Religious Politics: an Individual Level-Examination of the Political Implications of Faith in Brazil

University of Mississippi eGrove Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2013 Religious Politics: An Individual Level-Examination Of The Political Implications Of Faith In Brazil Thatianne A. Moreira University of Mississippi Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Moreira, Thatianne A., "Religious Politics: An Individual Level-Examination Of The Political Implications Of Faith In Brazil" (2013). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 785. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/etd/785 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RELIGIOUS POLITICS: AN INDIVIDUAL LEVEL-EXAMINATION OF THE POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF FAITH IN BRAZIL A Dissertation presented in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science The University of Mississippi by THATIANNE MOREIRA August 2013 Copyright Thatianne Moreira 2013 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Although Brazil is, historically, a catholic country, the Catholic Church is losing its members to the Protestant churches, mainly Pentecostal ones. Between 1940-2010, the number of Protestants increased from 2.6% to 20.2%. On the other hand, between the same period, the number of Catholics decreased from 95% to 68.5%. One of the consequences of this shift in the religious marketplace has been its impact in the political realm; more specifically, in the number of political candidates that have identified themselves as evangélicos. The presence of evangélicos in power seems to be the most studied facet of the growth of Pentecostalism in Brazil. However, the literature would also benefit from the investigation of the consequences of this shift occurring in the religious marketplace at the individual-level. Here, I use data from the LAPOP (2010) to investigate the effects of religiosity, paying special attention to Pentecostalism, on political behavior and attitudes. This dissertation is divided in three parts. First, I draw demographic patterns between members of the major religious groups (Catholics, Pentecostal and mainline Protestants). Second, I test how religious variables (religious affiliation, church attendance, and devoutness) affect different measures of political participation. And lastly, I analyze how religiosity affects individuals’ perceptions of democracy. My findings suggest that religion is mostly not correlated to political outcomes although devoutness shows to be a strong factor determining attitudes toward democracy. In the case of Brazil, socioeconomic variables are the strongest predictors of political outcomes. ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to the One who made this impossible task possible. To Him, I dedicate all. Philippians 3:8 iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I would like to express my gratitude to the people that brought me to this world to be part of such a loving and fun family. Thank you mom and dad for being the best parents I know. Second, I want to thank the people that made these past four years at the University of Mississippi so enjoyable. To my best friend Kristi Boxx, thank you for all that you do for me; from putting up with my mood shifts to all the great meals that you cook. To my fiancé Will Dewey, thanks for all the love and kindness that you pour into my life. I promise your turn will come soon. To my American parents, Joann and Johnny Flynt, thank you for letting me be part of your family and loving me like your own daughter. Third, I would like to thank Dr. Robert Albritton, Dr. Alice Cooper, and Dr. Gregory Love for agreeing to be in my committee. Thank you for sacrificing your time to make this project possible. On a more personal note, I will miss those appointments with Dr. Albritton where we talked about Brazilian culture more than the dissertation issues themselves. Thank you Dr. Albritton for your friendship. I also want to thank our department secretary, Regina Jordan, for always taking care of me. Lastly, I would like to show my appreciation for the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP). Without their dataset, this dissertation would not have been possible. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT…………………………………………………………………………………….. ii DEDICATION………………………………………………………………………………….. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ……………………………………………………………………….iv LIST OF TABLES ………………………………………………………………………………vi LIST OF FIGURES ……………………………………………………………………………vii INTRODUCTION: PENTECOSTALISM IN BRAZIL ………………………………………...1 PENTECOSTAL PROTESTANT IDENTITY: WHO ARE THE PENTECOSTALS………...17 PENTECOSTALISM AND POLITICAL BEHAVIOR………………………………………..41 PENTECOSTALISM AND SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRACY………………………...………64 CONCLUSION………………………………………………………………………………….91 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………………………….99 v LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1: Distribution of Income by Religious Affiliation (ESEB 2002)……………..28 Figure 1.2: Distribution of Income Between Mainline and Pentecostal Protestants…….30 Figure 1.3: Levels of Education by Religious Affiliation………………………………..31 Figure 1.4: Levels of Education Between Mainline and Pentecostal Protestants………..31 Figure 1.5: Distribution of Income by Religious Affiliation (LAPOP 2010)……………36 Figure 1.6: Years of Education by Religious Affiliation (LAPOP 2010)……………….36 vi LIST OF TABLES Table 1: Number of evangelico officials represented in the legislature ………………………….5 Table 1.1: Socioeconomic Background by Religious Affiliation (2010)………………………..34 Table 1.2: Socioeconomic Background by Religious Affiliation (2008)………………………..34 Table 1.3: Socioeconomic Impact on Pentecostal Affiliation…………………………………...37 Table 1.4: ANOVA Analysis…………………………………………………………………….40 Table 2.1: Predictors of Political Activities……………………………………………………...58 Table 2.2: Predictors of Interest in Politics and Political Persuasion…………………………….60 Table 2.3: Political Persuasion by Religious Affiliation………………………………………....61 Table 2.4: Political Activity by Religious Affiliation………………………………………….. 61 Table 2.5: Devoutness by Religious Affiliation………………………………………………....62 Table 3: Church Attendance by Religious Affiliation…………………………………………...75 Table 3.1: Raw Percentages on Opinions About Homosexuals’ Right to Run for Office……….81 Table 3.2: Opinions on Homosexuals’ Right to Run for Office by Religious Affiliation……….82 Table 3.3: Difference in Levels of Political Tolerance Between Mainline and Pentecostal Protestant ………………………………………………………………………………………..83 Table 3.4: Political Tolerance Scale by Religious Affiliation ………………………………….84 Table 3.5: Democratic Support by Religious Affiliation………………………………………...85 vii CHAPTER 1 PENTECOSTALISM IN BRAZIL INTRODUCTION While advocates of secularization and modernization theories argued for most of the 20th century that the importance of religion as a political and social factor (i.e. religious authority) would decrease, and perhaps even fade away, in the modern world, it is clear that religion remains a relevant aspect of many societies. Although empirical evidence shows that the traditional forms of religious participation (e.g. church attendance) are no longer as common as they once were among believers in many societies, many scholars have argued that this trend does not indicate that religion has become less important; instead, they note that religion has gone through a transformation process (Norris and Inglehart 2004; Fox 2008; Fox 2007; Steigenga 2001). As Fox writes “religion is, among other things, a complicated multifaceted social phenomena that is constantly changing, evolving, and adapting to an ever-changing environment. Thus some aspects of religion in some places are secularizing but other aspects of religion in other places are becoming more powerful and influential” (2008:30). While in some societies, secularization and modernization forces have challenged religion’s relevance as a social factor, in others, they have contributed to a “resurgence” or “revitalization” of religion1. 1 For more read Fox’s second chapter on A World Survey of Religion and the State titled “The Question of Religion’s Role in Politics and Society.” 1 One of the cases that attest to Fox’s argument on the importance of religion is the current scenario in Latin American. As Gill (2002) comments, the political efforts of religious-affiliated candidates and movements in South America have been met with surprising success. In Peru, evangélicos2were the key ingredient to President Alberto Fujimori’s 1990 successful presidential campaign. In Brazil, many religious-affiliated candidates have found their way not only into the local but also into the national elections as it is the case of previous presidential candidate Garotinho in 2002. In Guatemela, religious-affiliated candidates have not only participated in presidential election but have also won presidential elections twice (General Efrain Rios in 1982 and Jorge Serrano Elias in 1990) in the last two decades (Hallum 2002). At the individual level, we can also see the clear impact of the rapid growth of Pentecostalism pointing to what Steigenga and Cleary termed “the conversion of a continent” (2007). In 1991, the number of Protestants in Brazil represented approximately 9 percent of its population. By 2010, this number had increased to 22.2 percent. Conversely, the number of Catholics in 1991 represented 83 percent of Brazil’s population. In 2010, this number had dropped

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