SS475: Comparative Political Institutions
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Democracy's Value
Democracy's Value Edited by Ian Shapiro and Casiano Hacker-CordoÂn published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge, CB2 2RU, UK http://www.cup.cam.ac.uk 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011±4211, USA http://www.cup.org 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia # Cambridge University Press 1999 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 1999 Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Typeset in 10/12pt Plantin [ce] A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 0 521 64357 0 hardback ISBN 0 521 64388 0 paperback Contents List of contributors page xi Preface xiii 1. Promises and disappointments: reconsidering democracy's value 1 ian shapiro and casiano hacker-cordOÂ n Part I: Minimal democracy 21 2. Minimalist conception of democracy: a defense 23 adam przeworski 3. Does democracy engender justice? 56 john e. roemer 4. Democracy and other goods 69 partha dasgupta and eric maskin Part II: Beyond minimalism 91 5. Democracy and development: a complex relationship 93 pranab bardhan 6. Death and taxes: extractive equality and the development of democratic institutions 112 margaret levi 7. Democracy and development? 132 john dunn 8. State, civil society, and social justice 141 iris marion young 9. Republican freedom and contestatory democratization 163 philip pettit ix x Contents 10. -
Inglehart Mass Priorities and Democracy
Perspectives on Politics (forthcoming, March, 2010) 1 Changing Mass Priorities: The Link between Modernization and Democracy RONALD INGLEHART University of Michigan CHRISTIAN WELZEL Jacobs University Bremen Introduction. Rich countries are much likelier to be democracies than poor countries. Why this is true is debated fiercely. Simply reaching a given level of economic development could not itself produce democracy; it can do so only by bringing changes in how people act. Accordingly, Seymour Martin Lipset (1959) argued that development leads to democracy because it produces certain socio-cultural changes that shape human actions. The empirical data that would be needed to test this claim did not exist then, so his suggestion remained a passing comment.1 Today, large-N comparative surveys make the relevant data available for most of the world’s population, and there have been major advances in analytic techniques. But social scientists rarely put the two together, partly because of a persisting tendency to view mass attitudinal data as volatile and unreliable. In this piece we wish to redress this situation. We argue that certain modernization-linked mass attitudes are stable attributes of given societies that are being measured reliably by the large-N comparative survey projects, even in low-income countries, and that these attitudes seem to play important roles in social changes such as democratization. Our purpose here is not to demonstrate the impact of changing values on democracy so much as to make a point about the epistemology of survey data with important ramifications for the way we analyze democracy. Unlike dozens of articles we’ve published that nail down one hypothesis about one dependent variable, this piece analyzes data from almost 400 surveys to demonstrate that modernization-linked attitudes are stable attributes of given societies and are strongly linked with many important societal-level variables, ranging from civil society to democracy to gender equality. -
Developing Countries in World Politics
IR 344: Developing Countries in World Politics Fall 2010 WPH B28 School of International Relations University of Southern California Tuesday and Thursday, 9:30-10:50AM Instructor: Dr. Eric Blanchard SOS 268 [email protected] (213) 740-2554 Office Hours: Wednesday 5-6PM, Thursday 11AM-1PM, and by appointment I. Course Description, Objectives and Requirements: “Developing Countries in World Politics” is a course that blends history and theory to help students (as future policymakers, scholars or informed citizens) better understand the politics of the developing world and the role of the United States in these politics. In other words, students will become familiar with the impact of U.S. involvement in the developing world, and the role this involvement played in constituting the American ascendency. We will engage in a historically grounded survey of the politics of developing countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Middle East, developing an understanding of the particular issues faced in these countries such as underdevelopment, poverty, debt, religious and ethnic conflict, and climate change. In addition, we will pay close attention to the successes and failures of attempts on the part of Third World to organize outside of the Cold War system dominated by the most powerful states. Along the way, we will also consider the strengths and weaknesses of theories of International Relations, political science and sociology for understanding the developing world or global “South” and its relations with the advanced -
Capitalism and Social Democracy, by Adam Przeworski (Cambridge University Press, 1986)
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. DEKADT REVIEW ARTICLE Review of: Capitalism and Social Democracy, by Adam Przeworski (Cambridge University Press, 1986). Raphael de Kadt This brilliant study by Adam Przeworski must surely become mandatory reading not only for anyone who takes his or her socialist commitments seriously but also for anyone who wishes adequately to understand the relationship between class and electoral politics in the countries of advanced capitalism. The principal burden of Przeworski's intricate and multifaceted analysis of the dilemmas facing social democratic parties in the twentieth century is to show that the decision to participate in electoral politics necessarily constrains the capacity of such parties to effect, through command of the parliamentary system, a transition to socialism. This incapacity turns on the pivotal fact that nowhere (with the possible brief exception of Belgium in 1912) has the industrial working class constituted a majority of the population. In the countries of Western Europe, for example, 'from 1890 to 1980 the proletariat continued to be a minority of the population' (p23). The implications of this fact for parliamentary socialism have been profound, for the essence of the parliamentary system is that, in order to govern, parties must be able to claim representation of an effective majority of the population. Given the minority status of the industrial working class, those parties claiming to represent it have been forced into securing alliances with other classes - and white collar workers, petite bourgeois, students and retirees have all been targeted as potential allies in the socialist cause. -
Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart: Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism
Roman Chytilek Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart: Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2019. 540 pp. ISBN 978-1108444422 The eminent American social scientist Ronald Inglehart and the important American political scientist Pippa Norris, who specialises in conjunctural issues and broadly conceived comparative studies, have joined forces in Cultural Backlash to explain the current rise of “authoritarian populists” in many parts of the world. What do Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen, Viktor Orbán, Rodrigo Duterte and Jair Bolsonaro have in common? (The last, who only scored his major victory this year, when the book manuscript was already in press, is given less attention.) At the core of their political message is populism, defined by the authors in conformity with the emerging theoretical consensus as a style of politics built on criticism of a rotten establishment and, contrasted with it, emphasis on the primacy, purity and sovereignty of the people, seeing both (the people and the elite) as homogeneous. Combined with authoritarianism – a political discourse that emphasises the necessity of defending oneself against various external threats, and hence stressing security, group cohesion and conformity, as well as the role of a strong leader as the representative of the interests of the masses – populism is particularly dangerous to the survival of democracy. While populism questions the fundamental institutions of democracy (for example, the principle of representation), authoritarianism fights democratic values, such as respect for the rights of minorities, working to achieve consensus, or at least a compromise, the separation of the private from the political, and respect for the rules of the political game. -
Democratizing Democracy: Feminist Perspectives
Democratizing Democracy: Feminist Perspectives ANDREA CORNWALL and ANNE MARIE GOETZ Increasing numbers of women have gained entry into the arena of representative politics in recent times. Yet the extent to which shifts in the sex ratio within formal democratic spaces translates into political influence, and into gains in policies that redress gendered inequities and inequalities remains uncertain. At the same time, a plethora of new democratic spaces have been created – whether through the promotion of ‘civil society organizations’ or the insti- tutionalization of participatory governance mechanisms – which hold the prospect of democra- tizing other political spaces beyond those of formal politics. This study examines factors that constrain and enable women’s political effectiveness in these different democratic arenas. We suggest that ‘engendering democracy’ by adding women or multiplying democratic spaces is necessary but not sufficient to address historically and culturally embedded forms of disadvantage that have been the focus for feminist politics. We suggest that an important, but neglected, determinant of political effectiveness is women’s political apprenticeship – their experiences in political parties, civil society associations and the informal arenas in which political skills are learned and constituencies built. Enhancing the democratizing poten- tial of women’s political participation calls, we argue, for democratizing democracy itself: building new pathways into politics, fostering political learning and creating new forms of articulation across and beyond existing democratic spaces. Key words: affirmative action; community organizations; political participation; NGOs Introduction As the numbers of women in politics increase in many parts of the world, it has become more evident than ever that the strategy of getting female bodies into formal political spaces is only part of what it takes to ‘engender’ democracy. -
Department of Political Science Comparative Politics Preliminary Examination Reading List
Department of Political Science Comparative Politics Preliminary Examination Reading List 2003-5/6 (Note changes in the exam format/rules as well as in the reading list.) The preliminary examination in comparative politics is based on a shared reading list. Faculty members from the sub-field have cooperated to create this list, which will remain without significant change until at least 2006. A few works pertain to more than one topic area and thus appear on the reading list in more than one place. It is helpful to think of the reading list both as identifying the most important topic areas in comparative politics and as providing a very basic “toolbox,” or repertoire, of important intellectual strategies for explaining patterns of behavior, attitudes, events, or institutions. These include both theoretical and empirical approaches. This list builds on syllabi in PS 641 and other departmental courses in the sub-field, although you may not have encountered everything in a class. It is wise to review the reading handouts from PS 641 and class notes from courses prior to taking the exam. It is also wise to defer the exam until you have taken an adequate sampling of the courses in the sub-field. We give few honors grades, but almost all students who have won honors over the past five years have taken 6-7 comparative politics courses. Very few students who pass the exam have taken fewer than 5 comparative courses. The Exam The exam includes both a written and an oral component. The written component, which takes the form of a 24-hour take-home test, counts for 65% of the grade. -
Adam Przeworski: Capitalism, Democracy and Science
ADAM PRZEWORSKI: CAPITALISM, DEMOCRACY AND SCIENCE Interview with Adam Przeworski conducted and edited by Gerardo L. Munck February 24, 2003, New York, New York Prepared for inclusion in Gerardo L. Munck and Richard Snyder, Passion, Craft, and Method in Comparative Politics. Training and Intellectual Formation: From Poland to the United States Q: How did you first get interested in studying politics? What impact did growing up in Poland have on your view of politics? A: Given that I was born in May of 1940, nine months after the Germans had invaded and occupied Poland, any political event, even a minor one, was immediately interpreted in terms of its consequences for one’s private life. All the news was about the war. I remember my family listening to clandestine radio broadcasts from the BBC when I was three or four years old. After the war, there was a period of uncertainty, and then the Soviet Union basically took over. Again, any rumbling in the Soviet Union, any conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States, was immediately seen in terms of its consequences for our life. It was like this for me until I first left for the US in 1961, right after the Berlin Wall went up. One’s everyday life was permeated with international, macro-political events. Everything was political. But I never thought of studying politics. For one thing, in Europe at that time there really was no political science. What we had was a German and Central European tradition that was called, translating from German, “theory of the state and law.” This included Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen, the kind of stuff that was taught normally at law schools. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
Inglehart How Much Should We Worry.Pdf
+RZ0XFK6KRXOG:H:RUU\" 5RQDOG),QJOHKDUW -RXUQDORI'HPRFUDF\9ROXPH1XPEHU-XO\SS $UWLFOH 3XEOLVKHGE\-RKQV+RSNLQV8QLYHUVLW\3UHVV '2, KWWSVGRLRUJMRG )RUDGGLWLRQDOLQIRUPDWLRQDERXWWKLVDUWLFOH KWWSVPXVHMKXHGXDUWLFOH Access provided by University of California, San Diego (30 Nov 2016 18:58 GMT) The Danger of Deconsolidation HOW MUCH SHOULD WE WORRY? Ronald F. Inglehart Ronald F. Inglehart, Amy and Alan Lowenstein Professor of Democ- racy, Democratization, and Human Rights at the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan and codirector of the Labora- tory for Comparative Social Research at the Higher School of Eco- nomics in St. Petersburg, Russia, directs the World Values Survey, which has surveyed representative national samples of the publics of 97 countries. In this issue of the Journal of Democracy, Roberto Foa and Yascha Mounk write that the citizens of many countries are becoming dissat- isfied with democracy and increasingly open to nondemocratic alter- natives. The authors present considerable evidence in support of this claim, concluding that democracy is in danger. Although I agree that overt mass support for democracy is currently weakening, Foa and Mounk’s data suggest that this phenomenon is, in large part, a specifically American period effect, as the age-linked dif- ferences found in the United States are much greater than those found in other countries. For example, in Figure 1 of their essay, which shows the percentage of people who consider it “essential” to live in a demo- cratically governed country, there is a 41-point difference between the youngest and oldest U.S. birth groups; the difference between the com- parable European age cohorts is only 9 or 10 points.1 The United States also stands out on a number of other variables as showing much larger changes in public opinion than most other countries. -
7976-1 Comparative Political Economy (Kim)
© Wonik Kim POLI 7976 Comparative Political Economy THE POLITICS OF GROWTH AND INEQUALITY IN THE CAPITAL-NATION-STATE Monday 12:00 – 2:50 pm, fall 2015, 0001 Hatcher Hall Wonik Kim, [email protected], 225-578-5354 OH: 12:20 – 1:20 pm on Tuesday and Thursday, or by appointment Stubbs 229, Department of Political Science The leitmotif of this seminar is the politics of growth and inequality in the capitalist system. Traditional political economy studied this topic, by assuming that environments and political institutions are given and neutral with regard to the market allocations; they are there but they do not act. New political economy differs from the traditional approach in its treatment of politics. It accepts that political institutions and their relations to the economy and society are populated by actors who have interests/ideologies/faiths and pursue them. Hence, this course is based on the belief that socioeconomic development is fundamentally a political phenomenon. Another firm belief is that the politics of growth and inequality should be understood in terms of capitalism historically embedded in particular conditions. A warning: political scientists cannot study political economy without knowing some sort of economics, as we cannot study political history without dealing with history. So, we will study economic theories and formulations as well. The first part of the course examines the fundamentals of the capitalist system – the system of “the trinity of the capital-nation-state” (Karatani 2014), by reading Polanyi, Schumpeter, Gramsci, and Marx (mostly as a political observer, not as an economist). The second part provides a critical evaluation (with some methodological comment) of the main theories and empirics of the politics of inequality under the so-called “advanced” capitalist democracies. -
Globalization and Postmodern Values
Ronald Inglehart Globalization and Postmodern Values A growing body of evidence indicates that deep-rooted changes in world views are taking place. These changes seem to be reshaping eco- nomic, political, and social life in societies around the world. The most important body of evidence comes from the World Values Surveys (WVS), which have measured the values and beliefs of the publics on all six inhab- ited continents in 1981, 1990, and 1995. The WVS will carry out its fourth wave of surveys in 1999-2000. It has already surveyed more than sixty societies representing almost 75 percent of the world’s population and covering the full range of variation, from societies with per capita in- comes as low as three hundred dollars per year, to societies with per capita incomes one hundred times that high; and from long-established democra- cies with market economies, to authoritarian states and societies making the transition to market economies. This unique investigation has found strong linkages between the beliefs of individuals and the characteristics of their societies—such as those between peoples’ values and the birth rates of their societies, or between political culture and democratic insti- tutions. Figure 1 shows the societies that have been explored in the two most recent waves of these surveys. The WVS have detected a pattern of systematic changes in values and mo- tivations among those of advanced industrial societies. These changes reflect economic and technological changes that have tremendously reduced the likelihood that people will die prematurely from starvation or disease. Figure 2 demonstrates a well-known but very significant fact: as economic develop- ment takes place, human life expectancy rises.