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3232 “That’s So Fun”1 Selling Pornography for Men to Women in The Girls Next Door

Karen Boyle

Pornification

This chapter focuses on the hit U.S. TV show, The Girls Next Door (GND),2 a “reality” series following the lives of three women—Holly Madison, Bridget Marquardt, and Kendra Wilkinson—who, until 2008, lived at the Playboy mansion as Hugh Hefner’s “girlfriends.”3 GND has been phenomenally successful for E!: In 2007, it was the cable channel’s most watched show, with women making up 70% of the audience (Kaplan, 2007). According to Lisa Berger, E!’s executive vice president of programming and development, women’s embrace of the show was something of a surprise: “I thought that [female viewers] were going to hate these women” (Kaplan, 2007). Counter to Berger, I want to argue that GND very deliberately courts a female audience—and, specifically, a young female audience—but that to do so involvesDo a marginalization not copy, of Playboy’s raisonpost, d’être, euphemisticallyor distribute. encapsulated in Playboy magazine’s strap line: “entertainment for men.” How “entertainment for men” is transformed into a hit TV show for women and girls is the main concern of this chapter. However, I want to begin by placing this analysis in a broader context. To note that the boundaries between the pornographic and the mainstream have become increasingly blurred in recent years is hardly news: This has been a theme in academic and popular commentary for some time now. And this process has been given a variety of labels: porno-chic, pornification, pornographication. What is of most significance for this chapter, however, is the way that these labels can be used to bring together a series of quite disparate processes. Specifically, such labels are often taken to encompass both the increasing availability of porn—hard and soft core—and shifting mainstream conventions around the representation, pervasiveness, and public visibility of sexual practices and products. If what you are inter- ested in is the sexualization of the public sphere, there is a certain logic in bringing these processes together. But it is important not to collapse one into the other (as many pro-porn writers do), as they typically involve very different patterns of production and consumption.

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To give just one example, it is not uncom- (performers) are pitted against women mon to see the increased availability of hard- (feminist critics), meaning that a political core porn discussed alongside the wider analysis of the industry is reduced to little merchandising of sex toys or the popularity more than a catfight in which one group is of pole dance exercise classes.4 Vibrators and “mean” to the other. As we will see, this is audiovisual pornography may both be prod- a device used in GND, but it is by no ucts sold with the promise of sexual arousal, means unique to this show: Being but that is where the similarity ends: One “judged” (by other women and also by activity depends on the use of the bodies of some men) is portrayed as the most dam- other human beings for your sexual arousal; aging aspect of women’s involvement in the other does not. Similarly, while fitness prostitution and pornography in a range DVDs and classes focusing on striptease and of contemporary film and television texts. pole dancing are clearly influenced by the This is consistent with the framing of com- commercial sex industry—indeed, there is a mercial sex as a narrative about women GND workout DVD—these activities align that cuts across mainstream representations their female consumers with the “objects” of the subject in many genres and, indeed, to be bought (the porn performer, stripper, has become so commonsensical that it is lapdancer) and not with the buyer of com- virtually unquestioned (Boyle, 2008, in mercial sex. The casual equation of these press-a, in press-b; McLaughlin, 1993). activities makes commercial sex appear less Prostitution = prostitute; pornography = misogynistic by suggesting that women are porn star; sex work = sex worker: Whatever also consumers of sex. This conveniently political position commentators take on sidesteps that what is being sold to women the issue, the equation of commercial sex is often a way of working on their own with the women bought and sold within it bodies, rather than sexual access to the naturalizes male demand, suggesting it is bodies of others. inevitable, lacking in complexity, and not This failure to recognize the important worthy of investigation. difference in what is being sold to women This is, then, the context in which GND and men in this process of pornification emerged, a context in which pornography means that female sexual desire is too often was more available than ever before and reduced to a willingness to sexually objec- widely referenced in the codes and conven- tify oneself (Levy, 2005). Some women tions of popular culture. At the same time, clearly do make choices about their involve- the discourse around pornography and ment in pornography and other forms of pornification had diverted attention away commercialDo sex, and not these choices copy, are not post,from the specificitiesor distribute. of pornographic pro- immaterial (Whisnant, 2004). However, an duction and consumption practices to make individual’s choice does not disrupt the real- pornography seem more women-friendly. ities of the sex industry (of which Playboy, In the remainder of this chapter, I will try to my focus in this chapter, is a part). It unpack how GND has been so successful in remains an industry built on providing making porn for men palatable to a female straight men with sexual access to a wide audience, securing their buy-in to the array of women for profit, independent of Playboy brand and its worldview. the women’s own sexual pleasure. That some women—including those portrayed in GND—may have something to gain in this Playing at Porn With scenario (in terms, for instance, of wealth, The Girls Next Door opportunities, and recognition) does not negate this fundamental inequality. Yet, the porn consumer is often invisible in Despite Berger’s apparent surprise about contemporary accounts. Too often, women The Girls Next Door’s female appeal,

Playboy merchandising has long targeted Hefner, in contrast, is assumed to be women and girls. The brand has also familiar to the audience, and in the credit achieved a degree of mainstream visibility sequence, his role is both to bring the in fictions aimed at women, including Sex women together (up until he appears they and the City (“Sex and Another City,” are only shown separately) and to establish 3.14) and, more recently, The House a wider context of luxury: while the women Bunny, a teen comedy in which a former are associated with personalized spaces, the resident of the Playboy mansion transforms whole mansion with its servants, gardens, the lives and bodies of a sorority house on birds, and exotic animals is his domain. the brink of closure by performing a series Moreover, in contrast to the women—who of makeovers and throwing some great all have name tags appearing on screen dur- parties.5 What these representations share is ing the credits—Hefner is not introduced by an emphasis on fashion, appearance, and name: He just is. In this brief sequence, relationships between women, and this is then, it is established that it is the women also central to GND. who are the objects of scrutiny but that they GND centers on the three “girls”— are, to use Gail Dines’s (2009) phrase, “child- Holly, Bridget, and Kendra—with Hefner a ified” women, dependent on a wealthy, key, but peripheral, figure. While it is benevolent patriarch. It is also notable that assumed that the “girls” will be unknown there is nothing obviously “pornographic” to viewers—at least at the beginning (the about the credit sequence: It could be the first episode is entitled “Meet the Girls”)— opening for any family-orientated reality Hefner needs no introduction. The show’s series. original opening credits illustrate this nicely In the first season in particular, there is and point to many of the other arguments I an awareness that Hefner’s living arrange- want to develop in this chapter. ments may incite critique, but it is the Each woman is introduced in turn, women who have to answer the criticisms. using short cartoonish segments in which In a short interview included in the Season they appear as bobble-headed figures, 1 DVD, Holly notes, with exasperation, their enlarged heads making them both comic and childlike in appearance (remi- People want to ask you the same ques- niscent of figures like Hello Kitty).6 The tions. “Do you really sleep with him? introductions to each of the women cari- How many girls live there? How much cature their personalities and interests do you get paid? Or how did you get this while also providing a mini-narrative of job?” And I’m like, “It’s not a job, fuck transformation:Do not a before copy, (-Hefner) post, and off. or”... distribute.I don’t want to be asked a mil- after (-Hefner). Before, Holly was a small- lion stupid questions. ...People think town cheerleader in an unremarkable, I’m just some gold-digger who’s here generic locale; after she is the lady of the because I wanna be a Playmate or some- house, dressed in a sequined gown and thing and they always want to know, positioned in a room with a chandelier, “Oh what are you going to do after, roll-top bath, and decadent furnishings. when are you leaving, how much do you Before, Bridget was a bookish, albeit get paid.” And I’m just like, “God, my cheeky, student; after she is the girlish girl- whole life revolves around Hef and this” friend, her books incorporated into a pink, and it’s so irritating to be asked a ques- glittery room that would be many a young tion like that because, you know, these girl’s fantasy space. Before, Kendra was a people don’t know me.7 tomboy; after, she retains her sports interests but is now surrounded by expensive At various points, all three women make gadgetry in a room of her own that is both frustrated reference to these questions (or spacious and chaotic. others like them) and perceptions that they

Copyright ©2010 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. 296–––N–––PART V REPRESENTING SEXUALITIES are sluts or gold-diggers. But as Hefner becomes a criticism of the three women. himself is never interviewed, it is the Given their infantilization, this comes women’s behavior that is under scrutiny across as a form of bullying. here too (why do they do it? how could So how is it that these three women they?) in more or less explicit ways. embody Playboy within the show? Most Other accounts of life at the Playboy obviously, the women’s wardrobes are mansion offer some opportunity to con- dominated by Playboy brand gear (jewelry, sider Hefner’s behavior: St. James (2009), vests, T-shirts, sweatshirts, bags), and the for instance, describes how Hefner deter- women are often shot against a backdrop mines where, when, and how sex takes of Playboy merchandise: From chairs to a place, as well as setting a series of rules that pinball machine, cushions to bottled water, his “girlfriends” must live by (which the bunny is everywhere. The use of the include a ban on dating other men and a women’s bedrooms as a backdrop for many 9 p.m. curfew). She also describes Hefner’s interview segments enhances the sense that financial control over his “girlfriends,” we are being given a privileged insight into encapsulated in the weekly “allowance” their thoughts and feelings. That the they receive. Most of this goes unremarked Playboy bunny is so seamlessly integrated in GND. The show is purposefully opaque into these personal spaces is a comment on about the women’s sexual relationships its unremarkable ubiquity in the wider cul- with Hefner. He may be an icon, a role ture as well as in the show. But this also res- model for male viewers, but he is never por- onates with arguments that a domestication trayed through the women’s eyes as sexu- of pornography accompanies its address to ally desirable. This allows the show to women, and the domestic dramas of the sidestep Hefner’s controlling behavior show reinforce this sense that we are “at because not only do the women consent to home” with Playboy (Juffer, 1998). it, but their apparent lack of sexual desire More insidiously, in GND, Playboy is makes this a nonissue. When the women embedded in a childlike culture. This can are asked questions on this topic, they insist be seen in the opening credits where the on their right to privacy, and those asking women’s childified alter egos are imagined the questions are made to seem rude, inva- as cheerleader, student, and tomboy, before sive, and driven by prurient interest. being relocated to the mansion where they This is perhaps most obvious in the are placed within a bedroom culture. Like episode “I’ll Take Manhattan” (1.12), in the young female audience watching the which the women go to New York with show, the “girls” live in their bedrooms, Hefner to doDo publicity not for their copy, forthcom- post,where they or gossip distribute. with each other, plan ing Playboy pictorial, including a television parties, and confess to the camera. Bridget, interview with veteran journalist Barbara the oldest of the three, is particularly Walters. Walters’s interview is not shown “childified”: In her room, Playboy bunnies but is described by the women, who sit next to Hello Kitty, Mr. Potato Head, emphasize how inappropriate and rude the and numerous teddies, and in interviews, questioning was, describing Walters herself she speaks in a slightly breathless, girlish as “mean.” The women talk about feeling voice with infectious excitement, lots of set up by Walters’s interview and not being giggling, and occasional tears. Indeed, allowed to speak on screen, side-stepping— “That was so fun” is Bridget’s most fre- in the process—the actual questions asked quent assessment of the photo shoots, by Walters and the answers to them. By so shopping trips, parties, events, and excur- resolutely focusing on Holly, Bridget, and sions that make up their lives. Kendra and having them embody the Pornography is just one more thing Playboy brand, the show ensures that any “girls” like to play at. And it’s something all criticism of the show, or of Playboy, girls in GND want a shot at. Virtually all the

Copyright ©2010 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. Chapter 32 “That’s So Fun”–––N–––297 women in the show are potential, current, or central characters wear between 8 and 14 past Playmates or Hefner girlfriends, and it’s different outfits each. This is particularly a real family affair with second-generation striking when you consider that many Playmates, mother/daughter fans, and the episodes are supposedly confined to one women’s own female family members mak- day. Holly, Bridget, and Kendra routinely ing regular appearances. Most disturbing of comment on their own and other women’s all, however, in the fifth season episode, appearances both on screen and in their “Third Time’s The Charming,” the 2-year DVD commentaries. The vast majority of old daughter of a former Playmate is intro- this commentary is complimentary, and the duced with the on-screen caption “Future community of women in GND is imagined Playmate.” It’s not just that the women are as a largely supportive, friendly one. As the childified playmates, then, but that girl example of Anastasia’s makeover suggests, children are porn stars in waiting. there is an inclusive tone to this: With a bit For the adult women, much of their lives of work, some shopping, and the right girl- center on dressing up, having hair and friends, any young girl can be this kind of makeup done, and finding the right cos- beautiful. No special skills are required: tume for an activity or themed party. There Indeed, the women’s lack of knowledge and is an obvious childishness to this, but the experience are (along with dyed blonde hair emphasis on appearance and transforma- and large breasts) their defining characteris- tion clearly resonates with women’s culture tics. Paradoxically, this both speaks to their more generally: The women are shown current wealth (they don’t need to be able shopping for themselves and others, getting to cook, tidy up, or drive, as there are ready at salons and in their bedrooms, and always other people to do it for them)8 and endlessly looking in mirrors. their more “lowly” backgrounds (Hefner In the first season, Bridget’s younger sis- expands their horizons, and they experience ter, Anastasia, is given a makeover for the many things for the first time with him). midsummer party at the mansion. To any- However, despite Hefner’s wealth and one familiar with makeover shows, the the opulence of the women’s lifestyle, their framing of Anastasia’s makeover will be own consumption practices—particularly instantly recognizable. Having looked on in the early seasons—are decidedly accessi- enviously from the sidelines as the women ble and replicable. Yes, within the show, shot their Playboy pictorial in the previous the Playboy goods are embedded within a episode (“Just Shoot Me,” 1.07), the world that is out of the reach of the aver- makeover allows Anastasia to briefly age viewer, but the goods themselves are becomeDo the narrative not and copy, visual center. post, It is affordable, or distribute. everyday. The women’s entry discursively framed as a process of self- into the exclusive world is, initially at least, realization and empowerment (“I feel so dependent on Hefner: When they travel much better about myself,” she says). with Hefner, they travel in a private jet, During the emotional final “reveal,” as stay in opulent hotel suites, and visit Anastasia descends the mansion staircase expensive and exclusive restaurants and in soft-focus slow motion to rapturous clubs. When left to their own devices, they applause, it is the reactions of the “girls” buy tacky gifts in souvenir shops and road- and Anastasia’s mother that are privileged side diners and give “novelty” gifts to each both in real time and in retrospective inter- other and the Playmates. When he holds view segments. Dressing up (or down) in parties, Hollywood actors, sportsmen, and GND is primarily undertaken for an audi- TV stars show up; when the girls hold par- ence of other women. ties, they involve store-bought decorations, This emphasis on appearance is apparent homemade costumes, and a guest list of even in episodes where it is not the narra- Playmates. The women domesticate and tive focus. In a typical episode, the three feminize the Playboy brand, but they also

Copyright ©2010 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. 298–––N–––PART V REPRESENTING SEXUALITIES glamorize its mass marketing, placing American Dream, and while fulfilling that Playboy-branded goods in a luxury context dream is Hefner’s gift, the search—the where they are celebrated and enjoyed by process of looking at and judging nude women. The women’s back stories (revis- women—is Holly’s. ited at various points) emphasize their The 55th anniversary episodes are not, small-town roots, and in the interview seg- however, unusual in making the gaze at ments, they reiterate their gratitude to Playboy’s pages and models a female one. Hefner for the opportunities he has given Throughout the show’s five seasons, the them. Their lifestyle is Hefner’s gift, and he women repeatedly look at and comment is shown to be a very generous man: Part of upon their own and other women’s nude the appeal of the series might well be that spreads for the magazine. In the second the women’s lifestyle is made to seem episode (“New Girls in Town”), the women accessible. attend a party for Playmate-of-the-year and This is also where the show’s allusions to talk to the camera about their own dreams other reality formats are important. I have of Playboy stardom. For Holly, this dream already referred to makeover shows, but is presented as a validation of her relation- there are also connections with “talent” or ship with Hefner; for Bridget, as a long- other “search” formats. Playboy is always term dream that she dates to seeing on the lookout for new “girls.” The fifth beautiful women in her father’s Playboy at season search for the 55th Anniversary the age of 4; and for Kendra, it is a motiva- Playmate (which takes up four episodes) tion to “stay healthy.” Pornography is thus clearly references shows like American Idol framed as fulfilling women’s and girls’ aspi- (2002– ) as the celebrity judge (Holly) takes rations related to love, family, beauty, and her show on the road, with open auditions health. My concern here is not whether this in four cities where hopefuls try out for the is true or even whether this is a desirable magazine. The first two episodes (“Girl aspiration but rather that this renders the Crazy” Parts 1 & 2) recall early season demand side of the equation, as well as its episodes in other talent shows: They are gendered dynamic, invisible. In GND, inundated with applicants, many of whom pornography exists because women want are made to appear comically deluded about to be in it and, to a lesser extent, because their potential. As on other “talent” shows, they want to look at it. we are invited to look at and judge the con- Indeed, it is women who repeatedly look testants along with the celebrity judge and, at and comment on the pictorials within perhaps, to imagine whether we could do the show: Holly, Bridget, and Kendra are better (the auditionsDo not are, after copy, all, open to post,often present or atdistribute. photo shoots, offering any woman). Although it is a man who takes encouragement to their Playmate friends; the photographs and shoots the video at models look at their own pictorials with the auditions, we are never shown his reac- nervous excitement; and Playboy center- tions: Instead, cutaways to Holly and folds are the everyday art adorning the Bridget cue our responses to the auditioning walls of the mansion, including in the girls’ women, while underlining the distance more private spaces. When Holly, Bridget, between actual and aspiring playmates. The and Kendra are themselves in front of the second two episodes (“Pleading the 55th” camera for the first time, Anastasia is on Parts 1 & 2) involve the chosen few per- the sidelines, and it is her admiring and forming for the camera as the hopefuls are envious gaze that directs the viewer’s. From narrowed from thousands, to six, then Season 3 onwards, the female gaze is for- three, and, finally, the announcement of the malized as Holly takes on a role as a photo winner is met with obligatory tears, hugs, editor. While Hefner retains ultimate and gushing proclamations of dreams com- control—and the “drama” hinges on ing true. This is Playboy’s version of the Holly’s anxiety as to whether he will approve

Copyright ©2010 by SAGE Publications, Inc. This work may not be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means without express written permission of the publisher. Chapter 32 “That’s So Fun”–––N–––299 of her choices (e.g., “My Bare Lady,” generic qualities of these stories and how 3.04)—his distance from the set means that they, collectively, function to legitimate the his gaze is not determining. As he is rarely industry. In short, I am not concerned here present at the photo shoots,9 he is distanced with whether Holly, Bridget, and Kendra from the construction of the image, rein- are telling the truth—or even a truth— forcing the sense that these are expressions about their lives at the Playboy mansion in of female subjectivity. Unsurprisingly, the this show (although their glossy account is women comment on beauty and never on significantly different from Izabella St. the masturbatory potential of the image. In James [2009], as I have indicated). Rather, short, there is no sense that the Playboy my concern is with how the show promotes images included in GND are produced for a particular version of the Playboy brand to men, or that they speak to a male fantasy of women and how, in doing so, it largely female sexual availability. The show femi- ignores the sex (commercial and otherwise) nizes and naturalizes the pornographic that lies at the heart of the enterprise. gaze: This isn’t male fantasy; it’s a celebra- Although clearly approved as a celebratory tion of women at their most beautiful. account of Playboy life, this unwittingly gets at one central element of the feminist critique of commercial pornography: It has Conclusion nothing to say about women’s sexual desires but everything to say about men’s fantasies of power and control. The women As this discussion of The Girls Next Door are there because of Hefner, for Hefner, and suggests, contemporary popular culture subordinate their own desires to his. That privileges certain frameworks for under- E! has been so successful in selling this standing pornography at the expense of vision to women is a damning indictment of others. Disappointingly, much recent aca- our contemporary culture and the way demic work, while offering useful insights women are encouraged to see and value into aspects of pornography, has neverthe- themselves within it. less adopted some of these frameworks fairly uncritically: for instance, by assuming that we can analyze pornography by analyz- Notes ing the women within it or by conflating commercial sex with sex. GND exploits this context by focusing on the three women 1. “That’s so fun” is one of Bridget’s favorite who liveDo with Hughnot Hefner copy, and positioning post,phrases or both distribute. in the show and on the DVD com- the pornography that his empire is built mentaries. upon relative to their lives and as the object 2. European title: The Girls of the Playboy of their gaze. In seeking to appeal to a core Mansion. female audience, the show disguises the fun- 3. Holly, Bridget, and Kendra all split with damental nature of Playboy (the magazine Hefner after the fifth season. The sixth season and the brand) as a form of sexual “enter- introduced Hefner’s new girlfriends: Crystal tainment for men” and, rather, fosters the Harris (age 23) and twins Karissa and Kristina illusion that pornography exists because Shannon (age 19). This chapter focuses on the women want to be in it. show’s first five seasons. One of the benefits of analyzing pornog- 4. See, for example, McNair (2002), raphy through its televisual representation Williams (2004, p. 12), and Smith (2007, p. 167). in this way (see also Boyle, 2008, in press-a, 5. The consumer guidance provided on the in press-b) is that it allows us to move away UK DVD for The House Bunny is revealing: It from debates about individual women and was given a 12-certificate due to “one use of their choices to consider, instead, the strong language and moderate sex references.”

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[In the British rating system for home media Hard to swallow: Hard-core pornography products, this indicates material not suitable for on screen. London: Wallflower. children under age 12. Ed.] That a comedy Boyle, K. (In press-b). Selling the selling of sex: about Playboy should contain only moderate sex Secret diary of a call girl on screen. Feminist references speaks volumes about the ways in Media Studies, 10(1). which young women are being invited to buy Dines, G. (2009). Childified women: How the into a sanitized brand that has nothing to say mainstream porn industry sells child about their own sexualities and desires but pornography to men. In S. Olfman (Ed.), rather emphasizes their need to be seen as desir- The sexualization of childhood. Westport, able (the film’s tagline is “The student body is CT: Praeger. about to get a makeover.”). Juffer, J. (1998). At home with pornography: 6. Unsurprisingly, bobble-headed figurines Women, sex & everyday life. New York: of the women are among the show’s merchan- New York University Press. dising tie-ins. Kaplan, D. (2007, August 6). Why women love 7. “All About the Girls”: Season 1 DVD Girls Next Door. New York Post. Special Features (Region 2). Levy, A. (2005). Female chauvinist pigs: Women 8. This is, of course, the premise of another and the rise of raunch culture. London: successful reality series: Paris Hilton and Nicole Simon & Schuster. Richie’s The Simple Life (2003–2007). Hilton McLaughlin, L. (1993). Chastity criminals in the herself makes a number of appearances in GND age of electronic reproduction: Re-viewing and, indeed, her own media stardom is largely talk television and the public sphere. Journal indebted to a sex tape: a trajectory followed by of Communication Inquiry, 17(1), 41–55. another E! reality star and Playboy Playmate, McNair, B. (2002). Striptease culture: Sex, Kim Kardashian. media and the democratisation of desire. 9. In the episode “Go West, Young Girl” London: Routledge. (4.08), Hefner makes his first visit to Playboy Smith, C. (2007). Designed for pleasure: Style, Studio West in 15 years. indulgence and accessorized sex. European Journal of Cultural Studies, 10(2), 167–184. St. James, I. (2009). Bunny tales: Behind closed References doors at the playboy mansion. Philadelphia: Running Press. Williams, L. (2004). Porn studies: Proliferating Boyle, K. (2008). Courting consumers and pornographies on/scene: An introduction. In legitimating exploitation: The representa- L. Williams (Ed.), Porn studies (pp. 1–23). tion of commercialDo not sex in televisioncopy, docu- post,Durham, or NC: distribute. Duke University Press. mentaries. Feminist Media Studies, 8(1), Whisnant, R. (2004). Confronting pornography: 35–50. Some conceptual basics. In C. Stark & Boyle, K. (In press-a). The dark side of hard R. Whisnant (Eds.), Not for sale: Feminists core: Critical documentaries on the sex resisting prostitution and pornography. industry. In C. Hines & D. Kerr (Eds.), Melbourne, Australia: Spinifex.