Developing Countries in World Politics
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Somalia's Insurgents Embrace Twitter As a Weapon
Nxxx,2011-12-15,A,010,Bs-BW,E1 A10 N THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONAL THURSDAY, DECEMBER 15, 2011 Somalia’s Insurgents EmbraceTHURSDAY, Twitter DECEMBER 15, 2011 as a Weapon By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN NAIROBI, Kenya — Think of it as the Battle of the Tweets. Somalia’s powerful Islamist in- surgents, the Shabab, best known for chopping off hands and starv- ing their own people, just opened a Twitter account, and in the past week they have been writing up a storm, bragging about recent at- tacks and taunting their enemies. “Your inexperienced boys flee from confrontation & flinch in the face of death,” the Shabab wrote in a post to the Kenyan Army. It is an odd, almost downright hypocritical move from brutal militants in one of world’s most broken-down countries, where millions of people do not have enough food to eat, let alone a laptop. The Shabab have vehe- mently rejected Western prac- tices — banning Western music, movies, haircuts and bras, and even blocking Western aid for famine victims, all in the name of their brand of puritanical Islam — only to embrace Twitter, one of the icons of a modern, networked society. On top of that, the Shabab MOHAMED SHEIKH NOR/ASSOCIATED PRESS clearly have their hands full right The Shabab’s fighters are waging a war against Somalia’s interim government and peacekeepers. now, facing thousands of African Union peacekeepers, the Kenyan bab wrote. “Sure your comments lost only 10. African Union offi- statements. He added that the military, the Ethiopian military will invite derision but try to cials later conceded that the Sha- carefully composed e-mails and and the occasional American muster (or feign) courage at bab had been correct. -
Countering Terrorism in East Africa: the U.S
Countering Terrorism in East Africa: The U.S. Response Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs November 3, 2010 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41473 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Countering Terrorism in East Africa: The U.S. Response Summary The United States government has implemented a range of programs to counter violent extremist threats in East Africa in response to Al Qaeda’s bombing of the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in 1998 and subsequent transnational terrorist activity in the region. These programs include regional and bilateral efforts, both military and civilian. The programs seek to build regional intelligence, military, law enforcement, and judicial capacities; strengthen aviation, port, and border security; stem the flow of terrorist financing; and counter the spread of extremist ideologies. Current U.S.-led regional counterterrorism efforts include the State Department’s East Africa Regional Strategic Initiative (EARSI) and the U.S. military’s Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), part of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM). The United States has also provided significant assistance in support of the African Union’s (AU) peace operations in Somalia, where the country’s nascent security forces and AU peacekeepers face a complex insurgency waged by, among others, Al Shabaab, a local group linked to Al Qaeda that often resorts to terrorist tactics. The State Department reports that both Al Qaeda and Al Shabaab pose serious terrorist threats to the United States and U.S. interests in the region. Evidence of linkages between Al Shabaab and Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, across the Gulf of Aden in Yemen, highlight another regional dimension of the threat posed by violent extremists in the area. -
Inglehart Mass Priorities and Democracy
Perspectives on Politics (forthcoming, March, 2010) 1 Changing Mass Priorities: The Link between Modernization and Democracy RONALD INGLEHART University of Michigan CHRISTIAN WELZEL Jacobs University Bremen Introduction. Rich countries are much likelier to be democracies than poor countries. Why this is true is debated fiercely. Simply reaching a given level of economic development could not itself produce democracy; it can do so only by bringing changes in how people act. Accordingly, Seymour Martin Lipset (1959) argued that development leads to democracy because it produces certain socio-cultural changes that shape human actions. The empirical data that would be needed to test this claim did not exist then, so his suggestion remained a passing comment.1 Today, large-N comparative surveys make the relevant data available for most of the world’s population, and there have been major advances in analytic techniques. But social scientists rarely put the two together, partly because of a persisting tendency to view mass attitudinal data as volatile and unreliable. In this piece we wish to redress this situation. We argue that certain modernization-linked mass attitudes are stable attributes of given societies that are being measured reliably by the large-N comparative survey projects, even in low-income countries, and that these attitudes seem to play important roles in social changes such as democratization. Our purpose here is not to demonstrate the impact of changing values on democracy so much as to make a point about the epistemology of survey data with important ramifications for the way we analyze democracy. Unlike dozens of articles we’ve published that nail down one hypothesis about one dependent variable, this piece analyzes data from almost 400 surveys to demonstrate that modernization-linked attitudes are stable attributes of given societies and are strongly linked with many important societal-level variables, ranging from civil society to democracy to gender equality. -
Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart: Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism
Roman Chytilek Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart: Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2019. 540 pp. ISBN 978-1108444422 The eminent American social scientist Ronald Inglehart and the important American political scientist Pippa Norris, who specialises in conjunctural issues and broadly conceived comparative studies, have joined forces in Cultural Backlash to explain the current rise of “authoritarian populists” in many parts of the world. What do Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen, Viktor Orbán, Rodrigo Duterte and Jair Bolsonaro have in common? (The last, who only scored his major victory this year, when the book manuscript was already in press, is given less attention.) At the core of their political message is populism, defined by the authors in conformity with the emerging theoretical consensus as a style of politics built on criticism of a rotten establishment and, contrasted with it, emphasis on the primacy, purity and sovereignty of the people, seeing both (the people and the elite) as homogeneous. Combined with authoritarianism – a political discourse that emphasises the necessity of defending oneself against various external threats, and hence stressing security, group cohesion and conformity, as well as the role of a strong leader as the representative of the interests of the masses – populism is particularly dangerous to the survival of democracy. While populism questions the fundamental institutions of democracy (for example, the principle of representation), authoritarianism fights democratic values, such as respect for the rights of minorities, working to achieve consensus, or at least a compromise, the separation of the private from the political, and respect for the rules of the political game. -
Democratizing Democracy: Feminist Perspectives
Democratizing Democracy: Feminist Perspectives ANDREA CORNWALL and ANNE MARIE GOETZ Increasing numbers of women have gained entry into the arena of representative politics in recent times. Yet the extent to which shifts in the sex ratio within formal democratic spaces translates into political influence, and into gains in policies that redress gendered inequities and inequalities remains uncertain. At the same time, a plethora of new democratic spaces have been created – whether through the promotion of ‘civil society organizations’ or the insti- tutionalization of participatory governance mechanisms – which hold the prospect of democra- tizing other political spaces beyond those of formal politics. This study examines factors that constrain and enable women’s political effectiveness in these different democratic arenas. We suggest that ‘engendering democracy’ by adding women or multiplying democratic spaces is necessary but not sufficient to address historically and culturally embedded forms of disadvantage that have been the focus for feminist politics. We suggest that an important, but neglected, determinant of political effectiveness is women’s political apprenticeship – their experiences in political parties, civil society associations and the informal arenas in which political skills are learned and constituencies built. Enhancing the democratizing poten- tial of women’s political participation calls, we argue, for democratizing democracy itself: building new pathways into politics, fostering political learning and creating new forms of articulation across and beyond existing democratic spaces. Key words: affirmative action; community organizations; political participation; NGOs Introduction As the numbers of women in politics increase in many parts of the world, it has become more evident than ever that the strategy of getting female bodies into formal political spaces is only part of what it takes to ‘engender’ democracy. -
Department of Political Science Comparative Politics Preliminary Examination Reading List
Department of Political Science Comparative Politics Preliminary Examination Reading List 2003-5/6 (Note changes in the exam format/rules as well as in the reading list.) The preliminary examination in comparative politics is based on a shared reading list. Faculty members from the sub-field have cooperated to create this list, which will remain without significant change until at least 2006. A few works pertain to more than one topic area and thus appear on the reading list in more than one place. It is helpful to think of the reading list both as identifying the most important topic areas in comparative politics and as providing a very basic “toolbox,” or repertoire, of important intellectual strategies for explaining patterns of behavior, attitudes, events, or institutions. These include both theoretical and empirical approaches. This list builds on syllabi in PS 641 and other departmental courses in the sub-field, although you may not have encountered everything in a class. It is wise to review the reading handouts from PS 641 and class notes from courses prior to taking the exam. It is also wise to defer the exam until you have taken an adequate sampling of the courses in the sub-field. We give few honors grades, but almost all students who have won honors over the past five years have taken 6-7 comparative politics courses. Very few students who pass the exam have taken fewer than 5 comparative courses. The Exam The exam includes both a written and an oral component. The written component, which takes the form of a 24-hour take-home test, counts for 65% of the grade. -
AJR Retreating from the World.Pdf
In the face of heightened globalization and with the U.S. engaged in two wars, many mainstream news organizations have turned their backs on foreign news. Newspapers and television networks alike provide much less of it. Many outlets have shut- tered overseas bureaus. But a handful of promis- ing startups offer some hope for the future. Retreating from theWorld By Jodi Enda tori soper Former foreign correspondent Colin McMahon oversees the international news report for the Chicago Tribune and six other Tribune Co. newspapers. This arTiCle was Funded by a granT FroM The open soCieTy insTiTuTe. uring more than two decades at the Chicago to describe a modern, industrialized, assembly line approach to DTribune, Colin McMahon reported from bureaus in Mexico foreign (and sometimes national) news. And while the chain’s City, Moscow, Baghdad and Buenos Aires. He served as foreign particular method of providing identical pages for a variety of editor, directing a cadre of correspondents as they covered the papers might not be the national norm, its pared-down vision invasion of Iraq, the war in Afghanistan, the Palestinian upris- of foreign reporting is. ing. He was dispatched to Jerusalem for six months. It was Eighteen newspapers and two chains have shuttered every a heady life of globe-trotting that not only allowed him to be one of their overseas bureaus in the dozen years since AJR a witness to history, but to bring stories from the far corners first surveyed foreign coverage for the Project on the State of of the globe home to readers in America’s third-largest city, the American Newspaper (see “Goodbye, World,” November readers who live in Chicago’s distinctively ethnic neighbor- 1998). -
Rethinking Somalia
Global Tides Volume 5 Article 5 2011 Engagement and Disengagement: Rethinking Somalia Ethan Hamilton Pepperdine University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/globaltides Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Hamilton, Ethan (2011) "Engagement and Disengagement: Rethinking Somalia," Global Tides: Vol. 5 , Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/globaltides/vol5/iss1/5 This International Studies and Languages is brought to you for free and open access by the Seaver College at Pepperdine Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Global Tides by an authorized editor of Pepperdine Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. Hamilton: Engagement and Disengagement: Rethinking Somalia “Engagement and Disengagement: Rethinking Somalia” By Ethan Hamilton ABSTRACT This paper outlines three international policy options for Somalia in an effort to begin working towards solving the issues that have plagued the Horn of Africa for over 40 years. A short introduction summarizing Somalia’s tumultuous history precedes an examination of the three policy options. The first proposal, as supported and practiced by the U.S. State Department, is an interventionist policy involving political, economic, and in the past, military intervention. The policy would continue to allow the U.S. to closely monitor Somalia’s struggling government in an effort to maintain and protect its regional interests. The second proposal reconsiders Somaliland’s de facto secession and discusses the possibility of reunification with Somalia. Although not internationally recognized, Somaliland has become largely independent from southern Somalia and functions much like an autonomous state. -
PRISM Vol. 2 No 4
PRISM❖ Vol. 2, no. 4 09/2011 PRISM Vol. 2, no. 4 2, no. Vol. ❖ 09/2011 www.ndu.edu A JOURNAL OF THE CENTER FOR COMPLEX OPERATIONS TITLE FEATURES 3 Transforming the Conflict in Afghanistan by Joseph A. L’Etoile 17 State-building: Job Creation, Investment Promotion, and the Provision of Basic Services by Paul Collier 31 Operationalizing Anticipatory Governance ndupress.ndu.edu by Leon Fuerth www.ndu.edu/press 47 Colombia: Updating the Mission? by Carlos Alberto Ospina Ovalle 63 Reflections on the Human Terrain System During the First 4 Years by Montgomery McFate and Steve Fondacaro 83 Patronage versus Professionalism in New Security Institutions by Kimberly Marten 99 Regional Engagement in Africa: Closing the Gap Between Strategic Ends and Ways by Laura R. Varhola and Christopher H. Varhola 111 NATO Countering the Hybrid Threat by Michael Aaronson, Sverre Diessen, Yves de Kermabon, Mary Beth Long, and Michael Miklaucic FROM THE FIELD 125 COIN in Peace-building: Case Study of the 2009 Malakand Operation by Nadeem Ahmed LESSONS LEARNED 139 The Premature Debate on CERP Effectiveness by Michael Fischerkeller INTERVIEW 151 An Interview with Richard B. Myers BOOK REVIEW 160 The Future of Power Reviewed by John W. Coffey PRISM wants your feedback. Take a short survey online at: www.ccoportal.org/prism-feedback-survey PRISMPRISM 2, no. 4 FEATURES | 1 AUTHOR Afghan and U.S. commandos reinforce Afghan government presence in remote villages along Afghanistan-Pakistan border U.S. Army (Justin P. Morelli) U.S. Army (Justin P. Transforming the Conflict in Afghanistan BY JOSEPH A. L’ETOILE any have characterized the war in Afghanistan as a violent political argument between the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (with its coalition partners) and Mthe Taliban, with the population watching and waiting to decide whom to join, and when. -
An Al-Qaeda Affiliate Case Study Pamela G
Al-Shebab: An Al-Qaeda Affiliate Case Study Pamela G. Faber October 2017 DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Distribution DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. SPECIFIC AUTHORITY: N00014-16-D-5003 10/27/2017 Request additional copies of this document through [email protected]. Photography Credit: Michael Markowitz, CNA. Approved by: October 2017 Dr. Jonathan Schroden, Director Center for Stability and Development Center for Strategic Studies This work was performed under Federal Government Contract No. N00014-16-D-5003. Copyright © 2017 CNA Abstract Section 1228 of the 2015 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) states: “The Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State and the Director of National Intelligence, shall provide for the conduct of an independent assessment of the effectiveness of the United States’ efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat Al- Qaeda, including its affiliated groups, associated groups, and adherents since September 11, 2001.” The Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations/Low Intensity Conflict (ASD (SO/LIC)) asked CNA to conduct this independent assessment, which was completed in August 2017. In order to conduct this assessment, CNA used a comparative methodology that included eight case studies on groups affiliated or associated with Al-Qaeda. These case studies were then used as a dataset for cross-case comparison. This document is a stand-alone version of the al-Shebab case study used in the Independent Assessment. CNA is publishing each of the eight case studies separately for the convenience of analysts and others who may have a regional or functional focus that corresponds to a specific case study. -
SS475: Comparative Political Institutions
SS475: Comparative Political Institutions DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL SCIENCES UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY Course Overview “Institutions are the rules of the game in a society or, more formally, are the humanly devised constraints that shape human interaction. In consequence they structure incentives in human exchange, whether political, social, or economic. Institutional change shapes the way societies evolve through time 1 and hence is the key to understanding historical change.” The study of political institutions – “the rules of the game” that structure political competition within all states – sits at the center of comparative politics as a discipline and is the subject of SS475. In particular, we will focus on explaining the institutions that relate broadly to a country’s “regime type.” Though regime type is often boiled down to a distinction between democracy vs. dictatorship, political regimes are better understood as collections of institutions that regulate political power within a polity: how is power gained and lost? How is political power transferred? How is power divided, dispersed, or consolidated? By whom is political power granted and by whom is it taken away? Who has the right to exercise political power, and who does not? When viewed in comparative perspective, democracies, dictatorships, and “hybrid” regimes alike can all be analyzed along these dimensions and debates. Such a comparative analysis is the overarching objective of SS475. Part I of the course (“Foundations of Political Regimes”) begins with a critical assessment of the concept of democracy, exploring key debates in political science over how democracy should be defined and measured. From there we shift our attention to a rich literature that seeks to understand which – if any – economic and cultural factors influence whether countries become democracies or dictatorship. -
April 28, 2021 the Honorable Joseph R. Biden President The
April 28, 2021 The Honorable Joseph R. Biden President The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue Washington, D.C. 20500 Dear President Biden: I write to you regarding the dire humanitarian situation in India. In just the past week, India has reported nearly two million confirmed cases of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) and more than 11,000 deaths.1 Hospitals across the country have run out of beds and are contending with rapidly depleting stores of oxygen and ventilators. The nation is in the midst of an urgent humanitarian crisis that requires a robust response from its partners and allies abroad. I urge you to leverage all available tools and resources to help mitigate this spiraling public health crisis. Last month, amid loosening restrictions and the proliferation of several highly contagious variants, India began experiencing a second wave of COVID-19 cases.2 In the last few days and weeks, the situation has further deteriorated and reached alarming new heights. Just yesterday, India reported more than 360,000 new cases and over 3,200 deaths – the highest number of cases in the world for the seventh day straight.3 More than two million cases have been confirmed and more than 10,000 have died in the past week alone.4 India now accounts for more than half of all new infections in the world and experts warn that case numbers are likely significantly higher.5 The outbreak has completely overwhelmed India’s health care system. For the past two weeks, hospitals cross the country have been pushed the brink. Many have completely run out