DOCSLIB.ORG

Complex Word-Formation and the Morphology-Syntax Interface

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Complex Word-Formation and the Morphology-Syntax Interface Complex Word-Formation and the Morphology-Syntax Interface Susanna Padrosa Trias PhD Dissertation Supervisors: Dr Anna Bartra Kaufmann Dr Jaume Mateu Fontanals Tutor: Dr Montserrat Capdevila Batet Departament de Filologia Anglesa i de Germanística Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona May 2010 1 2 To my parents, Josep and Mª Dolors, To my husband, David, and to our son, Dídac, For all they mean to me. 3 4 Table of Contents Table of Contents i Acknowledgments v Abstract vii List of Tables ix List of Abbreviations x Chapter 1. The Morphology-Syntax Interface 1 1.1 Jackendoff’s (1990, 1997, 2002) tripartite parallel model 1 1.2 Looking inside the syntactic component 15 1.2.1 Morphology and syntax: one component or two? 15 1.3 Compounds in morphology 24 1.3.1 Ackema & Neeleman’s (2004) competition model 24 1.3.1.1 English 28 1.3.1.2 Catalan and Spanish 37 1.4 Compounds in syntax 46 1.4.1 Distributed Morphology (DM): the essentials 47 1.4.2 Compounds in DM: Harley (2004, 2008b) 59 1.4.2.1 Assumptions 59 1.4.2.2 Synthetic modifier compounds 60 1.4.2.3 Synthetic argument compounds 64 1.4.3 Discussion: debatable questions in DM 71 1.5 Conclusions 79 Chapter 2. Germanic and Romance compounding: the case of English and Catalan 82 2.1 Some remarks on the notion of ‘head’ 82 2.1.1 Heads in morphology 83 2.1.2 Against heads in morphology 89 2.1.2.1 Zwicky (1985) 90 i 2.1.2.2 Bauer (1990) 91 2.1.2.3 Anderson (1992) 92 2.2 What are compounds and how to classify them 96 2.2.1 The raw material of compounds 96 2.2.2 Which is the classification of compounds? 109 2.3 English and Catalan compounding 129 2.3.1 English 132 2.3.1.1 Nominal compounds 134 2.3.1.2 Verbal compounds 155 2.3.1.3 Adjectival compounds 168 2.3.2 Catalan 180 2.3.2.1 Nominal compounds 184 2.3.2.2 Verbal compounds 220 2.3.2.3 Adjectival compounds 231 2.4 Discussion and conclusion 245 Chapter 3. The Morphosyntactic Interface and the Compounding Parameter 249 3.1 The Compounding Parameter 249 3.1.1 English 259 3.1.2 Catalan 259 3.1.3 Other language families 260 3.1.4 Discussion 263 3.2 Breaking down the Compounding Parameter 277 3.2.1 Some remarks on resultatives 277 3.2.1.1 Kratzer (2005) 277 3.2.1.2 Mateu (2000, 2010) 284 3.2.2 On NN compounds: English vs. Catalan 293 3.3 Conclusions 300 ii Chapter 4. Conclusions 302 References 306 iii iv Acknowledgments It is a pleasure to have the opportunity to thank the many people who have contributed to this dissertation in some way, although inevitably some names might be left out. My first debt is to my supervisors, Anna Bartra and Jaume Mateu, who have been a source of knowledge and inspiration, a model to follow, and the perfect friends in a long journey. I also thank them for meeting deadlines, providing me with relevant references, allowing me to pursue my own ideas, sometimes divergent from theirs, and for trusting in me during all these years until the dissertation has reached an end. I have also benefited from two research stays, the first of which was at University College London, where the topic of this dissertation was decided, mainly due to Ad Neeleman’s enthusiasm for morphology. I thank Ad for discussing parts of this dissertation. My second research stay was at the University of Edinburgh, where I owe special thanks to Peter Ackema - who hosted me in the Department of Linguistics and English Language during my stay - for his hospitality. I am also grateful to Peter for providing me with generous comments at various stages in my work. Much of the material of this dissertation has been presented in conferences like the Colloquium on Generative Grammar 16, 17 and 19, held in Madrid, Girona and Vitoria respectively; Forum de Morphologie / « Décembrettes », held in Toulouse; and Incontro di Grammatica Generativa 33, held in Bologna. I would like to thank the audiences for comments and suggestions. Some names can be singled out: Víctor Acedo, Peter Ackema, Antonietta Bisetto, Geert Booij, Hagit Borer, Carmen Scherer, Antonio Fábregas, Susana Huidobro, Chiara Melloni, Fabio Montermini, Ad Neeleman, Paco Ordoñez , and Sergio Scalise. I would also like to thank the audiences from the LyCC Colloquium Series in Madrid (CSIC). Special thanks to Violeta Demonte, Olga Fernández Soriano, Nino Grillo, and Carlos Piera. I have also benefited from the seminars organised by the Centre for Theoretical Linguistics at UAB and the members who constitute them: Eulàlia Bonet, Josep Maria Brucart, Teresa Cabré, Verónica Castillo, M. Teresa Espinal, Elías Gallardo, Ángel J. Gallego, Gemma Gómez, Yurena Gutiérrez, M. Lluïsa Hernanz, Wojtek Lewandowski, Angelina Markova, Núria Martí, Silvia Martínez, Joan Mascaró, Ía Navarro, Carme Picallo, Pilar Prieto, Cristina Real, Gemma Rigau, Ester Sánchez, Xico Torres, Maria del Mar Vanrell, and Xavier Villalba. For various reasons, I am also indebted to Artemis Alexiadou, Mark Baker, Reka Benczes, Reineke Bok-Bennema, Cristina Buenafuentes, Gretel De Cuyper, Anne v Dagnac, Heidi Harley, Richard Kayne, Brenda Laca, Beth Levin, Alec Marantz, Makiko Mukai, Amelia Rus, Peter Svenonius, and Mireille Tremblay. Thanks also to Catherine Dickie, Elspeth Edelstein, Jonathan MacDonald and Andrew Woodard for providing me with native speakers’ judgments. From the Department de Filologia Anglesa i de Germanística at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, I am grateful to Montserrat Capdevila (my tutor), Hortènsia Curell, Michael Kennedy, Mireia Llinàs, Alan D. Reeves, and Maria Josep Solé, all of them being points of reference in my undergraduate studies. I also want to thank Soledad Varela, Mireia Llinàs, Peter Ackema, Gemma Rigau and Lluïsa Gràcia for being interested in my work and for accepting to be members of the dissertation committee. My last words of gratitude are for my family, especially my parents, Josep and Mª Dolors, who taught me all the important things about life; my brothers and sisters, Dolo, Miquel, Josep, Montse, Elisabet and Carolina, and their partners, for being there when I needed them; my nephews and nieces, Adrià, Marc, Joel, Júlia, Carolina, Arnau, and Guillem, for making me forget I was in the middle of writing this up with their fascinating little stories; my husband’s family, Josep, Maria and Mari, for supporting me; my husband, David, for so many good things I cannot enumerate in a short list, and our son, Dídac, who albeit not physically visible at the beginning of the writing-up has accompanied me these last few months. Gràcies! [This research was partially supported by the projects HUM2006-13295-C02-01 and HUM2006-13295-C02-02 (Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia/FEDER) and 2005SGR- 00753 (Generalitat de Catalunya)]. Susanna Padrosa Trias Banyoles, May 2010 vi Abstract The goal of this dissertation is to study a specific type of complex word-formation, namely compounding, and its relation to the morphology-syntax interface, with the ultimate aim of gaining a better understanding of the phenomenon. Different aspects of compounding are explored in this work, of which the main questions addressed in each chapter are outlined below. The first chapter presents some evidence for the plausibility of a theory of grammar in which word syntax and phrasal syntax (which will be referred to as morphology and syntax respectively) are two distinct modules within a bigger syntactic module (cf. Jackendoff 1990, 1997, 2002, Ackema & Neeleman 2004), as well as evidence for the generation of compounds within word syntax/morphology. A morphological account of compounding, based on Ackema & Neeleman’s (2004) morphosyntactic competition theory, is explored, tested with some English and Romance (Catalan and Spanish) compounds and contrasted with Harley’s (2004, 2008b) syntactic analysis of compounds, based on Distributed Morphology (cf. Halle & Marantz 1993, Marantz 1997a, b, 2001, 2007, a.o.). The data examined in this chapter favour the morphologically-based account over the syntactically-based account of compound formation. For example, the former account can explain contrasts like *to meat-eat and to computer-generate, while the latter cannot. The second chapter starts by establishing the existence of heads in morphology and showing their crucial role in the classification of compounds. Then, the nature of the compounding elements in English and Catalan is examined, which is followed by a brief overview of some compound classifications. The most promising classification is that of Bisetto & Scalise (2005), according to which there are three overarching macro- types of compounds: subordinate, attributive, and coordinate, each being subdivided into endocentric and exocentric types. Another level of analysis is added to their original classification and the resulting scheme is applied when carrying out an exhaustive study of compounding in English and Catalan. Although initially adopted, Bisetto & Scalise‘s tripartite classification changes substantially in the course of the chapter. The three macro-types of compounds are reduced to one compounding type, based on a head vs. non-head relation, from which the different interpretations arise (subordinate, attributive). The existence of coordinate compounds and exocentric compounds is argued against. vii The third chapter first explores Snyder’s Compounding Parameter (Snyder 1995, 1996, 2001, 2002). After identifying which complex predicates must count as relevant to the parameter, its workings are considered in a few languages. The validity of the Compounding Parameter is questioned. It is concluded that a strict application of the compounding/complex-predicate parameter cannot be maintained nor can the alleged dependence of complex predicates on NN compounding.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Representation of Inflected Nouns in the Internal Lexicon
    Memory & Cognition 1980, Vol. 8 (5), 415423 Represeritation of inflected nouns in the internal lexicon G. LUKATELA, B. GLIGORIJEVIC, and A. KOSTIC University ofBelgrade, Belgrade, Yugoslavia and M.T.TURVEY University ofConnecticut, Storrs, Connecticut 06268 and Haskins Laboratories, New Haven, Connecticut 06510 The lexical representation of Serbo-Croatian nouns was investigated in a lexical decision task. Because Serbo-Croatian nouns are declined, a noun may appear in one of several gram­ matical cases distinguished by the inflectional morpheme affixed to the base form. The gram­ matical cases occur with different frequencies, although some are visually and phonetically identical. When the frequencies of identical forms are compounded, the ordering of frequencies is not the same for masculine and feminine genders. These two genders are distinguished further by the fact that the base form for masculine nouns is an actual grammatical case, the nominative singular, whereas the base form for feminine nouns is an abstraction in that it cannot stand alone as an independent word. Exploiting these characteristics of the Serbo­ Croatian language, we contrasted three views of how a noun is represented: (1) the independent­ entries hypothesis, which assumes an independent representation for each grammatical case, reflecting its frequency of occurrence; (2) the derivational hypothesis, which assumes that only the base morpheme is stored, with the individual cases derived from separately stored inflec­ tional morphemes and rules for combination; and (3) the satellite-entries hypothesis, which assumes that all cases are individually represented, with the nominative singular functioning as the nucleus and the embodiment of the noun's frequency and around which the other cases cluster uniformly.
    [Show full text]
  • Against Predp
    AGAINST PREDP ORA MATUSHANSKY SFL (CNRS/Université Paris-8)/UiL OTS/Utrecht University 1xxIntroduction Whereas Stowell 1981, 1983 analyzes small clauses (minimal units of predication) as maximal projections of the head of the predicate (i.e., as APs, PPs, etc.), Bowers 1993, 2001 argues that this is not enough and predication must be mediated by a functional head (Pred°), which has both a semantic and a syntactic function: (1) VP V° PredP = small clause consider DP Pred Marie Pred° AP ø proud of her work Bowers' motivation for this proposal was mostly theoretical, but some empirical evidence was also provided. However, as I will argue below, this conclusion, although widely accepted by now, is not, on closer examination, supported by linguistic evidence that has been adduced in its favor and theory-internal arguments for it either have become obsolete or may be counted by an alternative explanation. 2xxTheoretical Evidence for PredP The first, most frequently cited argument for the existence of a functional head in small clauses comes from coordination. While it is generally impossible to coordinate maximal projections of different lexical heads (a constraint from Chomsky 1957 that Williams 1981 terms the Law of Coordination of Likes), coordination of small-clause predicates is possible (Sag et al. 1985): 83 84 Matushansky (2) a. I consider Fred crazy and a fool. b. I consider Mary both shrewd and in the know. Bowers proposes that the Law of Coordination of Likes can be explained by the impossibility of assigning a label to the constituent formed by the coordination of projections of X° and Y°.
    [Show full text]
  • Reduplication in Distributed Morphology
    Reduplication in Distributed Morphology Item Type text; Article Authors Haugen, Jason D. Publisher University of Arizona Linguistics Circle (Tucson, Arizona) Journal Coyote Papers: Working Papers in Linguistics, Linguistic Theory at the University of Arizona Rights http://rightsstatements.org/vocab/InC/1.0/ Download date 27/09/2021 03:15:12 Item License Copyright © is held by the author(s). Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/143067 The Coyote Papers 18 (May 2011), University of Arizona Linguistics Department, Tucson, AZ, U.S.A. Reduplication in Distributed Morphology Jason D. Haugen Oberlin College [email protected] Keywords reduplication, Distributed Morphology, allomorphy, reduplicative allomorphy, base-dependence, Hiaki (Yaqui), Tawala Abstract The two extant approaches to reduplication in Distributed Morphology (DM) are: (i) the read- justment approach, where reduplication is claimed to result from a readjustment operation on some stem triggered by a (typically null) affix; and (ii) the affixation approach, where reduplica- tion is claimed to result from the insertion of a special type of Vocabulary Item (i.e. a reduplica- tive affix–“reduplicant" or \Red") which gets inserted into a syntactic node in order to discharge some morphosyntactic feature(s), but which receives its own phonological content from some other stem (i.e. its \base") in the output. This paper argues from phonologically-conditioned allomorphy pertaining to base-dependence, as in the case of durative reduplication in Tawala, that the latter approach best accounts for a necessary distinction between \reduplicants" and \bases" as different types of morphemes which display different phonological effects, including \the emergence of the unmarked" effects, in many languages.
    [Show full text]
  • Contact Morphology in Modern Greek Dialects
    Contact Morphology in Modern Greek Dialects Contact Morphology in Modern Greek Dialects Edited by Angela Ralli Contact Morphology in Modern Greek Dialects Edited by Angela Ralli This book first published 2016 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2016 by Angela Ralli and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-8691-2 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-8691-8 CONTENTS Foreword ................................................................................................... vii Angela Ralli Headedness and/in Variation: Evidence from Italiot-Greek and Modern Greek Dialects ............................................................................................. 1 Marios Andreou The Morphological Marking of In-Definiteness: Evidence from Cappadocian and Pontic .................................................................... 21 Marianna Gkiouleka Internally- and Externally-Motivated Inter-Paradigm Levelling in Griko Verbal System ........................................................................................... 49 Nikos Koutsoukos Strategies and Patterns of Loan Verb Integration in Modern Greek Varieties ....................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • University of California Santa Cruz Minimal Reduplication
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ MINIMAL REDUPLICATION A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in LINGUISTICS by Jesse Saba Kirchner June 2010 The Dissertation of Jesse Saba Kirchner is approved: Professor Armin Mester, Chair Professor Jaye Padgett Professor Junko Ito Tyrus Miller Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies Copyright © by Jesse Saba Kirchner 2010 Some rights reserved: see Appendix E. Contents Abstract vi Dedication viii Acknowledgments ix 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Structureofthethesis ...... ....... ....... ....... ........ 2 1.2 Overviewofthetheory...... ....... ....... ....... .. ....... 2 1.2.1 GoalsofMR ..................................... 3 1.2.2 Assumptionsandpredictions. ....... 7 1.3 MorphologicalReduplication . .......... 10 1.3.1 Fixedsize..................................... ... 11 1.3.2 Phonologicalopacity. ...... 17 1.3.3 Prominentmaterialpreferentiallycopied . ............ 22 1.3.4 Localityofreduplication. ........ 24 1.3.5 Iconicity ..................................... ... 24 1.4 Syntacticreduplication. .......... 26 2 Morphological reduplication 30 2.1 Casestudy:Kwak’wala ...... ....... ....... ....... .. ....... 31 2.2 Data............................................ ... 33 2.2.1 Phonology ..................................... .. 33 2.2.2 Morphophonology ............................... ... 40 2.2.3 -mut’ .......................................... 40 2.3 Analysis........................................ ..... 48 2.3.1 Lengtheningandreduplication.
    [Show full text]
  • Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: a Case Study from Koro
    Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro By Jessica Cleary-Kemp A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair Assistant Professor Peter S. Jenks Professor William F. Hanks Summer 2015 © Copyright by Jessica Cleary-Kemp All Rights Reserved Abstract Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro by Jessica Cleary-Kemp Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair In this dissertation a methodology for identifying and analyzing serial verb constructions (SVCs) is developed, and its application is exemplified through an analysis of SVCs in Koro, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea. SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and mood, and they denote a single event. The unique syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs present a number of theoretical challenges, and thus they have invited great interest from syntacticians and typologists alike. But characterizing the nature of SVCs and making generalizations about the typology of serializing languages has proven difficult. There is still debate about both the surface properties of SVCs and their underlying syntactic structure. The current work addresses some of these issues by approaching serialization from two angles: the typological and the language-specific. On the typological front, it refines the definition of ‘SVC’ and develops a principled set of cross-linguistically applicable diagnostics.
    [Show full text]
  • Dative Constructions in Romance and Beyond
    Dative constructions in Romance and beyond Edited by Anna Pineda Jaume Mateu language Open Generative Syntax 7 science press Open Generative Syntax Editors: Elena Anagnostopoulou, Mark Baker, Roberta D’Alessandro, David Pesetsky, Susi Wurmbrand In this series: 1. Bailey, Laura R. & Michelle Sheehan (eds.). Order and structure in syntax I: Word order and syntactic structure. 2. Sheehan, Michelle & Laura R. Bailey (eds.). Order and structure in syntax II: Subjecthood and argument structure. 3. Bacskai­Atkari, Julia. Deletion phenomena in comparative constructions: English comparatives in a cross­linguistic perspective. 4. Franco, Ludovico, Mihaela Marchis Moreno & Matthew Reeve (eds.). Agreement, case and locality in the nominal and verbal domains. 5. Bross, Fabian. The clausal syntax of German Sign Language: A cartographic approach. 6. Smith, Peter W., Johannes Mursell & Katharina Hartmann (eds.). Agree to Agree: Agreement in the Minimalist Programme. 7. Pineda, Anna & Jaume Mateu (eds.). Dative constructions in Romance and beyond. ISSN: 2568­7336 Dative constructions in Romance and beyond Edited by Anna Pineda Jaume Mateu language science press Pineda, Anna & Jaume Mateu (eds.). 2020. Dative constructions in Romance and beyond (Open Generative Syntax 7). Berlin: Language Science Press. This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/258 © 2020, the authors Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISBN: 978-3-96110-249-5 (Digital) 978-3-96110-250-1
    [Show full text]
  • Antisymmetry and the Lefthand in Morphology*
    CatWPL 7 071-087 13/6/00 12:26 Página 71 CatWPL 7, 1999 71-87 Antisymmetry And The Lefthand In Morphology* Frank Drijkoningen Utrecht Institute of Linguistics-OTS. Department of Foreign Languages Kromme Nieuwegracht 29. 3512 HD Utrecht. The Netherlands [email protected] Received: December 13th 1998 Accepted: March 17th 1999 Abstract As Kayne (1994) has shown, the theory of antisymmetry of syntax also provides an explanation of a structural property of morphological complexes, the Righthand Head Rule. In this paper we show that an antisymmetry approach to the Righthand Head Rule eventually is to be preferred on empirical grounds, because it describes and explains the properties of a set of hitherto puzz- ling morphological processes —known as discontinuous affixation, circumfixation or parasyn- thesis. In considering these and a number of more standard morphological structures, we argue that one difference bearing on the proper balance between morphology and syntax should be re-ins- talled (re- with respect to Kayne), a difference between the antisymmetry of the syntax of mor- phology and the antisymmetry of the syntax of syntax proper. Key words: antisymmetry, Righthand Head Rule, circumfixation, parasynthesis, prefixation, category-changing prefixation, discontinuities in morphology. Resum. L’antisimetria i el costat esquerre en morfologia Com Kayne (1994) mostra, la teoria de l’antisimetria en la sintaxi també ens dóna una explicació d’una propietat estructural de complexos morfològics, la Regla del Nucli a la Dreta. En aquest article mostrem que un tractament antisimètric de la Regla del Nucli a la Dreta es prefereix even- tualment en dominis empírics, perquè descriu i explica les propietats d’una sèrie de processos fins ara morfològics —coneguts com afixació discontínua, circumfixació o parasíntesi.
    [Show full text]
  • The Linking Element and Swedish Complex Nominal Compounds
    THE LINKING ELEMENT AND SWEDISH COMPLEX NOMINAL COMPOUNDS Jeffrey Kline Gilbert A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Linguistics. Chapel Hill 2012 Approved by: Randall Hendrick Katya Pertsova J. Michael Terry © 2012 Jeffrey Kline Gilbert ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT JEFFREY KLINE GILBERT: The Linking Element and Swedish Complex Nominal Compounds (Under the direction of Randall Hendrick and Katya Pertsova) This thesis investigates the linking element that sometimes appears in Swedish compounds made up of three noun stems, also called complex nominal compounds. I present a comprehensive analysis of Swedish compounding and the nature of the linking element, and then argue that the appearance of the linking element, typically –s–, in complex nominal compounds is predictable. This thesis proposes that the linking element is a marker of a particular syntactic structure, and thereby a particular linear ordering of the nouns inside a complex compound. Two previous syntactic proposals (Josefsson, 1998; Mukai, 2008) for the linking element and Swedish complex compounds are discussed, and I argue that these proposals are partly problematic due to their application of Kayne’s (1994) antisymmetry theory of syntax. I discuss Kayne’s antisymmetry theory, with its restrictions to asymmetric c-command, and offer a solution to the problem found in the previous proposals. I contend that antisymmetry theory can account for both the subword structure and linearization of Swedish complex nominal compounds with and without the linking element. iii To my parents for their unconditional support of all my interests, which helped develop my love of language.
    [Show full text]
  • William Snyder the Compounding Parameter (TCP)
    To appear in Violeta Demonte and Louise McNally (eds.) Telicity, Change, and State . Oxford: OUP. 1 PARAMETER THEORY AND MOTION PREDICATES William Snyder The Compounding Parameter (TCP) of (Snyder 1995, 2001) has been linked to a number of the same points of cross-linguistic variation that Leonard Talmy (1985, 1991, 2000) addresses in his well-known verb-framed / satellite-framed typology. Talmy differentiates between languages in which path-of-motion is normally encoded in the main verb of a clause ("verb-framed" languages), and those in which path-of-motion is more commonly expressed outside the verb ("satellite-framed" languages). Both the English type of verb-particle construction (where the particle can be separated from the verb by a phrasal constituent, as in Mary pulled the lid off ) and the English adjectival resultative construction ( John wiped the table clean ) have been argued to depend on the positive setting of TCP (e.g. Snyder 2001, Sugisaki & Isobe 2000); and both are typical of Talmy's satellite-framed languages (e.g. Talmy 1985:68,104). Likewise, researchers have argued that a spatial PP (such as under the bridge ) can convert a pure manner-of-motion activity predicate (Sue swam for/*in 15 minutes ) into an accomplishment ( Sue swam under the bridge in 15 minutes ) only in [+ TCP] languages (Beck & Snyder 2001, Gehrke 2008), and only in satellite-framed languages (cf. Aske 1989:6-7). This chapter examines the precise role of TCP in the linguistic expression of motion events. One of my central claims will be that TCP should be understood as the availability, or unavailability, of a specific rule of semantic composition, which I term To appear in Violeta Demonte and Louise McNally (eds.) Telicity, Change, and State .
    [Show full text]
  • Cognate Object Constructions In
    COGNATE OBJECT CONSTRUCTIONS IN MSA A thesis submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2017 Safiah A. Y. Madkhali SCHOOL OF ARTS, LANGUAGES AND CULTURES CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………………….7 LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………...7 ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………………...8 DECLARATION……………………………………………………………..……………9 COPYRIGHT STATEMENT……………………………………………………………10 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………………...11 GLOSSING CONVENTIONS…………………………………………………………..12 TRANSLITERATION SYMBOLS………………………………………………………13 Chapter 1: INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................... 14 1.1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………….14 1.2. Modern Standard Arabic……………………………………………………...17 1.3. The Data………………………………………………………………………...18 1.4. Cognate Object Constructions………………………………………………..20 1.4.1. Delimitation of the Concept .............................................................................. 20 1.4.1.1 Morphological Criterion ..................................................................... 20 1.4.1.2 Semantic Criteria .................................................................................. 21 1.4.1.3 Syntactic Criteria .................................................................................. 25 1.4.1.4 Categories of Cognate Objects ........................................................... 28 1.4.1.5 Delimitation of the Concept in MSA ................................................. 33 1.4.2.
    [Show full text]
  • Morphological Sources of Phonological Length
    Morphological Sources of Phonological Length by Anne Pycha B.A. (Brown University) 1993 M.A. (University of California, Berkeley) 2004 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Sharon Inkelas (chair) Professor Larry Hyman Professor Keith Johnson Professor Johanna Nichols Spring 2008 Abstract Morphological Sources of Phonological Length by Anne Pycha Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Professor Sharon Inkelas, Chair This study presents and defends Resizing Theory, whose claim is that the overall size of a morpheme can serve as a basic unit of analysis for phonological alternations. Morphemes can increase their size by any number of strategies -- epenthesizing new segments, for example, or devoicing an existing segment (and thereby increasing its phonetic duration) -- but it is the fact of an increase, and not the particular strategy used to implement it, which is linguistically significant. Resizing Theory has some overlap with theories of fortition and lenition, but differs in that it uses the independently- verifiable parameter of size in place of an ad-hoc concept of “strength” and thereby encompasses a much greater range of phonological alternations. The theory makes three major predictions, each of which is supported with cross-linguistic evidence. First, seemingly disparate phonological alternations can achieve identical morphological effects, but only if they trigger the same direction of change in a morpheme’s size. Second, morpheme interactions can take complete control over phonological outputs, determining surface outputs when traditional features and segments fail to do so.
    [Show full text]