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Thoughts on Grand Strategy and the United States in the Twenty-First Century
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 13, ISSUE 1, FALL 2010 Studies Thoughts on Grand Strategy and the United States in the Twenty-first Century Williamson Murray One might begin an examination of the issues involved in grand strategy with an effort to describe what we mean by the term. Over the centuries, some governments and leaders have attempted to chart a course for their nations that has involved something more than simply reacting to the course of events. In most cases they have confronted sudden and major changes in the international environment, often resulting from the outbreak of great conflicts, but at times involving economic, strategic, or political alterations that threaten the stability or even existence of their polities. Yet, grand strategy is a matter of great states and great states alone. No small states, and few medium size states, possess the possibility of crafting a grand strategy. For the most part their circumstances condemn them to suffer what Athens negotiators suggested to their Melian counterparts in 416 BC about the nature of international relations: "The standard of justice depends on the equality of power to compel and that in fact the strong do what they have the power to do and the weak accept what they have to accept."1 1 Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. by Rex Warner (London, 1954), p. 402. There are two exceptions to the rule. Both the Swiss and the Finns were able to exercise a certain independence that allowed them to maintain a grand strategic frame work: the former by balancing great powers off against each other; the latter by creating the distinct impression in the minds of the Soviets that they were willing to fight to the last man and woman in defense of their independence. -
American Grand Strategy for an Emerging World Order Scott Lawless
STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY - PERSPECTIVE American Grand Strategy for an Emerging World Order SCOTT LAWLESS Abstract Since the end of the Second World War, the United States has secured its core national interests primarily through the creation and maintenance of the liberal international order. Today, this order is being challenged in ways that will define the twenty- first century context. America’s most pressing foreign policy challenge is finding strategies to counter a poten- tially illiberal global order. Neo-authoritarian states are seeking to establish spheres of influence by violating territorial norms, undermining the liberal order via coercive economic measures, and weakening democratic regimes through unconventional political warfare. The current liberal order is ill- equipped to face these challenges because of two global trends: the erosion of its legitimacy and the shifting global balance of power. In a changing environment such as this, where the ends of American grand strategy re- main fixed while its relative means are eroding, the US must revise the ways in which it seeks to achieve its strategic objectives. The shifts in geopolitics today necessitate a revitalization of American grand strategy and the estab- lishment of a new security order—namely, a Concert of Democracies—to secure American interests, reestablish liberal legitimacy, and shape the emerging international order toward a stable future. ***** he liberal international order that emerged triumphant over fas- cism and communism during the twentieth century is a testament to the institutions, alliances, and norms US statesmen established Tto avoid the revival of great power conflict. Though these structures have granted the United States and its allies several decades of unparalleled security and prosperity, it is unclear as to what is invoked by the term lib- eral international order. -
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
The Impact of Disinformation on Democratic Processes and Human Rights in the World
STUDY Requested by the DROI subcommittee The impact of disinformation on democratic processes and human rights in the world @Adobe Stock Authors: Carme COLOMINA, Héctor SÁNCHEZ MARGALEF, Richard YOUNGS European Parliament coordinator: Policy Department for External Relations EN Directorate General for External Policies of the Union PE 653.635 - April 2021 DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EXTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT STUDY The impact of disinformation on democratic processes and human rights in the world ABSTRACT Around the world, disinformation is spreading and becoming a more complex phenomenon based on emerging techniques of deception. Disinformation undermines human rights and many elements of good quality democracy; but counter-disinformation measures can also have a prejudicial impact on human rights and democracy. COVID-19 compounds both these dynamics and has unleashed more intense waves of disinformation, allied to human rights and democracy setbacks. Effective responses to disinformation are needed at multiple levels, including formal laws and regulations, corporate measures and civil society action. While the EU has begun to tackle disinformation in its external actions, it has scope to place greater stress on the human rights dimension of this challenge. In doing so, the EU can draw upon best practice examples from around the world that tackle disinformation through a human rights lens. This study proposes steps the EU can take to build counter-disinformation more seamlessly into its global human rights and democracy policies. -
The Russian Integration of Cyber Power Into Grand Strategy by James J
Cyber War and Strategic Culture: The Russian Integration of Cyber Power into Grand Strategy by James J. Wirtz Chapter 3 in Kenneth Geers (Ed.), Cyber War in Perspective: Russian Aggression against Ukraine, NATO CCD COE Publications, Tallinn 2015 In Chapter 3, James J. Wirtz, Dean of the Naval Postgraduate School in California, describes the global context surrounding these events. Today, nation-states are integrating cyber tactics into their political and military strategies. Professor Wirtz posits that when it comes to the use of cyber, ‘national styles’ might be emerging as states attempt to use cyber capabilities to achieve strategic objectives. He suggests that it is wrong to treat cyber attacks as a silver bullet, and that it is better to consider how a sort of combined arms approach will prevail. On a positive note, the need for legal and bureaucratic integration of policies and programmes should produce national idiosyncrasies on the cyber battlefield that can help with the vexing challenge of attribution. Disclaimer This publication is a product of the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Ex- cellence (the Centre). It does not necessarily reflect the policy or the opinion of the Centre or NATO. The Centre may not be held responsible for any loss or harm arising from the use of information contained in this publication and is not responsible for the content of the external sources, including external websites referenced in this publica- tion. Digital or hard copies of this publication may be produced for internal use within NATO and for personal or educational use when for non-profit and non-commercial purpose, provided that copies bear a full citation. -
The Pillars of American Grand Strategy in World War II by Tami Davis Biddle
Leveraging Strength: The Pillars of American Grand Strategy in World War II by Tami Davis Biddle Tami Davis Biddle is the Hoyt S. Vandenberg Chair of Aerospace Studies at the U.S. Army War College in Carlisle, PA. She is the author of Rhetoric and Reality in Air Warfare: The Evolution of British and American Thinking about Strategic Bombing, 1914–1945, and is at work on a new book titled, Taking Command: The United States at War, 1944–1945. This article is based on a lecture she delivered in March 2010 in The Hertog Program on Grand Strategy, jointly sponsored by Temple University’s Center for Force and Diplomacy, and FPRI. Abstract: This article argues that U.S. leaders navigated their way through World War II challenges in several important ways. These included: sustaining a functional civil-military relationship; mobilizing inside a democratic, capitalist paradigm; leveraging the moral high ground ceded to them by their enemies; cultivating their ongoing relationship with the British, and embra- cing a kind of adaptability and resiliency that facilitated their ability to learn from mistakes and take advantage of their enemies’ mistakes. ooking back on their World War II experience from the vantage point of the twenty-first century, Americans are struck, first of all, by the speed L with which everything was accomplished: armies were raised, fleets of planes and ships were built, setbacks were overcome, and great victories were won—all in a mere 45 months. Between December 1941 and August 1945, Americans faced extraordinary challenges and accepted responsibilities they had previously eschewed. -
British Anti-Communist Propaganda and Cooperation with the United States, 1945-1951. Andrew Defty
British anti-communist propaganda and cooperation with the United States, 1945-1951. Andrew Defty European Studies Research Institute School of English, Sociology, Politics and Contemporary History University of Salford Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, January 2002 British anti-communist propaganda and cooperation with the United States, 1945-1951 Contents Acknowledgements................................................................................................. .......ii Abbreviations.................................................................................................................iii Abstract..........................................................................................................................iv Introduction....................................................................................................................! Chapter 1 The Origins of Britain's anti-communist propaganda policy 1945-1947.............................28 Chapter 2 Launching the new propaganda policy, 1948.....................................................................74 Chapter 3 Building a concerted counter-offensive: cooperation with other powers, 1948-1950 ........123 Chapter 4 'Close and continuous liaison': British and American cooperation, 1950-1951 .................162 Conclusion .....................................................................................................................216 Notes Introduction .........................................................................................................226 -
PERSUADE OR PERISH Addressing Gaps in the U.S
PERSUADE OR PERISH Addressing Gaps in the U.S. Posture to Confront Propaganda and Disinformation Threats Dr. Haroro J. Ingram Program on Extremism Policy Paper February 2020 PERSUADE OR PERISH 1 INGRAM | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM Abstract: The purpose of this policy paper is to assess the U.S. government’s posture to deal with malicious ‘influence activities’ (i.e. propaganda and disinformation) by state and nonstate actors. It argues that while the U.S. government has provided inconsistent support for its foreign policy and national security information sector for decades, since 2017 an effort has been made to lay the foundations for a rejuvenated U.S. posture to address propaganda and disinformation threats. However, significant gaps remain that will weaken those foundation building efforts if left unaddressed. This paper concludes with four recommendations focusing on (i.) the need to learn lessons from the institutions’ history, (ii.) the value of an overarching paradigm through which to understand a spectrum of threats, (iii.) the important role of overt attributed U.S government messaging, and (iv.) initiatives to strategically cohere interagency activities. The United States and its allies are facing a complex spectrum of propaganda and disinformation threats that are rapidly evolving strategically, operationally, and technologically. 1 The U.S. government’s ability to address these malicious ‘influence activities’ will depend on its adoption of an appropriately balanced, resourced, and legislatively empowered posture that will be as much a product of institutional history as contemporary strategic-policy decisions. This policy paper assesses the U.S. government’s posture to deal with these threats and outlines ways in which strategic-policy gaps, drawn from this analysis, can be tackled. -
Propaganda Fitzmaurice
Propaganda Fitzmaurice Propaganda Katherine Fitzmaurice Brock University Abstract This essay looks at how the definition and use of the word propaganda has evolved throughout history. In particular, it examines how propaganda and education are intrinsically linked, and the implications of such a relationship. Propaganda’s role in education is problematic as on the surface, it appears to serve as a warning against the dangers of propaganda, yet at the same time it disseminates the ideology of a dominant political power through curriculum and practice. Although propaganda can easily permeate our thoughts and actions, critical thinking and awareness can provide the best defense against falling into propaganda’s trap of conformity and ignorance. Keywords: propaganda, education, indoctrination, curriculum, ideology Katherine Fitzmaurice is a Master’s of Education (M.Ed.) student at Brock University. She is currently employed in the private business sector and is a volunteer with several local educational organizations. Her research interests include adult literacy education, issues of access and equity for marginalized adults, and the future and widening of adult education. Email: [email protected] 63 Brock Education Journal, 27(2), 2018 Propaganda Fitzmaurice According to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED, 2011) the word propaganda can be traced back to 1621-23, when it first appeared in “Congregatio de progapanda fide,” meaning “congregation for propagating the faith.” This was a mission, commissioned by Pope Gregory XV, to spread the doctrine of the Catholic Church to non-believers. At the time, propaganda was defined as “an organization, scheme, or movement for the propagation of a particular doctrine, practice, etc.” (OED). -
Covert Networks a Comparative Study Of
COVERT NETWORKS A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INTELLIGENCE TECHNIQUES USED BY FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE AGENCIES TO WEAPONIZE SOCIAL MEDIA by Sarah Ogar A thesis submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Baltimore, Maryland December 2019 2019 Sarah Ogar All Rights Reserved Abstract From the Bolshevik Revolution to the Brexit Vote, the covert world of intelligence has attempted to influence global events with varying degrees of success. In 2016, one of the most brazen manifestations of Russian intelligence operations was directed against millions of Americans when they voted to elect a new president. Although this was not the first time that Russia attempted to influence an American presidential election, it was undoubtedly the largest attempt in terms of its scope and the most publicized to date. Although much discussion has followed the 2016 election, there have not been much concerted historical analysis which situates the events of 2016 within the global timeline of foreign intelligence collection. This paper argues that the onset of social media has altered intelligence collection in terms of its form, but not in terms of its essence. Using the case study method, this paper illustrates how three different nations apply classical intelligence techniques to the modern environment of social media. This paper examines how China has utilized classical agent recruitment techniques through sites like LinkedIn, how Iran has used classical honey trap techniques through a combination of social media sites, and how Russia has employed the classical tactics of kompromat, forgery, agents of influence and front groups in its modern covert influence campaigns. -
City, University of London Institutional Repository
City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Iosifidis, P. ORCID: 0000-0002-2096-219X and Nicoli, N. (2019). The battle to end fake news: A qualitative content analysis of Facebook announcements on how it combats disinformation. International Communication Gazette, doi: 10.1177/1748048519880729 This is the accepted version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/23017/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048519880729 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] The Battle to End Fake News: A Qualitative Content Analysis of Facebook Announcements on how it combats disinformation Petros Iosifidis (corresponding author) and Nicholas Nicoli Published online in International Communication Gazette, October 2019 Actual Publication in Issue 82, Number 1, February 2020. Accepted Version: ABSTRACT The recent spread of online disinformation has been profound and has played a central role in the growth of populist sentiments around the world. -
Content and Context: Three Essays on Information in Politics
CONTENT AND CONTEXT: THREE ESSAYS ON INFORMATION IN POLITICS by Ian Palmer Cook Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2016 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH KENNETH P. DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Ian Palmer Cook It was defended on March 31, 2016 and approved by Jonathan Woon, Political Science Kristin Kanthak, Political Science George Krause, Political Science Kenneth Shotts, Graduate School of Business, Stanford University Dissertation Director: Jonathan Woon, Political Science ii Copyright c by Ian Palmer Cook 2016 iii ABSTRACT CONTENT AND CONTEXT: THREE ESSAYS ON INFORMATION IN POLITICS Ian Palmer Cook, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2016 This dissertation explores the implications of information asymmetries in three specific political environments: primary campaign speeches; negotiating behavior; and testimony delivered in a congressional hearing. First, dog whistling can dramatically affect the outcome of elections, despite observers never being sure it actually occurred. I build a model that addresses how a whistle operates, and explore implications on candidate competition. I find that whistling lets candidates distinguish themselves from competitors in the minds of voters. Second, political negotiation frequently looks like two sides staring each other down, where neither side wishes to concede, claiming that doing so would incur the wrath of voters. Little theory or evidence exists to explain how voters allocate blame for different outcomes. We conduct a laboratory experiment to investigate how anticipation of blame drives negotiating behavior, and how observers allocate blame.