention me with two great ladies. (lines 23-24)

While this reference to a lady named Alamanda may seem nondescript, the structure of their coblas is a near contrafact of the Alamanda-Giraut tenso and is thus easily adapted to its melody.26 The practice of this "somewhat freer imitation" has been identified in several other troubadour pieces, proving that imitation need not have been strict to be considered recognizable.27 Furthermore, the borrowing and adapting of poetic structures was in all likelihood intended to create "a game of recognition and play for the public of

25 This translation is taken from Bruckner ~ 70-73. Her complete edition and translation of the exchange of cob/as can be found in Appendix C. 26 Rieger, "Alamanda" 50n14. Performance of the cob/as to the melody of "S'ie-us qier cosseill"-­ transcribed below in Figure 8--merely requires omitting the fifth musical phrase (C) and dividing the seventh musical phrase (E) between lines 6 and 7 of the verse. 27 For example, the strophes of Lo Monge de Montaudon's imitation written "el so de la Rassa" (discussed above, n17) are two lines shorter than the strophes of Bertran de Born's original. Yet in manuscript R, both poems are preserved with essentially the same melody, the former merely omitting two of the plTases found in the latter. Chambers, "Imitation," 117.

10 connoisseurs."28 The implication of the exchange between Bernart Arnaut and Na Lombarda, then, is a second suggestion that the melody of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" was originally recognized--at least in certain poetic circles--as the work of Alamanda. The "game of recognition" that is suggested in the intertextuality of the tenso, the sirventes, and the exchange of coblas is further strengthened by the geographic cohesion of this particular circle of poets. During his long career (circa 1160 to 1200), Giraut de Bomeil had associations in Limousin with the feudal lord Aimar V of Limoges--in geographic proximity to Bertran de Born's home at Autafort--as well as in Spain where his patron was most likely Alfonso II of Aragon.29 His travels between these two regions, probably on more than one occasion, would have likely brought him through the lands of the Count of Armagnac, who was a supporter of Alfonso's claims in Gascogne30 (see map in Figure 2).31 In view of the acknowledgment of Alamanda by Bemart Arnaut and Na Lombarda, it was perhaps in this very region that Alamanda lived and the tenso "S'ie·us qier cosseill" was composed. This supposition, while admittedly speculative, will be explored in greater detail below in conjunction with the razo. In light of the contemporary evidence that would support Alamanda' s contribution to text and music in the tenso, it may seem striking that her name was consistently excluded from the rubrics in manuscripts transmitting "S'ie·us qier cosseill." Yet the absence of Alamanda's name from the rubrics is

28 Bruckner et al. xii. 29 Shannan 4. 30 Jacques Gardelles, Les Chateaux du Moyen Age dans la France du Sud-Quest: La Gascogne anglaise de 1216 a 1327 (Paris: Arts et Metiers Graphiques, 1972) 10. 31 The map of Occitania is taken from Robert S. Briffault, The Troubadours (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965) before 3.

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Figure 2: Map of Occitania: Comte of Toulouse not necessarily without explanation. First, the temporal and geographic cohesion of the poetic circle traced above leaves open the possibility that Alamanda' s fame was highly localized. Indeed, with only one song in her name, Alamanda would not necessarily have enjoyed a large reputation as a trobairitz. Rather, the wide dissemination of "S' ie·us qier cosseill" was more likely tied to the popularity of her literary partner. Thus, it may be possible that even for contemporary listeners outside of a certain social circle, Bertran de Born's reference to the "son den' Alamanda" may very well not have signified anything more than the incipit to a poem by the widely-renowned Giraut de Borneil. Furthermore, by the time the earliest troubadour chansonniers were copied, a century had passed since the composition of "S'ie·us qier cosseill," and Giraut de Borneil' s reputation as a troubadour had reached legendary proportions. Giraut's vida, or biography, proclaims that he:

fo meiller trobaire que negus d' aquels qu' eron estat denan ni foron apres lui; per que fo apellatz maestre dels trobadors...

was a better troubadour than any of those who had been before or were after him; for that he was called master of the troubadours .. .32

This pronouncement is confirmed in the vida of Peire d' Auvergne, who is surpassed in merit only by Giraut: "Et era tengutz per lo meillor trobador del mon, tro que venc Guirautz de Borneill" ("And he was considered the best

32 Translation mine. The alternate interpretation of maestre as "teacher" has interesting implications for the role Giraut could have played in Alamanda's formation as a donzella, nor would this interpretation conflict with indications of Guiraut's fame. This discussion will be pursued in more detail below. The complete vida, transmitted in Mss. ABEIKN2R and Sg (refer to Appendix A for the key to the sigla) is transcribed by Jean Boutiere and A.-H. Schutz, eds., Biographies des Troubadours (Toulouse: Edouard Privat, 1949) 190-92.

13 troubadour in the world until Giraut de Borneil appeared").33 It would therefore seem possible that Alamanda' s contribution to text and melody in the tenso "S'ie·us qier cosseill" could have been largely subsumed by Giraut's legendary stature as the "maestre dels trobadors." There are, nevertheless, two chansonniers--Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalufta, 146 and Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps 1910 (hereafter referred to as Sg and N2, respectively)34 --that attempt to provide a biography for Alamanda. Both of these manuscripts contain razos for seven poems by Giraut de Borneil, one of which is "S'ie·us qier cosseill." The razo for "S'ie·us qier cosseill" is, in essence, the same in both manuscripts, although there are differences in dialect and in detail.35 One of these differences in detail is pivotal for this study: namely, both versions name Giraut's lady (on whose behalf Alamanda is arguing), and both situate her in Gascogne, but only N2 identifies her with a surname. Because this detail provides the closest opportunity for the historical identification of Alamanda, the version of the razo found in N2 will be used in this discussion (see Appendix D for the text of the razo and Appendix E for the translation). As a genre, the razo has been questioned for its historical reliability due to a blurred distinction between fact and legend. Elizabeth Wilson Poe

33 Translation mine. Peire d'Auvergne's vida is in Boutiere and Schutz 218-20. 34 Sg is a fourteenth-century manuscript {c. 1350-75) compiled in Catatonia. N2 is a paper manuscript of the sixteenth century, a copy of a lost chansonnier. Further research into the dialect of N2 and what it might reveal about the date and provenance of the original is needed. Interestingly, no stemmatic relationship between Sg and N2 has been established. If the two manuscripts do indeed represent different sources, the concordances between the two versions of the seven razos could potentially lend credence to taking their details seriously. A detailed analysis of many of the chansonniers, including Sg (there referred to with the sigla V), has been undertaken by Fr~is Zufferey in Recherches linguistiques sur les chansonniers provencaux {Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1987). 35 To compare the details of both versions of the razo, see Boutiere and Schutz 193-94.

14 observes that the author of a razo may have found a "ready made razo in the poetic text," drawing upon the names in the poem as "raw material for building a concrete, presumably 'factual' prose account."36 Yet Poe also notes that "the prose genre called the razo may initially have been oral, as jongleurs took to prefacing the songs they were about to perform with a spoken paraphrase."37 These two theories of razo composition, while seemingly equally viable, project contrasting images: the razo as a paraphrase would represent an attempt to situate the poem, whereas a razo that draws upon "raw material" would ostensibly re-situate the poem on a new plane. The distinction is perhaps slight, but it admits the possibility that the razo may represent elements of both continuity and rupture with the poem's origins. For these reasons, the biographical information that the razo suggests for Alamanda must be carefully weighed. The razo for "S'ie·us qier cosseill" begins by setting the scene between Giraut and his do m n a, a lady of Gascogne who is identified by the name N'Alamanda d'Estanc. When the razo introduces Giraut's partner in the tenso, it explains that she was a donzella "qe avia nom Alamanda, si com la domna" ("who had the name Alamanda just like the lady.")38 It is immediately striking that the first name of Giraut' s lady would be the same as that of the donzella in the tenso. Angelica Rieger has suggested that the name of the do m n a was merely a scribal invention caused by a hasty reading of the poem: "a defaut du nom de la domna aimee par Giraut, son 'biographe' medieval s' est procure ce nom, comme il avait l'habitude de le faire pour des renseignements manquants, directement dans l'ceuvre du

36 Poe 42-3. 37 Poe 37. 38 Translation mine. Razo text from Boutiere and Schutz 194.

15 troubadour."39 This conclusion is logical, but a second interpretation could be suggested: Maria V. Coldwell has explained that the training of a young noblewoman--in this case, a donzella--"was probably an apprenticeship in the home of another lady, perhaps her own mother or her future mother-in­ law."40 If this did indeed happen to be the case for the donzella Alamanda, it would not be inconceivable that her mother's name had simply been passed on to her as a "nom de famille." There are further intriguing reasons that the lady "Alamanda d' Estanc" named in the razo should not be too hastily dismissed as pure scribal invention. First, reading "Estanc" as an alternate form of "Estang" 41 allows identification of a castle established around the beginning of the twelfth century in Gascogne, and more precisely, in the above-mentioned Comte of Armagnac, a territory allied to Alfonso in his claims on Gascogne (see map in Figure 3).42 This geographical and political placement of Estang would situate the donzella Alamanda in Giraut's path as he travelled from Aragon to Limoges seeking patronage, and in this way, in the midst of an influential poetic circle.

39 Rieger "Alamanda" 52. After refuting the reliability of the razo, Rieger hypothesizes that "L'Alamanda hisorique" was Alamanda de Castelnau (d. 1223) of the Alaman family established near Toulouse. There is no record that this woman was a trobairitz, but she would have been a contemporary of Giraut's. Furthermore, the court of Toulouse is known to have received troubadours, although there is no evidence to suggest that Giraut de Borneill would have been among these. 40 Maria V. Coldwell, "Jougleresses and Trobairitz: Secular Musicians in Medieval France," Women Making Music. eds. Jane Bowers and Judith Tick (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986) 41. 41 Both -ng and -nc endings represent an "n mouille." The alternate spelling of Estang simply reveals the orthography of its Latin roots (>STAGNU). Carl Appel, Provenzalische Lautlehre (Leipzig: 0. A. Reisland, 1918) 71 and 77. Zufferey notices a similar phenomenon in ms R where "reng doit etre une variante de renc (provenant soit de REGNU, ... " Recherches 120. 42 The map of Chateaux in Gascogne is taken from Gardelles betore 275. See also pages 133-34 for a short description and bibliography of Estang.

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Figure 3: Map of Chateaux in Gascogne If the feudal castle of Estang is accepted as a viable equivalent for "Estanc," a second historical reference to Estang would take on added significance: namely, documentation in the annals of Gascogne of an Allemande d'Estang's marriage to Peregrin de Lavedan in 1260.43 While this date is considerably removed from the era of Alamanda and Giraut's tenso, the historical Allemande d'Estang (born circa 1245) could potentially be traced back four or five generations to the Alamanda d'Estanc admired by Giraut de Borneil. A particularly good example of this practice may be seen in five generations of the noble family of Bigorre: Beatrix, comtesse de Bigorre, married in 1125, had a daughter Rouge; Rouge had four daughters, one of whom was named Beatrix; Beatrix in tum had a son Centule, whose daughter Beatrix was wed in 1230.44 The Bigorre family tree reveals how a woman's name could carry through one century and through five generations. It is thus at least conceivable that the same process was true of the Estang family. Unfortunately, unless a more complete ancestry for "les seigneurs d'Estang" can be located, the suggestion that the Allemande d' Estang documented in 1260 offers "living proof" for the existence of Alamanda d' Estanc (otherwise regarded as scribal fancy) will have to remain only hypothetical. The historical identification of Giraut' s do m n a Alamanda d' Estanc (or ideally, of her donzella Alamanda) would lend credibility to the razo, thereby admitting further medieval evidence to the circumstances of composition in

43 Jean de Jourgain, La Vasconie, 2 vols. (Pau: lmprimerie-Stereotypie Garet, 1902) 2: 441. 44 Jourgain 2: 168.

18 the tenso "S'ie·us qier cosseill." For if the razo can be believed, it offers yet another instance of recognition of the donzella Alamanda's abilities as a trobairitz:

La doncella si era mout savia e cortesa, e sabia trobar ben et entendre. The donzella was very wise and courtly, and she knew well how to compose and understand [ie., the codes of fin' amors].45

These attributes would place Alamanda in the ranks of many other recognized trobairitz and troubadours. Yet it should be borne in mind that, while desirable, historical identification of the trobairitz is simply not always possible--especially in light of the relative infrequency of women's names in medieval records--nor should it be considered an absolute condition for proving existence. This has been illustrated with the historical treatment of the Comtessa de Dia. Her compositions are the most prominent among the trobairitz corpus, and a medieval vida is provided for her in the chansonniers, yet she defies identification with any historical personnage.46 For a trobairitz, then, existence may need to be established by the works that survive her rather than by documentation in a legal record. Ultimately, however, historical identification of the donzella Alamanda may be the only occasion to resolve modern doubts of her contribution to the tenso "S'ie·us qier cosseill." The absence of Alamanda's name from the rubrics has commonly led to a rejection of the "S'ie·us qier cosseill" tenso as an authentic dialogue. This treatment of Alamanda's role

45 Translation mine. For a discussion of the problems in defining trobar e entendre, see A. H. Schutz, UA Preliminary Study of Trobar e Entendre, an Expression in Mediaeval Aesthetics," Romanic Review 23 (1932): 129-38. 46 Janine Monier, UEssai d'identification de la Comtesse de Die," Societe d'archeologie et de statistiQue 75 (1962): 265-78.

19 in the tenso is characteristic of nearly all the general anthologies of troubadour lyric, including those of reputable medieval scholars. For example, Alfred Jeanroy dismisses Alamanda from the list of trobairitz, calling the tenso "evidemment fictive;"47 Carl Appel calls "S'ie·us qier cosseill" a "fingierte Tenzone;"48 and Martin de Riqier judges that "[ejs evidente que todo el debate es obra de Giraut de Bomelh."49 The decision to treat Alamanda and Giraut's tenso as a fictitious dialogue seems arbitrary at best, for the same scholars who treat "S'ie·us qier cosseill" as a fictitious tenso, present tensos between two men as authentic dialogues.so The paradox becomes evident when comparing one editor's treatment of two different tensos that both involve Giraut de Borneil, one with Alamanda and the other with Seign' en Lignaura (" Ara·m platz, Giraut de Borneill"). In his literary anthology, Thomas Bergin postulates that Lignaura is actually the famous troubadour Raimbaut d' Aurenga. There is justification for this hypothesis in the manucripts,51 but Bergin does not mention it in his text. Instead, he contents himself with establishing Lignaura's identity in this casual manner and labels "Ara·m platz" a "famous literary dispute." In the case of Alamanda and the authorship of "S'ie·us qier cosseil," on the other hand, Bergin presents the main details of the razo and follows with the unsupported opinion: "But it is very possible that this tenso

47Jeanroy La poesie 1: 311-12. 48 Carl Appel, Provenzalische Chrestomathie (1930; Hildesheim: Olms, 1971) 129-30. 49Los trovadores 1: 506. 50 This bias in treatment is true not only for "S'ie·us qier cosseill" but more generally for many of the "tensons mixtes." See Angelica Rieger, "En conselh no deu hom voter temna: Les dialogues mixtes dans la lyrique troubadouresque," Perspectives mectievales 16 (1990): 47-57, esp. 56n17. 51 Raimbaut d'Aurenga's name appears at the head of the tenso in two manuscripts, D and N2. Sharman 8-10.

20 is fictitious."52 A glance at the index of troubadour names reveals Bergin's final judgment: Raimbaut d' Aurenga's name is given a "see also" reference to Giraut de Borneil's name, while Alamanda's name is not to be found. Substantial proof against Alamanda has yet to be furnished. Consequently, Alamanda' s existence and participation in composing the tenso does remain a possibility for many scholars. For example, Oscar Schultz-Gora recognized Alamanda in his 1888 anthology of trobairitz;53 Adolf Kolsen likewise accepts Alamanda's participation in the tenso: "laJllem Anscheine nach ist Alamanda eine Dichterin gewesen;"54 Alfred Pillet and Henry Carstens believe "Allamandaj unter die Dichterinnen aufnehmen zu konnen;"55 and Friedrich Gennrich states that Giraut created the tenso "gemeinsam mit der Dichterin Alamanda."56 (Gennrich does not, however, recognize the possibility of Alamanda's composition of the son: the melody is presented in his edition exclusively under Giraut's name.) Alamanda has also been generally recognized by scholars who specialize in the poems of the trobairitz.57 Yet even within these perimeters, Alamanda' s possible literary contribution has encountered resistance. For example, in his contribution to a 1989 edition dedicated to trobairitz research, Frank M. Chambers labels Alamanda a trobairitz soiseubuda, or an ideal interlocutrice invented by the troubadour in the tenso. To distinguish between the real and invented interlocutors, Chambers explains "that when

52 Hill and Bergin 2: 23-4. 53 Schultz-Gora 9. 54 Adolf Kolsen, Giraut von Bornelh. der Meister der Trobac:tors (Berlin: C. Vogts Verlag, 1894) 35. 55 Alfred Pillet and Henry Carstens, Bibliographie der Troubadours (Halle: Niemeyer, 1933) 17. 56 Friedrich Gennrich, MDer musikalische Nachlass der Troubadours,· SlJTlma Musicae medii aevi 15 (1965) 48. 57 Refer to note 16.

21 the lady is identified by name in the poem itself her authorship is probably genuine."58 The one exception that Chambers makes to this rule is Alamanda, about whom he writes:

In spite of the fact that Alamanda is named in in the poem itself as well as in the vi d a of Giraut de Bomelh and by Bemart Amaut in his exchange of cob las with Lombarda... and that she is accepted as legitimate by many scholars, her status has been questioned by a number of others.

Chambers then enumerates the most reputed scholars (discussed above) who have dismissed Alamanda and concludes:

For an amateur (and that is what Alamanda would have been) to write such flawless verses as these would demand extraordinary aptitude-and luck; I must agree, reluctantly, with the authorities named above and place her among the trobairitz soiseubudas. At most, she could have discussed some such situation with Giraut and perhaps inspired this graceful poem.59

Several points can be made in response to this view. First, Chambers's decision to single out Alamanda from an entire list of trobairitz who are likewise "amateurs" and equally accomplished in versification is problematic. His recognition of Na Lombarda, for example, remains unquestioned despite the sophistication of her verses; after Lombarda thanks Bernart Arnaut for holding her in the ranks of the ladies Alamanda and Giscarda, she asks him:

58 Frank M. Chambers, "Las trobairitz soiseubudas," The Voice of the Trobairitz, ed. William D. Paden (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989) 47. 59 Chambers 48.

22 Voil qe.m digaz ca Is mais vos plaz ses cuberta selada, e.I mirail on miraz. Car lo mirailz e no veser descorda tan mon acord, cab pauc vo.l desacorda, rm scan record so q' el meus noms recorda en bon acord totz mons pensars s' acorda; mas del cor pes on I' aves mes, qe sa maiso ni borda no vei, que lui taises. (lines 25-36)

I want you to say and not conceal it: which one pleases you the most, and in which mirror are you gazing? For mirroring and absence so discord my chords that l can barely stay accorded, but, remembering what my name recalls, all my thoughts accord in good accordance; stHI, I wonder where you've put your heart; in neither house nor hut I see it; you keep it silent. (lines 25-36 )60

Here, through the use of internal rhymes and a subtle twisting between acord and desacord, Na Lombarda creates a recurring consonance--literally, an accord--that gives expression to her own cor (heart) and at the same time, creates the very mirror for her expectations of the silenced cor of her partner.

It is striking that these truly "flawless verses" written by an "amateur'' do not likewise lead Chambers to categorize Lombarda as a trobairitz soiseubuda. In further response to Chambers's conclusions, an investigation of the social expectations of a lady during this period reveals that the art of dialogue and poetry recital were to be cultivated by noble women. From the various thirteenth-century didactic treatises dealing with the education of women in

60 Bruckner .5.Qngs 70-73.

23 courtly society, Eileen Power has generally concluded that the ideal courtly lady should be accomplished in a wide array of activities, including "hawking, playing chess, telling stories, responding with witty repartee, singing, and playing on various musical instruments... [IJt was also assumed that ladies would be able to read and write."61 The earliest of the relevant treatises is an E nsenhamens, or treatise of instruction written by the troubadour Garin lo Brun around the year 1200.62 Its temporal and geographical proximity to Alamanda makes this Ensenhamens particularly intriguing. In his advice to courtly ladies, Garin includes a lesson on the proper conduct when receiving guests. Garin advises the lady to sing and recite poetry for her guests who like music, and she is, incidentally, encouraged to welcome troubadours and jongleurs into her court. The lady should listen when the troubadour recites his poems, and she should memorize his verses, if not in their entirety, then at least the most beautiful passages. The lady is also advised to treat the troubadour favorably and to give him gifts so that he will praise her and carry her good reputation far.63 The close interaction that Garin lo Brun depicts between lady and troubadour as well as the system of patronage that he advocates create a viable context for Giraut's collaboration with Alamanda. As a donzella, Alamanda would have been in a stage of social formation, and she would have required

61 Eileen Power, Medieval Women, ed. M. M. Postan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975) 76-8. 62 The text without translation is edited in Carl Appel, ed., "L'Enseignement de Garin lo Brun," Revue des Langues Romanes 33 (1889): 404-32. 63 This summary is based upon Alice A. Hentsch, De la litt0rature didactique du moyen age s'adressant sp0cialement aux femmes (1903; Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1975) 45-48; and Diane Bornstein, The Lady in the Tower: Medieval Counesy Literature for Women (Hamden, Connecticut: Archon, 1983) 34.

24 lessons in the above activities. Giraut's vida reveals that he spent all his winters "en escola et aprendia letras" and thus suggests that he did in fact have a reputation as a teacher of rhetoric and poetic composition. This skill may very well have been of use to Giraut in the summers as he went from court to court ("la estat anava per cortz") seeking patronage.64 A later thirteenth-century didactic treatise addressed particularly to donzellas, L'essenhamen de la donzela by Amanieu de Sescas, has survived in manuscript R.65 In the text of the ensenhamen, the donzela is given instruction in many activities, including, for example, receiving men at court and in relation to this, the art of conversation. Among the diversions fitting for a donzella, Amanieu includes the joc-parti, a poem of debate that is a virtual analogue of the tenso:

E si voletz bastir Solatz de jocx partitz, No·ls fassatz descauzitz, Mai plazens e cortes.

And if you want to make A diversion with jocs-partis, Don't make them decadent, But pleasant and courtly. 66

This lesson in conversational debate is continued when Amanieu advises the donzella to defend the opposite point of view when conversing with a man visiting her court:

64 Boutiere and Schutz 191 . 65 For a complete transcription of L 'essenhamen de la donzela by Amanieu de Sescas, see Karl Bartsch, Provenzalisches Lesebuch (1855; Reprint, Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1974) 140-48. 66 Translation mine. Bartsch Provenzalisches142, lines 68-71.

25 Demandetz Ii novelas. Cals donas son pus belas, 0 Gascas o Englezas, Ni cals son pus cortezas, Pus lials ni pus bonas? E s'il vos ditz: Guasconas Respondetz ses temor: Senher, saJ vostr' onor, Las donas d'Englaterra Son gensor d' autra terra. E s' il vos ditz: Engleza, Respondetz: si no·us peza, Senher, genser es Guasca...

Ask him novelties. "Which ladies are more beautiful, Gascognese or English; or which are more courtly, more loyal, or more beautiful?" And if he tells you: "Gascognese," respond without hesitance: "Sir, save your honor, the ladies of England are more beautiful than those of other lands." And if he tells you: "English," respond, "If you please, sir, the more beautiful is Gascognese ... 67

This image of a donzella participating in the art of courtly debate suggests a particularly fitting context for Alamanda' s contribution to the dialogue of "S'ie·us qier cosseill." Indeed, the scenes of social interaction depicted here as well as in the Ensenhamens of Garin lo Brun provide a colorful backdrop for a reading of the tenso.68 As a donzella, Alamanda is expected to defend the opposite of Giraut' s point of view ses temor; as a trobairitz, she must also do it skillfully. In the tenso (refer to Appendix B), Giraut represents an amics who has fallen out of grace with his do m n a, and he seeks the ad vice and mediation of Alamanda. According to the constructs of fin 'amors, the dom na by definition should be silent, but as a donzella and confidante, Alamanda is able to act as an instrument in achieving the best interests of her do m n a.

67 Translation mine. Bartsch 143, lines 59-71. 68 For a different but compatible reading of the tenso, see Mathilda Tomaryn Bruckner, "Debatable Fictions: The Tensas of the Trobairitz," Literary Aspects of Courtly Culture, eds. Donald Maddox and Sara Sturm-Maddox (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1994) 19-28.

26 Thus, while her prescribed role does not inherently subvert the constructs of fin 'amors, it does serve to empower the otherwise voiceless do m na. And indeed, Mathilda Tomaryn Bruckner has noticed a prominent theme in the trobairitz corpus that is precisely the expression of the domna's "desire for control."69 Alamanda's first words of advice to Giraut represent her domna's interests in gaining control over the amics through his pledge of faithful and constant service:

E s' ela·us ditz d' aut puoich que sia landa, Vos la·n cresatz, E plassa vos lo bes e·l mals qu' il manda; C' aissi seretz amatz.

And if she tells you that a high mountain is a plain, you must believe her, and may it please you to do the good things and the hard things that she orders you to do; for so will you be loved. (lines 13-16)

Yet Alamanda should not be merely regarded as a puppet in a ventriloquist's act. In the course of their lively exchange, Alamanda's advice becomes a new source of Giraut' s grievances, momentarily diverting his anger away from the domna truanda, his deceitful lady. Giraut confronts Alamanda with her own orgoill (pride), challenging her qualifications as an arbiter in this game of courtly love--despite the fact that Giraut himself solicited her--when he says:

Pauc d'ira·us notz e paucs iois vos aonda, Mas ies no·n etz primiera ni segonda.

A slight sorrow hurts you and a small joy helps you on, (Yet] in this matter of love you come neither first nor second. (lines 19-20)

Because Alamanda has not experienced great suffering nor great joy, Giraut charges, she cannot truly understand fin 'amors as an initiate. He thus deems

69 Bruckner, ~ xxxi.

27 her advice inappropriate: "Mal cuich qe·m capdellatz!" ("You seem to be offering me poor guidance!" line 24). In her response to these accusations, Alamanda turns the tables on

Giraut by subtly criticizing his powerlessness before the do m n a. Using idiosyncratic imagery, Alamanda points out to Giraut that he neither is a perfect lover, for he seeks not to regain the favor of his lady through his own merit but rather through Alamanda' s intervention:

Pero si·us par cab pauc fos iauzionda: Mais vuoill pelar mon prat c' autre·l mi tonda.

It may seem to you that a little happiness would make me rejoice, But I would rather cut my own meadow than to have it mown by another. (lines 27-28)

Giraut fully understands the implications in Alamanda's metaphor, for he repeatedly and vehemently tries to silence her. Whereas Alamanda used words to deal Giraut a figurative slap in his face, Giraut can achieve the same sting only by resorting to a physical threat:

Donzell' oimais non siatz trop parleira!...... Ar ai talant qe·us feira Si no·us calatz.

Young girl, do not be too free with your words in the future!...... I feel inclined to strike you now if you do not keep quiet. (lines 33, 37-38)

Alamanda is, of course, not silenced, but rather recaptures Giraut's attention by intimidating him with the power she has as his intermediary to the dom na: "Per so cuidatz que del plait vos enqeira?" ("Do you expect her to ask you to make peace with her after you have said such things?" line 43) This thematic return to the ultimate comanda (authority) of the domna brings

28 about Giraut' s repentance and final plea to Alamanda. And, even though Giraut initiated the debate, it is Alamanda who has the last word. By entering into a game of courtly love, Alamanda agrees to abide by certain rules. For example, her presence in the tenso assures that the ideal do m n a will indeed remain silent. As the game continues, however, and as Giraut attempts to impose the same restrictions of silence upon her, Alamanda all the more firmly asserts her voice, truly ses temor. By bringing Giraut back into the service of the do m n a through her rhetoric, Alamanda reveals her ability to understand (entendre) the codes of fin 'a mo rs and to thereby compose (trobar) her argument skillfully. The question of hearing Alamanda's voice in the tenso is as much a musical issue as it is a textual one, for the contrafacta by Bertran de Born, Bemart Arnaut and Na Lombarda--truly the most compelling evidence to substantiate Alamanda's contribution to the tenso--associate her name with their borrowed tune. The traditional attribution of the melody to Giraut has obscured the implications of these earliest references. Perhaps, too, the general paucity of surviving music by medieval women makes their attribution of the melody to Alamanda seem exceptional. Yet even in the near-absence of melodies by trobairitz, it is possible to reconstruct a plausible context for Alamanda' s melodic composition through the expressions of other trobairitz who identify composition as both a poetic and musical act. Notable examples include the Comtessa de Dia, who identifies herself as poet, composer and performer when she says, "A chantar m'er de so qe no volria" ("l must sing about that which I would rather not''); Na Castelloza, who expresses in her poetry, "Ia de chantar non degra aver talan/ car on mais

29 chan/ e pieitz me vai d' amor'' (I should never have the wish to sing because the more I sing the worse it goes for me in love"); and Clara d' Anduza, who traces the mournful quality of her song to her inability to achieve her heart's desires through mere words: "Quant yeu cug chantar, I planh e sospir per qu'ieu no puesc so far/ a mas coblas que.l cors complir volria" ("When I try to sing, I complain and sigh, for I cannot, with my verses, acccomplish what I wish").70 In all three cases, the trobairitz identify melody as an integral part of their works, implying a greater legacy of melodic composition by medieval women than the sole surviving melody. An argument that might be raised against Alamanda' s possible composition of the melody in the tenso is the assumption that the initiator of a ten so not only determines the structure of the stanzas but also sets the tune.71 Yet the descriptions of the tenso provided in two medieval treatises on the poetic and musical genres of the troubadours reveal that the tenso was associated with a borrowed melody if it were to have a melody at all. The author of the late thirteenth-century treatise Doctrina de compondre dictats, probably Jofre de Foixa, and the compiler of Las letjS d'amors, Guilhem Molinier, define the melodic type of a tenso in essentially the same terms:

... non es de necessitat ques haia so; enpero en aquel cas que·s faria al compas de vers o de chanso o d' autre dictat qu' aver deia so, se pot cantar en aquel vielh so.

.. .rt is not necessary that [the tensoJ have a tune; but in the case that it is made in the form of a vers or of a canso or of some other piece in verse that has a melody, it can be sung to that older tune.72

70 Complete texts and their translations can be found in Bruckner, Songs 6-9, 14-17, and 30-31, respectively. 71 Bruckner, for example, makes the statement that "the initiator of the debate is assumed to be responsible for the music as well as the form of the stanza." Songs xiii. 72 This citation is taken from lines 114-16 of Las leys d'amor, edited by Bergin 263-68. Translation mine. An edition of the Doctrina de compondre dictats can be found in John H. Marshall, The "Razos de trobar" by Raimon Vidal and Associated Texts (London: Oxford University Press, 1972).

30 The implications of this description are great, for it suggests yet another layer in the complex of melodic borrowing that surrounds "S'ie·us qier cosseill," reinforcing the "game of recognition" established by the intertextuality of works by Bertran de Born and by Bernart Arnaut and Na Lombarda. Ultimately, this definition of the tenso strengthens the possibility that the melody attributed to Giraut was not originally composed by him, but rather, borrowed from Alamanda--perhaps from a (now lost) canso that she composed or from a song that she performed for him--and made famous in association with Giraut's name. If the melody of "S' ie·us qier cosseill" can be provisionally accepted as the work of Alamanda, what might melodic analysis reveal about her compositional style? A comparison of the "son de n' Alamanda" with the other songs attributed to Giraut de Borneil may provide insight into the ways that Alamanda' s hypothesized composition distinguished itself from those of her mentor. Before a comparison is pursued, however, it must be acknowledged that this melodic analyis of troubadour song may operate only under the assumption that during the decades of oral transmission before the songs became fixed on parchment, variants inevitably introduced into the melody did not alter the essence of the composer's original. This caveat should be borne in mind throughout the analysis. In an article entitled "Forme et formule dans les melodies des troubadours," Elizabeth Aubrey applies Albert Lord's oral formulaic theory to the troubadour repertoire, convincingly testing the hypothesis that "il y' avait un style formulaire dans lequel un troubadour travaillait, qui etait son style unique."73 The usefulness of such an approach can be aptly demonstrated in

73 Aubrey 73.

31 a melodic comparison of Giraut's "Leu chansonet'e vii" and "Non puesc sofrir c' a la dolor'' (for transcriptions of the complete melodies, see Figures 4 and 5, respectively).74 That a slightly modified version of the latter is also found in manuscript R accompanying Peire Cardenal's "Ar mi pose eu lauzar d' amor'' (folio 72) ultimately makes the attribution to Giraut uncertain. Yet it would seem logical that the twofold appearance of the melody in R merely captures the indebtedness of the younger troubadour Peire Cardenal (fl. 1205- 1272) to Giraut for the model and melody of his contrafactum. Indeed, the number of specific melodic gestures that the melody in question shares with Giraut' s "Leu chansonet' e" would support the hypothesis that both melodies were conceived in the same composer's "style unique." The shared gestures in "Leu chansonet'e" and "Non puesc sofrir'' should be placed within the larger context of melodic organization in the two songs. First, the structure of both songs represents an expansion of the common chanson type, a form that is "diagrammed AB ABX, where A and B each represent one phrase... and X is a concluding section of several different, freely composed phrases."75 In this scheme, a phrase of music is taken to be the equivalent of a line of poetry. In "Leu chansonet' e," the first A-B period is followed by a new period before the A-B reprise and the concluding section. The resulting structure can be diagrammed as such: AB C DA B E F G H (where the unit E F G H

74 The note shapes--placed on modem five-line staves with treble clefs--in the four melodic transcriptions of Figures 4-7 are an approximation of the notation in manuscript R as transcribed by Fernandez de la Cuesta in Las Cancons 166-71 . The edition used for the text underlay is Sharman; her translations of the first strophes of "Leu chansonet'e vii," "Non puesc sofrir," and "Reis glorios," can be found in Appendix F. Complete texts and translations for these three songs can be found in Sharman 283-88, 216-22, and 365-68, respectively. 75 Margaret Louise Switten, The cansos of Raimon de Mirava!: A Study of Poems and Melodies (Cambridge, MA: The Medieval Academy of America, 1985) 20-1.

32 B

! ! ! ! I 'A ...... II ...... ,.. Leu chan- so - ne - t 1e vil Mau-Ji - a obs a fai D I 'c~ II Ill Ill Ill Ill II .. II .. Ill .. Qe po - gues en-vi-ai En Al - vu - gn1 al Dal - fi, B ! ! ! ! 'A Ill ... I .. II Ill II Ill ,.. Pe - JO, s1el dJeit ca - mi Po - gues n'E - blon bo - baJ, F .. "I !! ., ! I ! !! ., .. !! Nij I 'E II Be·l poi - u - a man - du Q1eu die q'en l'es - CUJ - zi1 H

! ., jlli 'G ,...... II I II .. ... ,.. Non es 11a. - fa.nz, Mas en 11 o - bJ1es - du - zu.

Figure 4: Melodic transcription of "Leu chansonet' e vii" as notated on folio 9v of manuscript R

33 B 'A ., ~ ! ~ .. ., ., ., ., ., ., .. Nan puesc so - hi:r c1a la do - lo:r De la den la c ., ., ., .. .. "I ~ "I "I ~ ~ .. len - gua non vn E·l CO? a la no - ve - la flo:r, ' a• ., ~ ~ ~ 'A ~ ., 'I ., ., ., ., ~ l.an - can V'el los :ra - mels flo - :ri:r E·ill chant son pel

D ., ! 'I ....a 'I I ., ~ ...... bos - ca tge Dels au - ze - letz ena - mo - :ratz. ' c ., ., ., "I .. .. !I .. 1 E Sl tot m es- tau a - pen - satz ' E ,.. . 'A' ., ~ ., .. ,.. ., ., ., ., "I Ni p:res pe:r mal au - :ra tge, Can Wl camps e

F

.. prii ., ., ., ., fll ., iM'\I ., .... ~ ' ve:r - g;i.e:rs e piatz, leu :re - no - vel e m1a - so - latz.

Figure 5: Melodic transcription of "Non puesc sofrir c' a la dolor" as notated on folio 82 of manuscript R

34 constitutes X). In "Non puesc sofrir," the opening three phrases are taken as the unit for repetition, the reprise is extended by an additional phrase, and the opening phrase returns before the concluding phrases. The structure is represented by the following schema: ABC AB' DC A' E F. In this way, both melodies represent a more complex approach to phrase repetition than does the basic chanson type. A further similarity between the two songs is found at the level of individual phrase construction. Phrases in both songs are most frequently arch-shaped, with ascending incipits and decscending cadences. The scope of the arch is handled differently in the two songs, however. For example, in "Leu," the arches of the opening phrases (A-D) are limited to the narrow compass of the third. This sets up a contrast with the closing section (phrases E-H) of the strophe, with its more sweeping arches over the ranges of the. fourth, fifth and sixth. In "Non," the distinction between ranges of opening and closing phrases is not maintained. Instead, the arches of all phrases unfold alike within the ranges of the fourth, fifth and sixth. The melodic motion in both songs is predominantly stepwise, although thirds are not uncommon, appearing prominently as the initia to reciting tones, as, for example, in the A phrases of "Leu" and the C and D phrases of "Non." Leaps of the fourth or fifth are rare, occurring only once within each song: in "Non," the final cadence is approached by the downward leap of a fourth; in "Leu," an upward leap of a fifth opens the E phrase and effectively signals a new section of musical material. A final point of consideration in the overall melodic organization of the two songs involves the relationship between notes and text. Text setting

35 in both songs is for the most part syllabic, although syllables set neumatically to two, three or four tones are not uncommon at the cadential points of individual phrases. As was suggested above, "Leu chansonet' e" and "Non puesc sofrir'' not only represent a similar approach to formal and melodic construction but also share certain melodic formulas. The resemblances seem all the more striking when viewed within the larger tonal organization of the songs. Both pieces have similar ranges extending from d' (with an occasional c' below) up to b' (with one occurence of c") in "Leu chansonet'e" and up to c" (with two occurrences of d") in "Non puesc sofrir."76 While these pitches should not be considered as absolute, the common pitch levels of the various melodic formulas are relative within the shared tonal space of both melodies. For example, the opening of the A phrase of "Leu chansonet' e," a reciting tone approached by an ascending third, is echoed at the same pitch level in the D phrase of "Non puesc sofrir" (see Musical Example 1).

IA ! ! ! ! ,..

ID Ill Ill Ill .,

Example 1: Phrases A of "Leu chansonet'e" and D of "Non puesc sofrir"

76 Note nomenclature is based upon the system outlined by The New Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1986) 640.

36 A second instance of shared melodic material occurs in the B phrases of each song. Both phrases begin at the same pitch level with the same three­ note cell. Whereas the first statement of the B phrase in "Non puesc sofrir'' ends differently due to an ouvert cadence on a', its reprise, cadencing on d', would appear to be an ornamented version of the B phrase of "Leu chansonet' e" (see Musical Example 2).

B ..

., ., ., .,

Example 2: Phrases B of "Leu chansonefle" and B' of "Non puesc sofrir"

Finally, both pieces conclude with the same formulaic ending, a scalar passage ascending from c' in "Non puesc sofrir'' and from d' in "Leu chansonet' e" up to g' and descending back to d' (see Musical Example 3).

37 ....

F .,

Example 3: Phrases Hof "Leu chansonet'e" and F of "Non puesc sofrir''

The shared closing phrase of "Leu chansonet' e" and "Non puesc sofrir" places the final of both songs on d'. Yet this common tone functions differently within the overall tonal schemes of the two songs. That is, in "Leu chansonet'e," the d' final fits into a regularly recurring cadential pattern in which four of the five pedes come to a dose on d': f d/ e d/ f d/ g fl f d. In this pattern, a series of ouvert and clos, or open and closed cadences is established in which d' acts as the ultimate point of arrival. (Theo uvert cadences in the pedes occur most frequently on f', such that when the penultimate pes ends on f', the effect created is a moment of suspense before the final closure on d' .) In "Non puesc sofrir," on the other hand, the most regularly recurring cadential pattern established through the opening phrase repetition leads towards g': ea g/ e d a g. Within this tonal scheme, the final

38 cadence on d' seems relatively unprepared. In this way, the closing formula that these two songs have in common would appear to be more than just a coincidence of shared tonal space. If the expanded chanson form, arched phrases, descending cadences, predominantly stepwise motion, syllabic text setting, and shared melodic gestures of "Leu chansonet'e" and "Non puesc sofrir'' were to be taken as indications of a formulaic style in Giraut' s reuvre, would the other two songs attributed to Giraut likewise typify this style? The melody of "Reis glorios" (see Figure 6) is the only melody attributed to Giraut de Bomeil to survive in a second manuscript, Rome, Biblioteca Vaticana, Chigi C.V.151, where it is adapted with some modification to a contrafactum in the Misteri de Saint Agnes. The borrowing is acknowledged in a rubric that cites the incipit to Giraut' s alba, or dawn song: "Postea mater facit planctum in sonum albe Rei glorios verai lums e clardat."77 Despite formal differences at the level of phrase repetition, the two melodies are recognizably similar. For the purposes of this analysis, only the version of the melody as it is found on folio 8v of manuscript R will be considered, for the reason that this version was captured at the same moment as the other songs attributed to Giraut and thus represents an element of continuity in the transmission of his reuvre as a whole. At first glance, the melody of "Reis glorios" appears to be of a significantly different character than "Leu chansonet'e" and "Non puesc sofrir." For example, the opening gesture of "Reis glorios," an upward leap of a fifth, is immediately striking when compared with the predominantly stepwise motion and highly conservative use of fourths and fifths in "Leu"

77 Fernandez de la Cuesta 164.

39 B 'A ., ., "I "I I ~ "I 1¥1 • ~ lltt Reis glo - :ri - OS, ve - :rais h.rns e cla:r - da tz:;, B • "'I ..., 'A ., ., "I "I I ~ "' " lltt Dieu.s po - dei - os, se - nhei, si a VOS platz:;, D ·~a ., l'I ., ., 9 ., ., 'c ., .... *if Al mieu com - panh si - atz fi - z::els a - lU - da; ca il""I ., ,.. 'E~ ., ., ..., ., "I .... ., Qu1ieu non lo V1 pos lo nuechs fon ven - gu - da, ., ., -E~ ., ., a ~ ----1 Et a - des se - ia 1 al - ba!

Figure 6: Melodic transcription of "Reis glorios, verais lums e clardatz" as notated on folio 8v of manuscript R

40 and "Non." Secondly, the text setting of "Reis glorios" is substantially more neumatic than that of the other two songs. Not only is there a proportionately greater number of syllables in "Reis glorios" that carry neumes--in a single strophe of "Reis glorios," 18 of the 49 syllables, or 37% carry neumes; in "Leu," only 9 of 58 syllables, or 16%, are neumatic; and in "Non," only 10 of 77 syllables, or 13% are neumatic--but there is also a higher proportion of the longer, three-, four-, and five-note neumes in "Reis glorios." The effect that these differences in text setting has on the overall expression of each piece is immediately perceptible in a comparison of the musical phrases of the first line of text in each of the three songs (see Musical Example 4).

IA (7notes:6 syllables o:r 1.17) !! !! !! !I ~ I

Leu"' chan- so - ne - t 1e vil

(9notes:8 syllables o:r 1.13) IA ., ~ 1!11 .. .. Ill ., Ill I Non puesc so - bi:r c•a la. do - lo:r

B ., (16notes:10 syllables o:r 1.6) IA ., ., I ... l'W'l ~ ~ I ., 'I • Reis glo - ii - OS, 'Ve - !US lLms e cla1-datz::,

Example 4: Text Setting of the Opening lines in "Leu chansonet'e," "Non puesc sofrir," and "Reis glorios"

41 The ratios of notes to syllable established in the opening phrases of each song--a proportion that accounts for the number of tones in each neume rather than the number of neumes themselves--are closely representative of the note to syllable ratio of the songs in their entirety. For example, in "Leu," there are 69 tones to 58 syllables, a ratio of 1.19; in "Non," 93 tones to 77 syllables, a ratio of 1.21; in "Reis," 83 tones to 49 syllables, a ratio of 1.69. Moving beyond numbers, a final consideration regarding the neumes in "Reis glorios" is their actual placement within musical phrases, for they appear just as prominently at the beginning of phrases as they do near cadential points. Thus, in its neumatic approach to text setting, the melody of "Reis glorios" can be differentiated from the melodies of "Leu chansonet' e" and "Non puesc sofrir." A final aspect of composition that would initially seem to set the melody of "Reis glorios" apart from "Non" and "Leu" is form. Delineating musical phrases in "Reis glorios" according to poetic lines yields a formal diagram of A A B C D. Represented in such a concise schema, the form of "Reis glorios" has been considered atypical of the troubadour repertoire as a whole78 and certainly does seem to represent a contrast with the expanded repetition schemes of Giraut's chanson-type melodies in "Non" and "Leu." Yet form in "Reis glorios" could be approached differently by taking exception with the guideline that equates musical phrase with poetic line. That is, if the ten- and eleven-syllable poetic lines of "Reis glorios" were parceled according to the fourth-syllable caesura, a more involved scheme of

78 Hendrik van der Wert makes this observation in The chansons of the troubadours and trouveres (Utrecht: A. Oosthoek's Uitgeversmaatschappij, 1972) 96.

42 musical repetition would be identified. The underlying phrase structure, viewed in relation to the five lines of verse in an individual strophe, can be diagrammed: 1 2 3 4 5

AB AB CD EC' E'

This revised diagram yields a more detailed understanding of formal principles in "Reis glorios," revealing yet another instance of Giraut' s attention to phrase repetition. In this respect, the form of "Reis glorios" is closer to the expanded chanson-type forms of "Leu" and "Non" than may have been initially suggested by the sheer brevity of the A A B C D diagram, the difference being that in "Reis glorios," the repetition scheme extends into the "X" section. The revised formal diagram is also useful for calling attention to a certain number of similarities in phrase construction between "Reis glorios" and the other two songs. Indeed, despite the outward differences displayed in its opening gesture and neumatic text setting, "Reis glorios" shares a conspicuous number of melodic gestures with "Leu chansonet' e" and "Non puesc sofrir." These shared gestures in "Reis glorios" occur within a comparable larger context. For example, the melody of "Reis glorios" unfolds within the range of an octave from c' to c". As in "Non puesc sofrir," the tonal organization of "Reis glorios" is loosely centered around two pitches, here a' and d', through the following cadential pattern: a a/ a a/ e c/ d e/ d. Finally, as in the other two songs, individual phrases in "Reis glorios" are generally arch-shaped, with predominantly ascending incipits and descending cadences.

43 An example of a shared melodic gesture can be found in the opening of the B phrase in "Reis glorios," a simple stepwise ascent from a' to c" and descent to g' that is nearly identical to the beginning of "Non puesc sofrir." There is also an equivalent in "Reis glorios" to the shared B phrases of "Non" and "Leu." The C phrase of "Reis glorios," like the B phrases outlined above, descends to the lower neighboring tone before proceeding with the arch contour. In a note-by-note comparison of the C phrase of "Reis glorios" with the B phrase of "Leu," differences emerge in pitch level and in the precise pattern of descent but not in overall gesture (see Musical Example 5).

c

~ ., ' l'I .. 'B Ill .. Ill II Ill ""

Example 5: Phrases C of "Reis glorios" and 8 of "Leu chansonet'e"

This same phrase is manipulated in the D phrase of "Reis glorios," where it is transposed down a fourth and thus lies at the same pitch level as the B phrases of the other two songs. The opening of the phrase is modified through an initial ascent up to a', a motion that admits the reintroduction of

44 the opening fifth, here in descent. The remainder of the phrase follows with only negligible changes. Perhaps most striking is the ensuing E phrase, a reduction of the melodic cells found in the C and D phrases of "Leu chansonet' e." An alignment of the D and E phrases of "Reis glorios" with the B, C and D phrases of "Leu chansonet'e" is telling (see Musical Example 6).

E ID~ ., ., ., I ., ., ... ~~ ., "-.;

c D 'B ., lj ., I lj ., lj " " " ""'" I~ " " " " " " "

Example 6: Phrases D and E of "Reis glorios" and Phrases B, C, and D of "Leu chansonet'e"

This series of phrases reveals how formulaic cells may be extended, sequenced and combined in order to be adapted within the changing contexts of different melodies. More importantly here, the same succession of events in both "Reis" and "Leu" provides compelling evidence for identifying a formulaic style in Giraut' s compositions. A final melodic formula that unites "Reis glorios" with the other two songs occurs in its final phrase. As in both "Leu chansonet'e" and "Non

45 puesc sofrir," "Reis glorios" concludes with a scalar passage, ascending from~ up to a' and descending back to d'. The extension of the scalar passage in "Reis glorios" to include the a' reinforces the opening d' to a' fifth of the melody, again demonstrating the way that melodic cells may be modified to fit the context of an individual melody. Even with these modifications, the gesture remains recognizable in all three songs, and its presence serves as a unifying refrain in Giraut's reuvre. "S'ie·us qier cosseill," the final song attributed to Giraut, likewise shares common traits with the above three melodies (see Figure 7). For example, as in "Leu" and "Non," the form of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" can be categorized as thechanson type, although the generic phrase scheme (A B A B C D E F) is adhered to more strictly here than in the other songs. The melody generally moves within the range of an octave, from a (with one occurrence of the g below) to a' (with one occurrence of b'). The scope of individual phrases is only slightly more sweeping than in the other songs. Whereas most of the phrases do stay within the range of the fifth and sixth, the B phrase and its reprise extend to the seventh and the octave, respectively .79 Finally, in terms of its loose tonal organization, "S'ie·us qier cosseill" seems similar to the other songs. A regular cadential pattern emerges in the antecedent phrases of the pedes, but this regularity does not extend to the consequent phrases: ed/ ed/ ea/ eg. In terms of text setting, "S'ie·us qier cosseill" occupies a middle ground between "Leu chansonet' e" and "Non puesc sofrir," on the one hand, and "Reis glorios" on the other. This can be heard most conspicuously in the

79 The first B phrase reaches its lowest point on the pitch a, which is reiterated three times. In the reprise, the second a is replaced by the lower neighbor tone, thus extending down to g and encompassing the full octave.

46 ., ., ., ., ., Ill ., 'A ...... ~ ., S' ie •us qiex cos - seill, bell' a - mi' A - la - man - da, .,B ... ., ....,... ., ....,...... ,... ~~ .... No·l" m1 w - deb;,""'" q' om co - chatz lo•us de - man-da;

'I ., ., ., ., ., ., 'A " ...... ~ Qe so m'a. di ch "VO - stxa. dovn -na. txu - an - da

'B Ill ... ., ...... ,.. ., ....,... ~ ~~ Que loing SW. fo:rs""'" is - sitz de sa co - man-da,

....,... ., ~ 'I 'I ...... , ., 'c ""If ~ ~ Que so q·em det m1es- txai ex' em des - man-da. ., 'D ,., =!!lrif Qe"l'n cos - se - illatz?

., ., Ill ., 'E ., ., ., 'I " ....,.. ... C'a paw: lo coxs dinz d'i - xa no m1a - bxan-da,

iial! ._, 'F ! ... " Ill! Tant foxt en SW. 1 - :xatz.

Figure 7: Melodic transcription of "S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell' ami' Alamanda" as notated on folio 8 of manuscript R

47 frequent pairing of three-note neumes in direct or near succession. The result is a melody that is more melismatic than "Non" and "Leu" but without the longer, four- and five-note neumes of "Reis glorios." The differences in text setting can also be seen more concretely by comparing the numerical relationships between notes and syllables: in "S'ie·us qier cosseill," 18, or 24% of the 76 syllables per strophe are set with neumes, and the ratio of notes to syllable per strophe is 106 to 76, or 1.39. The melody of "S' ie·us qier cosseill" does share a few motivic gestures ' with the other songs attributed to Giraut. For example, the sequence of descending, stepwise fourths achieved through paired three-note neumes in phrase D of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" can also be found at the juncture of phrases F and G of "Leu chansonet'e" (see Musical Example 7).

D ., ...,_ ., ' ~ G IF ! !I 11111 ! Nij I ., .. .. ~ ..

Example 7: Phrases D of us'ie·us qier cosseill" and F and G of "Leu chansonet'e"

48 A second example of a melodic resemblance between songs can be heard in the A phrase of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" and the C phrase of "Non puesc sofrir." The pitch structure is not precise, yet the phrase contours are reminiscent (see Musical Example 8).

., ., ., ., "I 'A ., ... ""If ., ... " 'c ., .. '! .. '! "I ,.. ..

Example 8: Phrases A of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" and C of "Non puesc so&ir''

Beyond these shared gestures, however, phrases in "S' ie·us qier cosseill" are constructed according to different principles than those in the other three songs. First, whereas reciting tones in "Leu" and "Non" are consistently approached by an in i ti um, "S' ie·us qier'' begins with an unprepared reciting tone. This is demonstrated in the initial difference between the phrases of "S'ie·us" and "Non" compared above. Secondly, phrases in "S'ie·us qier'' are formed as inverted arches, with descending incipits and ascending cadences. This arch can generally be further subdivided into two smaller arches, such that the overall contour of the phrase is W-shaped.

49 A final structural principle that distinguishes the melody of "S' ie·us qier cosseill" from the other three songs attributed to Giraut is its formulaic use of successive skips, or chains of thirds.BO The chains of thirds in "S'ie·us qier cosseil" appear in both ascending and descending order in the B, C, and E phrases of the melody. The chains of thirds in the E phrase are particularly prominent (see Musical Example 9) .

., ., .,

Example 9: Phrase E of "S'ie·us qier cosseill"

While the other songs attributed to Giraut do feature individual leaps of thirds and fifths, thirds only appear in direct succession on one occasion, namely at the cadence of the reprise of the C phrase in "Non puesc sofrir." (In the initial statement of the C phrase, notated above, the second third is filled in by step.) The prominence of such chains in "S'ie·us qier cosseill" thus sets it apart from the other songs. The structural prominence of thirds in "S'ie.us qier cosseil" manifests itself in yet another feature, namely, the pitch difference between the ends and beginnings of successive phrases. A similar phenomenon can be seen in "Reis glorios," where the structural importance granted to the opening fifth carries over into the intervallic movement from phrase B to the reprise of A

80 This term is borrowed from Hendrik van der Werf, The chansons.

50 and from phrase E to D'. In a parallel manner, the predominantly stepwise motion of "Leu" and "Non" carries over into the movement between phrases by unison or by step. (fhe only exceptions to this general observation that can be found are the movement by third from phrase G to the final phrase of "Leu," and the leap of a fifth between the final and opening note of the strophe in "Non.") In "S'ie·us qier cosseill," on the other hand, five of the seven phrases begin a third away from the preceding cadence. In this way, movement by thirds is further established as a fundamental melodic gesture in the melody, thereby distinguishing "S'ie·us qier cosseill" from the other songs attributed to Giraut. The correspondences and differences between the four melodies attributed to Giraut de Bomeil have been summarized in a comparative table (see Figure 8). The comparison reveals that, in many respects, the compositional formulas of "S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell'ami'Alamanda" set this melody apart from the others. If the applicability of Albert Lord's oral formulaic theory to the troubadour repertoire were accepted--that is, if Aubrey's hypothesis that a troubadour worked within his or her own individual, formulaic style were considered to be viable--the stylistic differences in the melody of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" would provide compelling indications of a formulaic style quite distinguished from Giraut's own. Yet this hypothesis is admittedly not infallible, for the stylistic differences between melodies could arguably be attributed to Giraurs creativity and diversity as a composer as well as to the dynamics of oral transmission. The conclusions of this comparative analysis, then, are dependent on contemporary testimonies that identify the melody of "S' ie·us qier cosseill" as

51 Song: "Leu chansonet' e vii" "Non puesc sofrir c'a la dolor" "Reis glorios, verais lums" "S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell' ami' Alamanda" Form: Expansion of the basic Expansion of the basic Extension of the basic chanson- chanson-type: chanson-type: type: Basic chanson-type: AB CD AB EFGH ABC AB'DC A'EF AB AB COE C'E' AB AB CDEF

Phrases: Primarily ascending arches Primarily ascending arches Primarily ascending arches Inverted or W-shaped arches

Cadence: Primarily descending Primarily descending Primarily descending Primarily ascending

Text Syllabic Syllabic Neumatic Syllabic setting: (l.19notes/ syllable) (1.21 notes/ syllable) (1.69 notes/syllable) (1.39 notes/ syllable)

Reciting tones: Prepared Prepared None Unprepared

Motion: Predominantly stepwise Predominantly stepwise Predominantly stepwise Predominantly stepwise 01 * *Prominent fifths **Prominent chains of thirds N Shared gestures: A = B

A = D

B = B' = c

BCD = DE

FIG = D

H - F = E

c = A

Figure 8: Comparative Table of the Melodies Attributed to Giraut de Borneil the "son de n' Alamanda." That is, if Alamanda did indeed compose the melody, she did so in a unique style, asserting her own creativity and innovations as a trobairitz, and thereby distinguishing her compositional voice from that of her mentor.

* * *

53 CONCLUSION

In conclusion, I have sought to challenge the discrepancies in the historical treatment of Alamanda by reconstructing a viable context for the composition, reception and transmission of the tenso "S'ie·us qier cosseill." The social formation of a donzella at this period makes Alamanda's contribution to both text and melody in the tenso seem probable, and Giraut's towering status as the maestre dels trobadors explains why she was later disregarded. Medieval definitions of the tenso as having a borrowed rather than a newly-composed melody imply that the melody of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" was not originally composed by Giraut, but rather, borrowed from Alamanda and subsequently made popular through Giraut's fame. This possibility is further strengthened by the intertextuality of "S'ie·us qier cosseill" with the sirventes by Bertran de Born and the exchange of coblas by Bernart Arnaut and Na Lombarda, both of which remain the most compelling evidence for acknowledging Alamanda's possible composition of the melody, despite the traditional attribution of the song to Giraut. Indeed, the presence of two contrafactathat are easily performed to the melody of the tenso and that refer to Alamanda with respect provide a convincing argument for admitting the possibility of a second melody by a trobairitz into the realm of probability.

54 In challenging the systematic exclusion of Alamanda from discussions of troubadour melody, I hope to encourage new hearings and informed performances of the "son de n' Alamanda" as well as stimulate further inquiry into the contributions made by medieval women composers.

* * *

55 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Appel, Carl, ed. "L'Enseignement de Garin lo Brun." Revue des Langues Romanes 33 (1889): 404-32.

---. Provenzalische Chrestomathie. 1930; Hildesheim: Olms, 1971.

---. Provenzalische Lautlehre. Leipzig: 0. R. Reisland, 1918.

Aubrey, Elizabeth. "Forme et Formule dans les Melodies des Troubadours." Actes du premier congres international de I' Association internationale d'etudes occitanes. Ed. Peter T. Ricketts. London: L'Association internationale d'etudes occitanes, 1987. 69-83.

---. The Music of the Troubadours. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996.

Bartsch, Karl. GrundriB zur Geschichte der provenzalischen Literatur. Elberfeld: Friderichs, 1872.

---. Provenzalisches Lesebuch. 1855; Geneva: Slatkine Reprints, 1974.

Bee, Pierre. Chants d'amour des femmes-troubadours: Trobairitz et 'chansons de femme'. N.p.: Editions Stock, 1995.

Bornstein, Diane. The Lady in the Tower: Medieval Courtesy Literature for Women. Hamden, Connecticut: Archon, 1983.

Boutiere, Jean and A.-H. Schutz, eds. Biographies des Troubadours. Paris: Nizet, 1964.

Briffault, Robert S. The Troubadours. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1965.

56 Bruckner, Matilda Tomaryn. "Debatable Fictions: The Tensas of the Trobairitz." Literary Aspects of Courtly Culture. Eds. Donald Maddox and Sara Sturm-Maddox. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1994. 19-28.

"Fictions of Female Voice: The Women Troubadours." Speculum 67 (1992): 865-91.

---,Laurie Shepard, and Sarah White, eds. and trans. Songs of the Women Troubadours. New York: Garland Publishing, 1995.

Burgwinkle, William E., trans. Razos and Troubadour Songs. New York: Garland Publishing, 1990.

Chabaneau, Camille, ed. Les Biographies des Troubadours. Toulouse: Edouard Privat, 1885.

Chambers, Frank M. "Imitation of Form in the Old Provencal Lyric." Romance Philology 6 (1953): 104-20.

"Las trobairitz soiseubudas." The Voice of the Trobairitz. Ed. William D. Paden. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989. 45-60.

Coldwell, Maria V. "Jougleresses and Trobairitz: Secular Musicians in Medieval France." Women Making Music. Eds. Jane Bowers and Judith Tick. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986.

Egan, Margarita. The Vidas of The Troubadours. New York: Garland, 1984.

Fernandez de ta Cuesta, Ismael, and Robert Lafont, eds. Las Cancans dets Trobadors. Toulouse: lnstitut d'estudis occitans, 1979.

Gardettes, Jacques. Les Chateaux du Moyen Age dans la France du Sud­ Ouest: La Gascogne angtaise de 1216 a 1327. Paris: Arts et Metiers Graphiques, 1972.

Gennrich, Friedrich. Der musikatische Nachtass der Troubadours. Summa Musicae medii aevi 15. Darmstadt: n.p., 1965.

Gravdal, Kathryn. "Metaphor, Metonymy, and the Medieval Women Trobairitz." Romanic Review 83 (1992): 411-26.

Hentsch, Alice A. De ta litterature didactigue du moyen age s'adressant speciatement aux femmes. 1903; Geneva: Statkine Reprints, 1975.

57 Hill, R. T. and Thomas G. Bergin, eds. Anthology of the Provenc;al Troubadours. 2d ed. rev. by Thomas G. Bergin. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973.

Jeanroy, Alfred. La poesie lyrigue des Troubadours. 2 vols. Toulouse: Edouard Privat, 1934.

Jourgain, Jean de. La Vasconie. 2 vols. Pau: lmprimerie-Stereotypie Garet, 1902.

Kolsen, Adolf. Giraut von Bornelh. der Meister der Trobadors. Berlin: C. Vogts Verlag, 1894.

Marshall, John H. The "Razos de Trobar" of Raimon Vidal and Associated Texts. London: Oxford University Press, 1969.

Monier, Janine. "Essai d'identification de la Comtesse de Die." Societe d'archeologie et de statistigue 75 (1962): 265-78.

Nichols, Stephen G. "Medieval Women Writers: Aisthesis and the Powers of Marginality." Yale French Studies 75 (1988): 77-94.

Paden, William D. "Manuscripts." A Handbook of the Troubadours. Eds. F. R. P. Akehurst and Judith M. Davis. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995. 307-33.

, Tilde Sankovitch, and Patricia H. Stablein, eds. The Poems of the Troubadour Bertran de Born. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986.

---,ed. The Voice of the Trobairitz. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989.

Pillet, Alfred and Henry Carstens, eds. Bibliographie der Troubadours. Halle: Niemeyer, 1933.

Poe, Elizabeth Wilson. From Poetry to Prose in Old Provencal: The Emergence of the 'Vidas.' the 'Razos.' and the 'Razos de trobar'. Birmingham: Summa, 1984.

Pollina, Vincent. "Melodic Continuity in A Chantar m'er of the Comtessa de Dia." Miscellanea di Studi Romanzi offerta a Giuliano Gasca Queirazza. Ed. Anna Cornagliotti. Torino: Edizioni dell'Orso, 1988. 887-96.

58 Power, Eileen. Medieval Women. Ed. M. M. Postan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975.

Rieger, Angelica. "Alamanda de Castelnau--Une trobairitz dans !'entourage des comtes de Toulouse?" Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie 107 (1991 ): 4 7-57.

---. "En conselh no deu hom voler femna: Les dialogues mixtes dans la lyrique troubadouresque." Perspectives medievales 16 (1990): 47-57.

Trobairitz: Der Beitrag der Frau in der altokzitanischen hofischen Lyrik. Edition des Gesamtkorpus. Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie 233. Tubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1991.

Riqier, Martin de, ed. Los trovadores: Historia literaria y textos. 3 vols. Barcelona: Planeta, 1975.

Rosenn, Eva. "The Discourse of Power, The Lyrics of the Trobairitz,'' Comitatus 21 (1990): 1-20.

Schultz-Gora, Oscar. Die Provenzalischen Dichterinnen. Leipzig: Gustav Fock, 1888.

Schutz, A.H. "A Preliminary Study of Trobar e Entendre, an Expression in Mediaeval Aesthetics." Romanic Review 23 (1932): 129-38.

Shapiro, Marianne. "The ProvenQal trobairitz and the Limits of Courtly Love." Signs 3 (1978): 560-71.

Sharman, Ruth Verity, ed. and trans. The cansos and sirventes of the troubadour Giraut de Borneil. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.

Switten, Margaret L. The cansos of Raimon de Miraval: A Study of Poems and Melodies. Cambridge, MA: The Medieval Academy of America, 1985.

Thomas, Antoine. "'Giraut de Borneil' ou 'Guiraut de Bornelh?"' Romania 35 (1906): 106-9.

van der Wert, Hendrik, and Gerald A. Bond, eds. The Extant Troubadour Melodies: Transcriptions and Essays for Performers and Scholars. Rochester, N.Y.: author, 1984.

59 Zufferey, Fran~ois. Recherches linguistigues sur les chansonniers provencaux. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1987.

60 APPENDIX A

SIGLA AND SHELFMARKS OF THE MANUSCRIPTS TRANSMIITING "S'IE·US QIER COSSEILL, BELL'AMI'ALAMANDA"l

A Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, latini 5232

B Paris, Bibliotheque N ationale, fonds fran91is 1592

C Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds fran\ais 856 D Modena, Biblioteca Nazionale Estense, Estero 45 (Alpha R.4.4)

G Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, R 71 superiore

H Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, latini 3207

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds fran\ais 854

K Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds fran\ais 12473 N New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, 819

N 2 Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Phillipps 1910

Q Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 2909

R Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, fonds fran\ais 22543

Sg Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalufla, 146

V Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, 278 (fr. App. cod. XI) a The lost manuscript compiled by Bemart Amoros, comprising copies: Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 2814 and (al) Modena, Biblioteca Nazionale Estense, Campori Appendice 426, 427, 494 (formerly Gamma.N.8.4.11-13)

1 The shelfmarks are taken from Zufferey, Recherches 4-6, but they maintain the sigla assigned to them by Karl Bartsch in GrundriB.

61 APPENDIX B

TEXT AND TRANSLATION OF "S'IE·US QIER COSSEILL, BELL' AMI' ALAMANDA"2

1 'S'ie·us qier cosseill, bell'ami Alamanda, No·I mi vedetz, q'om cochatz lo·us demanda; Qe so m' a di ch vostra dompna truanda 4 Que loing sui fors issitz de sa comanda, Que so qe-m det m' estrai er' e·m desmanda. Qe·m cosseillatz? C'a pauc lo cors dinz d' ira no m' abranda, Tant fort en sui iratz.'

11 'Per Dieu, Giraut, ies aissi tot a randa Voters d'amic no·is fai ni no·is garanda; Car si l'uns faill, l'autre coven que blanda, 12 Que lor destrix no cresca ni s'espanda. E s' ela·us ditz d' aut puoich que sia landa, Vos la·n cresatz, E plassa vos lo bes e.1 mals qu'il manda; 16 C' aissi seretz amatz.'

11 f 'Non puosc mudar que contr' orgoill non gmnda, la siatz vos, donzella, bell' e blonda. Pauc d'ira·us notz e paucs iois vos aonda, 20 Mas ies no·n etz primieira ni segonda. Et eu qe tern d' est' ira qe·m cofonda, Vos me iauzatz, Si·m sent perir, qe·m traga plus vas l' onda! 24 Mai cuich qe·m capdellatz!

2 This edition of the text was transcribed [Base: ABCGNQ; Orthography: BJ and translated by Ruth Verity Sharman, The cansos. 384-89.

62 IV 'Si m' enqueretz d' aital razon prionda, Per Dieu, Giraut, non sai cum vos responda; Pero si·us par c' ab pauc fos iauzionda: 28 Mais vuoill pelar mon prat c' autre·I mi tonda. Que si·us er'oi del plait far desironda, Vos esercatz Cum son bel cors vos esdui' e·us resconda. 32 Ben par c' om etz cuitatz!' v 'Donzell' oimais non siatz trop parleira! S'il m'a mentit mais de cent vetz primeira, Cuidatz vos dunes q' ieu totztemps I' o sofeira? 36 Semblaria q' o fezes per nesseira D' autr' amistat. Ar ai talant qe·us feira Si no·us calatz; Meillor cosseill donet na Berengeira 40 Que vos no mi donatz.'

VI 'L'ora vei eu, Giraut, qu'ela·us o meira Car l' apellatz camiairitz ni leugeira. Per so cuidatz que del plait vos enqeira? 44 Eu non cuich ies qu'il sia tant maineira; Anz er oimais sa promessa derreira, Que qe·us digatz, Si s' en destreing tant que ia vos offeira 48 T rega ni fi ni patz.'

VII 'Bella, per Dieu, non perda vostr' aiuda; la sabetz vos cum mi fo covenguda. S'ieu m' ai faillit per l'ira q' ai aguda, 52 No·m tenga dan; s' anc sentitz cum leu muda Cors d'amador, bell',e s'anc fos druda, Del plait pensatz! Q'ieu be vos die: mortz sui, si l'ai perduda; Mas no·ill o descobratz!'

VIII 'Seign' en Giraut, ia a' agr'ieu fin volguda, Mas ella·m ditz q' a dreich s' es irascuda, C' autra·n preietz, cum fols, tot a saubuda, 60 Que non la val ni vestida ni nuda. Non fara doncs, si no·us gic, que vencuda S' autr·n preiatz? Be·us en valrai, ia I' ai' eu mantenguda, 64 Si mais no·us i mesclatz.'

63 IX 'Bella, per Dieu, si de lai n'et7 crezuda, Per mi lo afiatz.' x 'Beno farai, ams qan vos er renduda 68 S' amors, no la·us toillatz!'

* * *

I 'If I seek your advice, my fair, sweet Alamanda, do not refuse me this, for a desperate man asks it of you; for your deceitful mistress has told me that I have strayed far beyond the bounds of her authority, so that what she !once] granted me she now takes back and retracts. What do you advise me to do? For this fills me with such sorrow that grief almost sets the depths of my heart on fire.'

II 'In Heaven's name, Giraut, a lover's desire is not granted all at once or fulfilled in this way; for if one [partner] does wrong, the other ought to be kindly and forgiving, so that the harm does not spread and increase. And if she tells you that a high mountain is a plain, you must believe her, and may it please you to do the good things and the hard things that she orders you to do; for so will you be loved.'

Ill 'Young girl, I cannot help speaking out against impertinence, even if you are fair and beautiful. A slight sorrow hurts you and a small joy helps you on, since in this matter of love you come neither first nor second. And when I fear that this sorrow may destroy me, and I feel myself about to perish, you advise me to draw closer to the wave! You seem to be offering me poor guidance!'

IV 'If you question me on such a profound matter, in Heaven's name, Giraut, I know not how to answer you; but if it seems to you that a little happiness would make me rejoice: (I tell you] I prefer to cut my own meadow than to have it mown by another. And if she were eager to come to an agreement with you today, you are doing your best to make your fair lady avoid you and forbid you her presence. You certainly do seem to be a desperate man!'

v 'Young girl, do not be too free with your words in future! If she lied to me first more than a hundred times, do you think that I would always put up with this? It would look as if I were doing it for Jack of another friendship. I feel inclined to strike you now if you do not keep quiet; my lady Berengeira gave better advice than you are giving me.'

64 VI 'J see a time coming, Giraut, when she will pay you back for calling her changeable and fickle. Do you expect her to ask you to make peace with her after you have said such things? J hardly think her so pliant. On the contrary, she will be reluctant now to give her promised word-whatever you may like to say-if she can bring herself to offer you a truce and a peace and an end to your quarrel.'

VII 'Fair one, in God's name, let me not lose your help; you know very well how you promised to give it to me. If I have been at fault because of the sorrow I have felt, do not make me suffer for it. And if you ever saw how easily a lover's heart changes, fair one, and if you, yourself, have ever been loved, tum your thoughts to this reconciliation! For I tell you: I am a dead man indeed if I have lost her; though do not let her know this secret!'

VIII 'My lord sir Giraut, I would have been glad for this peace to be made, but she tells me that she has had good reason to be angry, since, like a fool, you openly wooed another lady who is inferior to her, both in her clothes and out of them. If she does not forsake you, will she not then be admitting her defeat if you are wooing someone else? I will certainty help you, even though I have spoken in her defence, if you do not cause any more trouble with her.'

IX 'Fair one, in God's name, if she trusts you in this matter, assure her that I will take care not to do so.'

x 'I will do this, but do not forfeit her love once you have regained it!'

65 APPENDIXC

TEXT AND TRANSLATION OF THE EXCHANGE OF COBLAS BETWEEN BERNART ARNAUT AND NA LOMBARDA3

/.ombards volgr'eu eser per Na Lonbarda, q' Alamanda no.m plaz tan ni Giscarda, qar ab sos oiltz plaisenz tan ien mi garda, qe par qe.m don s' amor, mas tmp me tarda, 5 qar bel veser e mon plaiser ten e bel ris en garda, rom nuls no.I pod mover. fl Seigner Jordan, se vos lais Alamagna 10 Fransa e Peitieus, Normandia e Bretagne, be me devez laisar senes mesclagna Lonbardia, Livomo e Lomagna. E si.m valez, euperundex 15 valdr' e.us ab leis q' estragna de se tot avol prez. lfJ Mirail de Pres, conort avez, ges per vi la no.s fragna 20 I' amor en qe.m tenez.

3 This edition and translation is by Bruckner et al., SQngs_ 70-73.

66 IV Norn volgr'aver per Bernard Na Bemada e per N' Arnaut N' Arnauda apellada, e grans merses, seigner, car vos agrada c'ab talsdoasdomnasmi aves nomnada. 25 Voil qe.m digaz cals mais vos plaz ses cuberta selada, e.J mirail on miraz. v Car lo mirailz e no veser descorda 30 tan mon acord, c' ab pauc vo.l desacorda, rm scan record so q' el meus noms recorda en bon acord totz muns pensars s'acorda; mas del cor pes on I'aves mes, qe sa maiso ni borda no vei, que lui taises.

* * *

I'd like to be a Lombard for Lady Lombarda; I'm not as pleased by Alamanda or Giscarda. She looks at me so kindly with her sweet eyes that she appears to love me, but too slowly, 5 for she withholds from me sweet sight and pleasure and keeps her sweet smile to herself; no one can move her.

I I Lord Jordan, if I leave you Allemagna, 10 France, Poitou, Nonnandy and Brittany, you shou Id surely leave me, without protest, Lombardy, Livomo, and Lomagna. And if you'll help me I'll willingly help you 15 ten times as much with your own lady, who is foreign to all base values.

Ill Mirror of Worth, comfort is yours. Let the love in which you bind me 20 not be broken for a villain's sake.

67 rv I'd like to have the name Bernarda, and to be called, for Lord Amaut, Amauda; and many thanks, my lord, for being kind enough to mention me with two great ladies. 25 I want you to say and not conceal it: which one pleases you the most, and in which mirror are you gazing? v For mirroring and absence so discord 30 my chords that I can barely stay accorded, but, remembering what my name recalls, all my thoughts accord in good accordance; still, I wonder where you've put your heart; 35 in neither house nor hut I see it; you keep it silent.

68 APPENDIXD

THE RAZO OF "S'IE·US QIER COSSEIL4BELL'AMI'ALAMANDA"4

Girautz de Bomeil si amava una dompna de Gaseoina qe avia nom N' Alamanda d'Estanc. Mout era presiada dompna de sen e de valor e de beutat; et ella si sofria los pf recs I e

J' entendimen d'En Giraut, per lo gran enansamen q' el Ji fazia de pre~ e d' onor. e per las bonas ehansos q'el fasia d'ella, ond ella s'en deleita[va] mout, per q'ella las entendia ben.

Lone temps la preget; et ella, com bels ditz e com bels honramenz e com bellas promissions, se defendet de lui eorteizamen, qe ane no·il fetz d'amor ni·l det nuilla joia, mas un son gan, dont el visqet lone temps gais e joios; e pueis n' ae mantas tristessas, qant l' ae perdut; que ma domna N' Alamanda,-qan vi q'el la preissava fort q'ella Ii feses plaser d'amor e saub q'el avia perdut lo gan,-ella /'encuset del gan, digan qe mal l'avia gardat e q'ella no·il daria mais nulla joia, ni plaser no·il faria mais d'amor, e qe so q'ella Ii avia promes Ii desmandava, q' ela vesia ben q' el era fort loing eissitz de sua comanda.

Qant Girautz ausi la novella (ojcaison e·l comjat qe la domna Ii dava, mout fo dolens e tris[tz], e ven[e] s'en ad una donzella q'ell'avia, qe avia nom Alamanda, si com la domna. La doneella si era mout savia e eortesa, e sabia trobar ben et entendre. E Girautz sH dis so qe la domna Ii avia dit, e demandet li eonseil a la doneella qe el devia far, e dis:

Si·us quier eonseil, bell'amiga Alamanda ...

4 Transcribed from manuscript N2 by Boutiere and Schutz, Biographies des Troubadours 193-94.

69 APPENDIXE

TRANSLATION OF THE RAZOS

Giraut de Bomeil loved a lady from Gascogne whose name was Lady Alamanda d'Estanc. This lady was highly esteemed for her wit, worth and beauty; and she permitted the beseechments and courting of Sir Giraut because of the way he furthered her reputation for merit and honor, and because of the good songs he composed about her, songs in which she found great delight, for she knew how to interpret them.

For a long time he beseeched her; and she, with fine words and fine rewards and fine promises, fended him off most courteously, for never did she make love or give him any sign of joy except for one of her gloves. because of that glove he lived for a long time in a state of joy and happiness and then, after he had lost it, in a state of great sorrow; for my lady Alamanda, seeing how insistently he was begging her to give him some pleasure in love and knowing that he had lost the glove, reproached him on account of that glove, saying that he had guarded it badly and that she would never give him any gift or any pleasure in love. And that which she had promised him she revoked, for she saw that he had strayed far from her command.

When Giraut learned of the new accusation and the exile that the lady was imposing, he was very sad and mournful and he went to one of her servant girls, whose name was

Alamanda, the same as the lady's. This young girl was wise and courteous and she knew how to compose songs as well as perform and interpret them. Giraut then told her all that the lady had said and asked for her advice about what he should do, saying...

5 Translation by William E. Burgwinkle, Razos and Troubadour Songs (New York: Garland, 1990)12-13.

70 APPENDIX F

TRANSLATIONS OF THE FIRST STROPHES OF "LEU CHANSONET'E VIL," "NON PUESC SOFRIR," AND "REIS GLORIOS"6

Leu chansonet' e vii M' auria obs a far Qe pogues enviar En Alvergn' al Dalfi, Pero, s' el dreit cami Pogues n'Eblon trobar, Be·l poiria mandar Q' eu die q' en l' escurzir Non es l'afanz, Mas en l' obr' esclarzir l ought to compose a clear, quick and light little song to send to the Dauphin in Auvergne; but if on the way there it were to find lord Eble it could easily teH him from me that the difficulty lies not in the darkening the work, but in making it light and clear.

* * *

Non puesc sofrir c' a la dolor De la den la lengua non vir E·I cor a la novela flor, Lancan vei los ramels florir E·ill chant son pel boscatge Deis auzeletz enamoratz. E si tot m' estau apensatz Ni pres per mal auratge, Can vei camps e vergiers e pratz, Ieu renovel em' asolatz.

6 Editions and translations for the first strophes of each song are taken from Sharman 283-88, 216-22, and 365-68, respectively.

71 I cannot stop my tongue touching the tooth that hurts, or my heart being touched by the blossom in spring when I see the branches in bloom, and the songs of the love-sick young birds sound in the copse. And even in the midst of cares and misfortune the sight of fields and orchards and meadows gives me new life and sweet distraction.

* * *

Reis glorios, verais lums e dardatz, Dieus poderos, senher, si a vos pJatz, AJ mieu companh siatz fizels aiuda; Qu' ieu non lo vi pos la nuechs fon venguda, Et ad es sera I' alba!

'King of Glory, true light and brightness, lord God almighty, I beseech You to take my friend into Your loyal care; for I have not seen him since night fell, and the dawn will soon be here!'

72