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Palestinian Conflict? Study Group with Dr
How Should the Next President of the United States Handle the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict? Study Group with Dr. Robert M. Danin, Senior Fellow, Middle East Initiative, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School February 9, Session 1: How did we get here? Recommended Readings/Viewing: A five minute Council on Foreign Relations overview video narrated by me: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ljig_S8tC6k William B. Quandt, American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict since 1967 (1993: Brookings) pp. 1-21. Steven L. Spiegel, The Other Arab-Israeli Conflict: Making America’s Middle East Policy, from Truman to Reagan, pp. 1-15 Nathan Thrall, “Israel and the US: the Delusions of our Diplomacy,” New York Review of Books. October 9, 2014: http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2014/10/09/israel- us-delusions-our-diplomacy/ Supplemental/Discretionary Readings: Jeremy Pressman, “From Madrid and Oslo to Camp David: the United States and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, 1991-2001” in David Lesch, ed., The United States and the Middle East: A Historical and Political Reassessment, 5th edition. (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2012), pp. 244-261. Robert O. Freedman, “George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and the Arab-Israeli Conflict,” in Ibid., pp. 262-293 March 1, Session 2: The Situation on the Ground Today: Conflict in Regional Context, Israeli and Palestinian politics today Recommended Readings: “No Exit? Gaza & Israel Between Wars.” International Crisis Group. Middle East Reports no. 162. August 26, 2015. (Read the summary at minimum) Mouin Rabbani, “Another Palestinian Uprising?” Middle East Institute. August 5, 2015. Gregg Carlstrom, “Can Anyone Prevent a Third Intifada?” Foreign Policy. -
Globalsummit
Event Sponsors Monday, October 26 – Friday, November 6, 2015 Thank You LSUMMIT Platinum BA V LO II Gold Silver G Bronze Copper T H Y E T IE JE C GOHRS FF SO p: (814) 455-0629 · f: (814) 454-2718 E RS NAL Patron Sponsors ON EDUCATIO Eric Raimy, Ph.D. Bas Lansdorp, M.S. Personal Patrons Anthony Atala, M.D. Maureen Plunkett and Family Anonymous Jefferson Trustee Darrell West, Ph.D. Nile Gardiner, Ph.D. & Aaron David Miller, Ph.D. Cokie Roberts Thomas Jefferson believed a citizenry that was educated on issues and shared its ideas Danielle Allen, Ph.D. through public discourse had the power to make a difference in the world. Norman Gevitz, Ph.D. The Jefferson Educational Society of Erie is a strong proponent of that belief, offering courses, seminars,and lectures that explain the ideas that formed the past, assist in exploring the present,and offer guidance in creating the future of the Erie region. Thomas B. Hagen Dignitas Award Winners 3207 State Street John and Silvia Ferretti Erie, Pennsylvania 16508-2821 VII Crislyn D’Souza-Schorey RESERVE YOUR SEATS Brian Lamb espite the advances made in cancer detection and treatment, it’s still a common and deadly disease. According to the American Cancer Society, nearly two mil- lion Americans will contract cancer in 2013, and more than half a million will Ddie from it. The disease takes 1,600 people a day and is responsible for one in every four Reserve your seats today deaths in the U.S. There’s a financial cost too. -
Palestine 2010: Time for Plan B
[email protected] www.al-shabaka.org al-shabaka policy brief Palestine 2010: Time for Plan B By Mouin Rabbani June 2010 Overview The likelihood of current diplomatic initiatives resulting in a meaningful two-state settlement is for all intents and purposes non-existent, argues Al-Shabaka Policy Advisor Mouin Rabbani, due to Israel’s determination to permanently control East Jerusalem and large swaths of the West Bank, and the lack of political will in the U.S. and Europe to reverse Israel’s expansionist momentum. He foresees an unwelcome future of further ghettoization and fragmentation of Palestinians in the occupied territories and within Israel, greater marginalization and atomization of the Diaspora, and an increasingly regionalized and existential conflict in which the initiative will lie with non-state actors operating beyond the confines of Israel/Palestine. Thus, rather than relying on continued diplomacy and alternative peace scenarios in the forlorn hope that the dominant American-Israeli framework will be modified, advocates of Palestinian self-determination should focus their efforts on arresting and where possible reversing realities on the ground, and undertake global campaigns to challenge Israeli impunity and promote the concept of Israeli accountability for its actions toward the Palestinian people. This, Rabbani concludes, presents the only realistic option for preserving Palestinian rights and, perhaps in the longer run, establishing meaningful diplomatic options. Why peace talks can’t succeed Almost 18 months into his mission United States Special Envoy, George Mitchell is once again shuttling between Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas, this time purportedly with a four-month deadline to finally secure “progress”. -
Military Activism and Conservatism During the Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction
Soldiers and The Use of Force: Military Activism and Conservatism During The Intifadas Murat ÜLGÜL* Abstract Introduction Are soldiers more prone and likely to use force Are soldiers more prone to use force and initiate conflicts than civilians? To bring a and initiate conflicts than civilians? new insight to this question, this article compares The traditional view in the civil- the main arguments of military activism and military relations literature stresses that military conservatism theories on Israeli policies during the First and Second Intifadas. Military professional soldiers are conservative activism argues that soldiers are prone to end in the use of force because soldiers political problems with the use of force mainly are the ones who mainly suffer in war. because of personal and organizational interests Instead, this view says, it is the civilians as well as the effects of a military-mindset. The proponents of military conservatism, on the who initiate wars and conflicts because, other hand, claim that soldiers are conservative without military knowledge, they on the use of force and it is the civilians most underestimate the costs of war while likely offering military measures. Through an overvaluing the benefits of military analysis of qualitative nature, the article finds 1 action. In recent decades, military that soldiers were more conservative in the use of force during the First Intifadas and Oslo conservatism has been challenged by Peace Process while they were more hawkish in a group of scholars who argue that the the Second Intifada. This difference is explained traditional view is based on a limited by enemy conceptions and by the politicization number of cases, mainly civil-military of Israeli officers. -
Ground to a Halt, Denial of Palestinians' Freedom Of
Since the beginning of the second intifada, in September 2000, Israel has imposed restrictions on the movement of Palestinians in the West Bank that are unprecedented in scope and duration. As a result, Palestinian freedom of movement, which was limited in any event, has turned from a fundamental human right to a privilege that Israel grants or withholds as it deems fit. The restrictions have made traveling from one section to another an exceptional occurrence, subject to various conditions and a showing of justification for the journey. Almost every trip in the West Bank entails a great loss of time, much uncertainty, friction with soldiers, and often substantial additional expense. The restrictions on movement that Israel has imposed on Palestinians in the West Bank have split the West Bank into six major geographical units: North, Central, South, the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea, the enclaves resulting from the Separation Barrier, and East Jerusalem. In addition to the restrictions on movement from area to area, Israel also severely restricts movement within each area by splitting them up into subsections, and by controlling and limiting movement between them. This geographic division of the West Bank greatly affects every aspect of Palestinian life. B’TSELEM - The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories Ground to a Halt 8 Hata’asiya St., Talpiot P.O. Box 53132 Jerusalem 91531 Denial of Palestinians’ Freedom Tel. (972) 2-6735599 Fax. (972) 2-6749111 of Movement in the West Bank www.btselem.org • [email protected] August 2007 Ground to a Halt Denial of Palestinians’ Freedom of Movement in the West Bank August 2007 Stolen land is concrete, so here and there calls are heard to stop the building in settlements and not to expropriate land. -
The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options
ISSUE BRIEF 08.25.20 The Gulf States and the Middle East Peace Process: Considerations, Stakes, and Options Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, Ph.D, Fellow for the Middle East conflict, the Gulf states complied with and INTRODUCTION enforced the Arab League boycott of Israel This issue brief examines where the six until at least 1994 and participated in the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council— oil embargo of countries that supported 1 Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Israel in the Yom Kippur War of 1973. In Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates 1973, for example, the president of the (UAE)—currently stand in their outlook and UAE, Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nahyan, approaches toward the Israeli-Palestinian claimed that “No Arab country is safe from issue. The first section of this brief begins by the perils of the battle with Zionism unless outlining how positions among the six Gulf it plays its role and bears its responsibilities, 2 states have evolved over the three decades in confronting the Israeli enemy.” In since the Madrid Conference of 1991. Section Kuwait, Sheikh Fahd al-Ahmad Al Sabah, a two analyzes the degree to which the six brother of two future Emirs, was wounded Gulf states’ relations with Israel are based while fighting with Fatah in Jordan in 3 on interests, values, or a combination of 1968, while in 1981 the Saudi government both, and how these differ from state to offered to finance the reconstruction of state. Section three details the Gulf states’ Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor after it was 4 responses to the peace plan unveiled by destroyed by an Israeli airstrike. -
A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution WATCH A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Copyright © 2021 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org APRIL 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62313-900-1 A Threshold Crossed Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 2 Definitions of Apartheid and Persecution ................................................................................. -
B'tselem Report: Dispossession & Exploitation: Israel's Policy in the Jordan Valley & Northern Dead Sea, May
Dispossession & Exploitation Israel's policy in the Jordan Valley & northern Dead Sea May 2011 Researched and written by Eyal Hareuveni Edited by Yael Stein Data coordination by Atef Abu a-Rub, Wassim Ghantous, Tamar Gonen, Iyad Hadad, Kareem Jubran, Noam Raz Geographic data processing by Shai Efrati B'Tselem thanks Salwa Alinat, Kav LaOved’s former coordinator of Palestinian fieldworkers in the settlements, Daphna Banai, of Machsom Watch, Hagit Ofran, Peace Now’s Settlements Watch coordinator, Dror Etkes, and Alon Cohen-Lifshitz and Nir Shalev, of Bimkom. 2 Table of contents Introduction......................................................................................................................... 5 Chapter One: Statistics........................................................................................................ 8 Land area and borders of the Jordan Valley and northern Dead Sea area....................... 8 Palestinian population in the Jordan Valley .................................................................... 9 Settlements and the settler population........................................................................... 10 Land area of the settlements .......................................................................................... 13 Chapter Two: Taking control of land................................................................................ 15 Theft of private Palestinian land and transfer to settlements......................................... 15 Seizure of land for “military needs”............................................................................. -
Assessing the Annapolis Process | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1370 Assessing the Annapolis Process May 7, 2008 Brief Analysis n April 9, 2008, Ambassador Zalman Shoval and Aaron David Miller addressed a Policy Forum at The O Washington Institute. Zalman Shoval served as Israel's ambassador to the United States from 1990 to 1993 and 1998 to 2000, and represented the Likud Party in the Israeli Knesset for more than a decade. Mr. Miller served as deputy U.S. special Middle East coordinator between 1992 and 2000, and is currently a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington. His publications include the recently released book The Much Too Promised Land: America's Elusive Search for Arab-Israeli Peace (Bantam/Dell, 2008). This Policy Forum took place four months after the Annapolis conference was convened and a month before President Bush is slated to travel to the region to assess the progress of the Annapolis process, meet regional leaders, and celebrate Israel's 60th anniversary. AMBASSADOR ZALMAN SHOVAL Despite having been practically stillborn, the Annapolis peace process is not dead and has recently shown artificially induced signs of life. It has been continually retooled in order to maintain a chance of producing something by the end of President Bush's term. Prior to the conference, the insufficient coordination between the United States and Israel resulted in more than a few misunderstandings, including the issues of Israeli security measures and ongoing settlement construction in and around Jerusalem. Bush's April 2004 letter to Ariel Sharon, as interpreted by the Israeli public, suggested maintaining defensive borders in the Jordan Valley, and distinguished between settlement blocks adjacent to urban areas and other scattered settlements. -
Event – Toward a New U.S.-Saudi Relationship: Prioritizing Human Rights and Accountability
Event – Toward a New U.S.-Saudi Relationship: Prioritizing Human Rights and Accountability Thank you for joining the Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) for a webinar on: Toward a New U.S.-Saudi Relationship: Prioritizing Human Rights and Accountability Wednesday, December 9, 2020 10:00 am – 12:30 pm EST Via Zoom (Register for a Zoom account here.) Read the full event transcript here. To view a recording of the full event, watch the YouTube livestream here: Or, find a recording of the event on Facebook or Twitter. Washington is witnessing a strong push to elevate human rights in U.S. policy toward Saudi Arabia. Most notably, President-elect Joe Biden has said that the United States should “reassess” ties with the kingdom and hold Saudi Arabia accountable for human rights violations. This POMED conference, which follows the October 2020 conference event “Mohammed bin Salman’s Saudi Arabia: A Critical Look,” will convene leading experts to make the case for why the United States should prioritize promoting human rights and countering authoritarianism in its relations with Saudi Arabia; on what issues the Biden administration should focus; and how the U.S. government, civil society, and private sector can stand up against Saudi repression. Panel 1: 10:00 am – 11:00 am EST Making the Case: Why The U.S.-Saudi Relationship Needs to Change Panelists Safa Al Ahmad Acting Director, ALQST Freelance Journalist and Filmmaker Aaron David Miller Senior Fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Sarah Leah Whitson Executive Director, Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN) Moderator Deborah Amos International Correspondent, NPR Panel 2: 11:00 am – 12:00 pm EST The Path Forward: Priorities and Policies Panelists Rob Berschinski Senior Vice President, Policy, Human Rights First Stephen McInerney Executive Director, Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) Annie Shiel Senior Advisor for U.S. -
THE INTERCOLLEGIATE ISSUE EDITORS-IN-CHIEF Samuel Obletz, Grayson Clary
The Yale Review of International Studies International of Review Yale The The Yale Review of International Studies VOLUME 4, ISSUE 1, FALL 2013 “We Can’t Fix It, and We Can’t Leave” An Interview with Aaron David Miller 5 Fight in the Cause of God? Dynamics of Religion in Separatist Conflicts Ashley Blum, Dartmouth College, ’13 27 The Myth of the Failed State: Political Order and Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa Camilo Ruiz, Sciences Po, ’15 43 Politics in Period Costume: The Popular Front in the Works of Eric Hobsbawm Edmund Downie, Yale University, ’14 51 Soviet Lessons from Afghanistan: Insights for Post-2014 Support Ryan Mayfield, Stanford University, ’14 61 Egypt Unshackled: Can Egypt and Israel Keep the Cold Peace? Luke Schumacher, United States Military Academy, ’14 Joshua Shapiro, American University, ’14 73 Growth and Success in Kerala Alexandra Brown, Harvard University, ’14 85 THE INTERCOLLEGIATE ISSUE EDITORS-IN-CHIEF Samuel Obletz, Grayson Clary EXECUTIVE EDITOR Allison Lazarus EDITORS Talya Lockman-Fine, Adrian Lo, Anna Meixler, Apsara Iyer, Erwin Li, Aaron Berman DESIGN Martha Kang McGill and Grace Robinson-Leo CONTRIBUTORS Erwin Li, Grayson Clary, Anna Meixler, Ashley Blum, Camilo Ruiz, Edmund Downie, Ryan Mayfield, Luke Schumacher, Joshua Shapiro, Alexandra Brown ACADEMIC ADVISORS Paul Kennedy, CBE J. Richardson Dilworth Professor of History, Yale University Beverly Gage Professor of History, Yale University Walter Russell Mead James Clarke Chace Professor of Foreign Affairs, Bard College Editor-at-Large, The American Interest -
Should the U.N. Admit Palestine As a Full Member State?
Should the U.N. Admit Palestine as a Full Member State? Watch—and participate in—the Slate/Intelligence Squared live debate on Jan. 10. By Katy Waldman|Posted Tuesday, Jan. 3, 2012, at 3:31 PM ET Israel’s occupation of land in the West Bank and Gaza, the status of Jerusalem, and the rights of Arab refugees have roiled the Middle East for almost half a century. Since direct negotiations between Israel and the Palestinian Authority broke down in 2010, peace seems ever more elusive, with President Mahmoud Abbas of Palestine abjuring the bargaining table so long as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu refuses to freeze settlement growth in the West Bank. On Sept. 23, 2011, President Abbas sought full membership for a Palestinian state at the United Nations. This approach, a radical departure from the bilateral tactics of years past, stirred up fresh hopes, fears, and headaches for the international community. Though the U.N. Security Council declined to act on Mr. Abbas’ request in November, a two-thirds majority vote from the General Assembly could still upgrade Palestine’s official U.N. status from “nonmember observer organization” to “nonmember observer state,” giving the Palestinians more leverage to achieve their diplomatic goals—including eventual admission to the U.N. as a state. Would United Nations membership for Palestine reenergize the faltering peace process and point the way toward a two-state solution? Or would it apply a unilateral sledgehammer to 60 years of direct Arab-Israeli diplomacy? Four longtime engineers of the peacemaking efforts in the Middle East will tackle these questions at the next Slate/Intelligence Squared U.S.