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The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
Russian Analytical Digest No 72
No. 72 9 February 2010 russian analytical digest www.res.ethz.ch www.laender-analysen.de HISTORY WRITING AND NATIONAL MYTH-MAKING IN RUSSIA ■ The Politics of the Past in Russia 2 By Alexey Miller, Moscow ■■OpiniOn Poll Russian Opinions on History Textbooks 5 ■ The Victory Myth and Russia’s Identity 6 By Ivo Mijnssen, Basel ■■OpiniOn Poll Russian Attitudes towards Stalin 10 Russians on the Disintegration of the USSR 15 ■ Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems 16 By Galina Mikhaleva, Moscow German Association for Research Centre for East Center for Security Institute of History DGO East European Studies European Studies, Bremen Studies, ETH Zurich University of Basel russian analytical russian analytical digest 72/10 digest The■politics■of■the■past■in■Russia* By Alexey Miller, Moscow Abstract Active political intervention in the politics of memory and the professional historian’s sphere began no later than in 2006 in Russia. Today all the basic elements of the politics of the past are present: attempts to in- culcate in school a single, centrally-defined, politicized history textbook; the creation of special, politically- committed structures, which combine the tasks of organizing historical research and controlling the activ- ities of archives and publishers; attempts to legislatively regulate historical interpretations; and, as is typical in such cases, efforts to legitimize and ideologically justify all of these practices. The■Origin■of■History■politics■in■the■post- In a society claiming to be democratic, all these Communist■Space mechanisms evolve. In contrast to the previous In 2004 a group of Polish historians announced that Communist party-state system, the group or party Poland needed to develop and propagate its own politics which holds power at a given time is no longer the of the past or history politics. -
Russia Intelligence
N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later. -
The Politics of Memory in Russia
Thomas Sherlock Confronting the Stalinist Past: The Politics of Memory in Russia Attempting to reverse the decline of the Russian state, economy, and society, President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin have paid increasing attention over the past two years to the modernization of Russia’s socioeconomic system. Aware of the importance of cultural and ideological supports for reform, both leaders are developing a ‘‘useable’’ past that promotes anti-Stalinism, challenging the anti-liberal historical narratives of Putin’s presidency from 2000—2008. This important political development was abrupt and unexpected in Russia and the West. In mid—2009, a respected journal noted in its introduction to a special issue on Russian history and politics: ‘‘turning a blind eye to the crimes of the communist regime, Russia’s political leadership is restoring, if only in part, the legacy of Soviet totalitarianism....’’1 In December 2009, Time magazine ran a story entitled ‘‘Rehabilitating Joseph Stalin.’’2 Although the conflicting interests of the regime and the opposition of conservatives are powerful obstacles to a sustained examination of Russia’s controversial Soviet past, the Kremlin has now reined in its recent efforts to burnish the historical image of Josef Stalin, one of the most brutal dictators in history. For now, Medvedev and Putin are bringing the Kremlin more in line with dominant Western assessments of Stalinism. If this initiative continues, it could help liberalize Russia’s official political culture and perhaps its political system. Yet Thomas Sherlock is Professor of Political Science at the United States Military Academy at West Point and the author of Historical Narratives in the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet Russia (Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). -
The July 2020 Clashes on the Armenia-Azerbaijan Border And
INSTITUTE FOR SECURITY POLICY (ISP) WORKING PAPER THE JULY 2020 CLASHES ON THE ARMENIA – AZERBAIJAN BORDER AND IMPLICATIONS FOR THE OLD CONFLICT by Vasif HUSEYNOV Center of Analysis of International Relations VIENNA 2020 The COVID-19 pandemic: impact for the post-Soviet space and Russia’s aspirations TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................... 3 II. THE JULY CLASHES .......................................................................................................... 7 III. REACTION OF EXTERNAL POWERS ............................................................................. 12 IV. NEW DIMENSIONS OF THE OLD CONFLICT ................................................................. 17 V. CONCLUDING REMARKS ............................................................................................... 19 1 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Vasif Huseynov studied International Relations, Political Economy, and Political Science in Baku, Kassel, and Göttingen. Since 2018, he has been a Research Fellow at the Centre for Strategic Studies, Lecturer in Politics at the Khazar University at Baku and Senior Advisor at the Center of Analysis of International Relations. His articles have appeared in, among other outlets, Caucasus International, CES Working Papers, and Eastern Journal of European Studies. Author of the book “Geopolitical Rivalries in the ‘Common Neighborhood’: Russia’s Conflict with the West, Soft Power, and Neoclassical Realism”. 2 I. -
Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies
September 14, 2020 Russian Law Enforcement and Internal Security Agencies Russia has an extensive internal security system, with Competition frequently leads to arrests and prosecutions, multiple, overlapping, and competitive security agencies often for real or imagined corruption allegations to undercut vying for bureaucratic, political, and economic influence. targeted organizations and senior leadership both Since Vladimir Putin assumed Russia’s leadership, these institutionally and politically. agencies have grown in both size and power, and they have become integral to the security and stability of the Russian Law Enforcement and Internal government. If Putin extends his rule beyond 2024, as is Security Agencies and Heads now legally permissible, these agencies could play a role in (as of September 2020) the leadership succession process and affect the ability of a transitional regime to quell domestic dissent. For Members Ministry of Interior (MVD): Vladimir Kolokoltsev of Congress, understanding the numerous internal security National Guard (Rosgvardiya, FSVNG): Viktor Zolotov agencies in Russia could be helpful in assessing the x Special Purpose Mobile Units (OMON) prospects of regime stability and dynamics of a transition x Special Rapid Response Detachment (SOBR) after Putin leaves office. In addition, Russian security agencies and their personnel have been targeted by U.S. x Interior Troops (VV) sanctions for cyberattacks and human rights abuses. x Kadyrovtsy Overview and Context Federal Security Service (FSB): Alexander Bortnikov -
Putin's Trick in Donbass
MONTHLY January 2018 CONTENTS 6 16 24 NEW YEAR, RUSSIANS BOTHER MOSCOW PLAYS SAME WAR U.S. ALLIES THE OSSETIAN CARD RUSSIA’S INVESTIGATIVE BLACK CLOUDS COMMITEE FACES 3 OVER BASTRYKIN 15 IMMINENT REVOLUTION PURGES RUSSIANS BOTHER 5 IN LUHANSK 16 U.S. ALLIES NEW YEAR, FSB “CLEANS UP” AFTER 6 SAME WAR 18 THE FAILED OPERATION PUTIN’S TRICK WHY MOSCOW LEFT KURDS. 8 IN DONBASS 19 FIVE REASONS HOW RUSSIA AVOIDS ANOTHER “LIBERAL” 10 SANCTIONS. EPISODE 2 21 IS GOING TO JAIL ROSGVARDIYA’S RUSSIA STRENGTHENS ITS 11 IRON FIST 22 FORCES ON THE BATIC SEA NO CHANCES OF RUSSIAN MOSCOW PLAYS 13 MILITARY BASE IN SUDAN 24 THE OSSETIAN CARD www.warsawinstitute.org 2 © KREMLIN.RU 3 January 2018 BLACK CLOUDS OVER BASTRYKIN In the last days of December, officers of the Investigative Directorate of the FSB detained another important person in the case against Zakhar Kalashov aka Shakro Molodoy. As a result, a former colonel of the Investigative Committee was charged with corruption. His detention occurred one and a half years after other high-ranking officers had been arrested. Such a state of affairs may mean the beginning of massive personal purges within the Investigative Committee and further weakening of the position, and perhaps even resignation, of the influential head of the service, Alexander Bastrykin. ntil July 2016, Colonel Alexey Committee. In addition, the investigation on UKramarenko had been the Head of bribes from Shakro Molodoy was initiated the Main Investigation Directorate of the by the FSB and not by the Investigative Investigative Committee (ICR) of Russia in Committee. -
Russian Intelligence Services and Special Forces
BRIEFING PAPER Number CBP 8430, 30 October 2018 Russian intelligence By Ben Smith services and special forces Contents: 1. KGB reborn? 2. GRU 3. Spetsnaz 4. What’s new? www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Russian intelligence services and special forces Contents Summary 3 1. KGB reborn? 4 1.1 FSB 4 1.2 SVR 5 1.3 FSO and GUSP 5 2. GRU 7 Cyber warfare 7 NCSC Review 8 3. Spetsnaz 9 4. What’s new? 12 Cover page image copyright: Special operations forces of the Russian Federation by Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation (Mil.ru). Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license / image cropped. 3 Commons Library Briefing, 30 October 2018 Summary The Salisbury incident and its aftermath brought the Russian secret services into the spotlight. Malcolm Chalmers of Royal United Services Institute said Russian security services were going well beyond normal spying practice: “By launching disruptive operations that threaten life in target societies, they blur the line between war and peace”. The main domestic service, the FSB, is a successor to the Communist-era KGB. It is responsible for counter-terrorism and counter espionage and Russian information security. Critics say that it continues the KGB’s work of persecution of ‘dissidents’ and is guilty of torture and other human rights violations, and of extortion and corruption. One estimate put its staff complement at 200,000, and it has grown in power, particularly since the election of Vladimir Putin as President of Russia. -
Report on the Mission to Golden Mountains of Altai (Russian
REPORT ON THE MISSION TO GOLDEN MOUNTAINS OF ALTAI WORLD HERITAGE SITE RUSSIAN FEDERATION Kishore Rao, UNESCO/WHC Jens Brüggemann, IUCN 3 TO 8 SEPTEMBER 2007 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..3 Executive Summary and List of Recommendations…………………………….……..4 1. Background to the Mission……………………………………………………….……5 2. National Policy for the World Heritage property……………………………………..6 3. Identification and Assessment of Issues……………………………………………..6 Achievements………………………………….………………………………………6 Plans for the construction of the gas pipeline………………………………………7 Management issues….…………………………………………………………….…9 Dialogue with NGOs………………………………………………………………….12 4. Assessment of the State of Conservation of the property………………...……….12 5. Conclusions and Recommendations…………………………………………….…..13 6. List of Annexes…………………………………………………………………………15 Annex A – Decision of the World Heritage Committee………….………………..16 Annex B – Itinerary and programme………………………………………………..17 Annex C – Description of the Altai project………………………………………….19 Annex D – Maps………………………………………………………………………23 Annex E – Statement of NGOs……………………………………………………...26 Annex F – List of participants of round-table meeting….…………….…………...27 Annex G – Photographs……………………………………………………………...28 2/29 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The mission team would like to thank the Governments of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Altai for their kind invitation, hospitality and assistance throughout the duration of the mission. The UNESCO-IUCN team was accompanied on the mission from Moscow by Gregory Ordjonikidze, Secretary General of the Russian National Commission for UNESCO and his staff Aysur Belekova, as well as by Alexey Troetsky of the Russian Ministry of Natural Resources and Yuri Badenkov of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Two representatives of Green Peace Russia – Andrey Petrov and Mikhail Kreyndlin also travelled from Moscow to Altai Republic and met the mission team on several occasions. The mission team is extremely grateful to each one of them for their kindness and support. -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy Ilya Zaslavskiy Ilya Zaslavskiy | Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy | Free Russia Foundation, 2017 1 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 3 NS2 AS A TOOL OF KREMLIN’S POLITICAL INFLUENCE AGAINST NEIGHBORS AND CORRUPTION 4 ACTUAL RESULTS OF NORD STREAM 1 7 ROOTS OF GAZPROM’S APPEASEMENT IN EUROPE 10 IMPLICATIONS OF NS2 FOR WESTERN POLICY-MAKERS 16 Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 CONTENTS to EU Security and Democracy I. INTRODUCTION his paper is a continuation of publications on security architecture. This Moscow-led pipeline Tthe Kremlin’s subversive activity in Europe seemingly being served as a free and lucrative prepared by Free Russia Foundation. The first gift to European energy corporations in reality paper, The Kremlin’s Gas Games in Europe, comes at the expense of taxpayers and the published jointly with the Atlantic Council, reasonable long-term development of gas looked at Gazprom’s overall current tactics in resources in Russia. Nord Stream 1 and 2 have Europe, including its pipeline plans, energy already started bringing the Kremlin’s business propaganda, and other policies.1 However, after practices and political cooptation to Europe, and our presentations in the US and Europe earlier they will further undermine EU aspirations for this year,2 we realized that a separate paper better governance, democratic institutions and specifically focused on certain aspects of Nord security. Stream 2 was required. To understand why this development is accepted Gazprom and its Western partners that are slated in Germany, and meets with weak and confused to benefit from Nord Stream 2 are aggressively resistance in the EU, it is important to look at advancing the pipeline as a purely commercial the roots of the friendship between big Western project that will only bring benefits to Europe. -
The Russian "Checkmate" in the Caucasus (The 2020 War in Artsach)
Dr Ioannis Th. Mazis Professor of Economic Geography and Geopolitical Theory, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens THE RUSSIAN "CHECKMATE" IN THE CAUCASUS (THE 2020 WAR IN ARTSACH) NATIONAL AND CAPODISTRIAN UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS Laboratory of Geocultural Analysis of the Wider Middle East and Turkey Department of Turkish Studies and Contemporary Asian Studies Athens, December 2020 NATIONAL AND CAPODISTRIAN UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS Laboratory of Geocultural Analysis of the Wider Middle East and Turkey / Department of Turkish Studies and Contemporary Asian Studies Gratis offer / Out of Market Publisher's permission ISBN: 978-618-5259-81-5 Photocopy - Pagination Cover creation: "LIMON" Nikitara 2, 106 78 Athens Tel.: 210-32.27.323, Fax: 210-32.24.548 e-mail: [email protected] web: www.leimon.gr Dr Ioannis Th. Mazis Professor of Economic Geography and Geopolitical Theory, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens THE RUSSIAN "CHECKMATE" IN THE CAUCASUS (THE 2020 WAR IN ARTSACH) NATIONAL AND CAPODISTRIAN UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS Laboratory of Geocultural Analysis of the Wider Middle East and Turkey Department of Turkish Studies and Contemporary Asian Studies Athens, December 2020 For the Greek-Armenian friendship based on the Truth... CONTENTS Abstract ..........................................................................................................................9 Α. Background .............................................................................................................9 B. Critical remarks on the conflict