DOCSLIB.ORG

Professional V O I

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Professional V O I PROFESSIONAL p* V VOICE Summer 07 EDUCATION & SOCIAL ACTION Volume 4 Issue 3 RRP $10 Editor Nic Barnard Editorial Committee Ross Dean, John Graham, Ann Taylor and Diana Ward DesignEr Peter Lambropoulos PublishEd by The Australian Education Union Victorian Branch PrintEd by Erwin’s Printing PrintEd on 90gsm Crystal Offset annual subsCriPtions $25 within Australia (free to financial AEU members). Please contact the AEU Publications Unit on (03) 9417 2822 for further information. A subscription form is available in the back of this issue or downloadable from www.aeuvic.asn.au/publications. baCk issuEs $10 within Australia Advertising is accepted according to AEU guidelines. Please contact Lyn Baird for further details. Phone: (03) 9418 4879. Email: [email protected]. A rate card is available for download at www.aeuvic.asn.au/publications. Editorial correspondence should be directed to Nic Barnard, Professional Voice, Australian Education Union Vic Branch, 112 Trenerry Crescent Abbotsford VIC 3067. Phone: (03) 9418 4841. Email: [email protected]. Copyright is held by respective authors. The opinions of the authors are their own and are not necessarily the policy of the Australian Education Union Victorian Branch. For authorisation to reproduce any article in part or whole, please contact the editor. The AEU Victorian Branch can be contacted at: 112 Trenerry Crescent, PO Box 363, Abbotsford 3067 Tel: (03) 9417 2822 Fax: 1300 568 078 Web: www.aeuvic.asn.au ISSN:1445-4165 EduCation & soCial aCtion c o n t e n t s 7 Editorial: social justice, social action and education for all Ann Taylor 10 The role of Education unions in advancing Public Education Bob Peterson Teachers and their unions must embrace social justice as a central part of their work if they are to promote equity and tackle injustice, argues Bob Peterson, editor of US magazine Rethinking Schools, in this edited extract from his address to the AEU’s annual federal conference. 13 Education and the democratic Process: a case study David Kerin Without an understanding of the past, students cannot play a full part in a democratic society. And that – despite its claim to promote Australian history – is exactly what the Right wants, says David Kerin. 19 Education and social Justice: why indigenous educa‐ tion programs cannot succeed without a critically reflective teaching practice Institute of Koorie Education The failure of government initiatives to improve results for Indigenous children is no surprise when even examples of good practice are marked by patronising and pater- nalistic attitudes, the Deakin University institute argues. 4 23 Whittlesea youth Commitment: getting active for the future Megan Fox Early school leavers run a high risk of becoming long-term unemployed, but a north Melbourne collaboration is finding new ways to support them into further education, training and work, with remarkable results. This is true social action, writes Megan Fox, who was closely involved in setting up the project. 29 Cleeland secondary College: taking a whole school approach to change Rachel Power A relentless focus on English language and making children feel connected to the school community is giving Cleeland’s refugee and migrant students a chance of success, AEU reporter Rachel Power learns. Now teachers are embedding their new practice through a groundbreaking Masters degree. 33 Education and Civic responsibility Gilbert Burgh Should we teach students how to engage in democratic society—or give them hands-on experience of democracy in action by giving them a say in running their own schools? Queensland academic Gilbert Burgh suggests a bit of both may be the answer. 39 kotare trust: education for action Catherine Delahunty A New Zealand experiment in radical education is helping adult learners—many of them damaged by conventional schooling—to change their lives and the communities around them. Catherine Delahunty, Kotare education co-ordinator, outlines the project’s approach. 45 australia/East timor Friendship school Project Lee Norris Fast-growing links between schools in Australia and Timor Leste have brought money and resources to Timorese schools and opened the eyes of Australian students to a wider world. Lee Norris, FSP’s recently-retired Australian co-ordinator, charts the land- marks in the charity’s short history. 49 richard Elmore on sustaining school improvement, the role of leadership, and the relationship between individual and collective professional development Interview by John Graham 55 notes on contributors 5 social justice, social action education& for all ann taylor onE oF thE reasons that we at the AEU are passionate about public education is that we know it can make a real difference to the future lives of our students. It can also teach students that they can make a difference to our society and create a better future for all. The two are opposite sides of the same coin – social justice and social action. This edition of Professional Voice explores both aspects. According to Wikipedia, the online encyclopaedia, social justice refers to “concep- tions of justice applied to an entire society. It is based on the idea of a just society, which gives individuals and groups fair treatment and a just share of the benefits of society.” The term social action in relation to education is about how we work with students to explore ways to change society for the better—for all. In times of uncertainty, instability and change, the importance of education for all is magnified. This is particularly true at present. The idea that we are moving towards a knowledge-based global society is not empty rhetoric, but a fact we face daily. At the same time we are confronting a swiftly rising disparity in resources between groups in our society, a division which is having a serious impact on the opportunities and quality of life for a significant proportion of the population. It is not just the wealthy few who should have access to the necessary ongoing opportunities that education provides, but everyone. 7 Tom Bentley, who was the director of the UK’s Demos think tank and is now working in the Victorian Premier’s Department, addressed the AEU’s Principal Class Association conference in August. He talked about education being the “route to pros- perity”. Among the statistics he used to back his claim was this: a 1 per cent rise in a country’s literacy scores—relative to the international average—eventually leads to a 2.5 per cent rise in labour productivity and a 1.5 per cent rise in GDP. Bentley also talked about the multiplier effect on individuals of being in a commu- nity of low socioeconomic status: that for these individuals, disadvantage becomes entrenched and concentrated, and the gap grows between these groups and the rest of society. This is a serious issue for governments. In AEU News, September 2006, he wrote of the need for schools, systems and policy makers to work together to address the disadvantage: “Creating social equity and educational excellence together will require us to make it a core part of public education.” In this issue, Bob Peterson concentrates on the role education unions can play in defending public education and to “promote social justice teaching grounded in anti- racist and democratic classroom practices”. A long-time union activist and former TAFE community development teacher, David Kerin discusses young people’s understanding of history, the need to take sides with oppressed peoples, and the role of democratic education. The Whittlesea Youth Commitment is a collaboration of organisations in the City of Whittlesea supporting young people at risk to make the transition from school to further education. Megan Fox describes this project and some of its achievements. The work of some of our schools in making a real difference for disadvantaged young people in Victoria and in East Timor is outlined in the articles about Cleeland Secondary College and the Australia/East Timor Friendship School Project. Gilbert Burgh explores the difference between “democratic education and educa- tion for democracy”. He argues for a model that combines both aspects in which stu- dents “are not only prepared for living in a democracy but where the classroom itself is a democratic community, where its members are prepared to apply their judgements beyond the schoolyard and into the wider community”. Kotare Trust Research and Education for Social Change is a small education trust from Aotearoa/New Zealand. Catherine Delahunty writes about their work using action/reflection models to encourage change that will lead to a more just and peaceful world. Apart from articles on social justice and social action, this edition of Professional Voice contains the second part of the wide ranging interview with Richard Elmore that was started in the last edition. Part 3 is still to come. 8 ProFEssional VoiCE ‐ Volume 4 Issue 3 the role of Education unions in advancing Public Education bob petErson as tEaChEr aCtiVists, we focus on both defending and improving public education, and realise it is impossible to separate our efforts from the broader strug- gles of society. We know that public education will survive only if the public sector survives. And the public sector — the notion of a common good — will survive only if we defeat privatisation and neo-liberalism. Teacher unions have a key role to play in defending the public sector for several reasons: our large size, our geographical breadth, and because we deal with one of the central matters that confront any society: how to raise its young. So how can teacher unions effectively defend public education and the public sector? I believe this is best possible if we adopt what I call a social justice agenda, and view ourselves as social justice unions. We must be a strong industrial union, but this is not enough.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation Policies on Asian Immigration and Multiculturalism
    Still Anti-Asian? Anti-Chinese? One Nation policies on Asian immigration and multiculturalism 仍然反亚裔？反华裔？ 一国党针对亚裔移民和多元文化 的政策 Is Pauline Hanson’s One Nation party anti-Asian? Just how much has One Nation changed since Pauline Hanson first sat in the Australian Parliament two decades ago? This report reviews One Nation’s statements of the 1990s and the current policies of the party. It concludes that One Nation’s broad policies on immigration and multiculturalism remain essentially unchanged. Anti-Asian sentiments remain at One Nation’s core. Continuity in One Nation policy is reinforced by the party’s connections with anti-Asian immigration campaigners from the extreme right of Australian politics. Anti-Chinese thinking is a persistent sub-text in One Nation’s thinking and policy positions. The possibility that One Nation will in the future turn its attacks on Australia's Chinese communities cannot be dismissed. 宝林·韩森的一国党是否反亚裔？自从宝林·韩森二十年前首次当选澳大利亚 议会议员以来，一国党改变了多少？ 本报告回顾了一国党在二十世纪九十年代的声明以及该党的现行政策。报告 得出的结论显示，一国党关于移民和多元文化的广泛政策基本保持不变。反 亚裔情绪仍然居于一国党的核心。通过与来自澳大利亚极右翼政坛的反亚裔 移民竞选人的联系，一国党的政策连续性得以加强。反华裔思想是一国党思 想和政策立场的一个持久不变的潜台词。无法排除一国党未来攻击澳大利亚 华人社区的可能性。 Report Philip Dorling May 2017 ABOUT THE AUSTRALIA INSTITUTE The Australia Institute is an independent public policy think tank based in Canberra. It is funded by donations from philanthropic trusts and individuals and commissioned research. Since its launch in 1994, the Institute has carried out highly influential research on a broad range of economic, social and environmental issues. OUR PHILOSOPHY As we begin the 21st century, new dilemmas confront our society and our planet. Unprecedented levels of consumption co-exist with extreme poverty. Through new technology we are more connected than we have ever been, yet civic engagement is declining.
    [Show full text]
  • The Australian ‘Settler’ Colonial-Collective Problem
    The Australian ‘Settler’ Colonial-Collective Problem Author Jones, David John Published 2017 Thesis Type Thesis (Professional Doctorate) School Queensland College of Art DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/2241 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365954 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au The Australian ‘Settler’ Colonial-Collective Problem David John Jones Dip VA, BVA Hons, MAVA Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Visual Arts Queensland College of Art Art, Education and Law Griffith University June 2017 1 Abstract This studio-based project identifies and interrogates the Australian denial of violent national foundation as a ‘settler’ problem, which is framed by the contemporary clinical and social concept of a ‘vicious cycle of anxiety’. The body of work I have produced aims to disrupt the denial of invasion and the erasure of Aboriginal culture through accepted narratives of European settlement of Australia. By aligning collective denial with anxiety, it presents a pathway for remediation through situational exposure; in this case, through works of art. The critical perspective on the invasion and colonisation of Australia is presented in the discursive and non- discursive modes of communication of the coloniser not to arbitrate or appease but to amplify the content. The structure of the exegesis also draws from Aboriginal narrative methodology and integrates with, and is informed by, the studio production in printmaking using demanding traditional European graphic techniques such as etching and aquatint. 2 Statement of Originality: This work has not previously been submitted for a degree or diploma in any university.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fantasy of Whiteness: Blackness and Aboriginality in American and Australian Culture
    The Fantasy of Whiteness: Blackness and Aboriginality in American and Australian Culture Benjamin Miller A thesis submitted to the School of English, Media and Performing Arts at the University of New South Wales in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy 2009 THE UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES Thesis/Dissertation Sheet Surname: MILLER First name: BENJAMIN Other name/s: IAN Degree: PhD School: ENGLISH, MEDIA AND PERFORMING ARTS Faculty: ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES Title: MR ABSTRACT This dissertation argues that a fantasy of white authority was articulated and disseminated through the representations of blackness and Aboriginality in nineteenth-century American and Australian theatre, and that this fantasy influenced the representation of Aboriginality in twentieth- century Australian culture. The fantasy of whiteness refers to the habitually enacted and environmentally entrenched assumption that white people can and should superintend the cultural representation of Otherness. This argument is presented in three parts. Part One examines the complex ways in which white anxieties and concerns were expressed through discourses of blackness in nineteenth-century American blackface entertainment. Part Two examines the various transnational discursive connections enabled by American and Australian blackface entertainments in Australia during the nineteenth century. Part Three examines the legacy of nineteenth-century blackface entertainment in twentieth-century Australian culture. Overall, this dissertation investigates some of the fragmentary histories and stories about Otherness that coalesce within Australian culture. This examination suggests that representations of Aboriginality in Australian culture are influenced and manipulated by whiteness in ways that seek to entrench and protect white cultural authority. Even today, a phantasmal whiteness is often present within cultural representations of Aboriginality.
    [Show full text]
  • Sceptical Climate Part 2: CLIMATE SCIENCE in AUSTRALIAN NEWSPAPERS
    October 2013 Sceptical Climate Part 2: CLIMATE SCIENCE IN AUSTRALIAN NEWSPAPERS Professor Wendy Bacon Australian Centre for Independent Journalism Sceptical Climate Part 2: Climate Science in Australian Newspapers ISBN: 978-0-9870682-4-8 Release date: 30th October 2013 REPORT AUTHOR & DIRECTOR OF PROJECT: Professor Wendy Bacon (Australian Centre for Independent Journalism, University of Technology, Sydney) PROJECT MANAGER & RESEARCH SUPERVISOR: Arunn Jegan (Australian Centre for Independent Journalism) PROJECT & RESEARCH ADVISOR: Professor Chris Nash (Monash University) DESIGN AND WEB DEVELOPMENT Collagraph (http://collagraph.com.au) RESEARCHERS: Nicole Gooch, Katherine Cuttriss, Matthew Johnson, Rachel Sibley, Katerina Lebedev, Joel Rosenveig Holland, Federica Gasparini, Sophia Adams, Marcus Synott, Julia Wylie, Simon Phan & Emma Bacon ACIJ DIRECTOR: Associate Professor Tom Morton (Australian Centre for Independent Journalism, University of Technology, Sydney) ACIJ MANAGER: Jan McClelland (Australian Centre for Independent Journalism) THE AUSTRALIAN CENTRE FOR INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM The Sceptical Climate Report is a project by The Australian Centre for Independent Journalism, a critical voice on media politics, media policy, and the practice and theory of journalism. Follow ACIJ investigations, news and events at Investigate.org.au. This report is available for your use under a creative commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0) license, unless specifically noted. Feel free to quote, republish, backup, and move it to whatever platform works for you. Cover graphic: Global Annual Mean Surface Air Temperature Change, 1880 - 2012. Source: NASA GISS 2 Table of Contents 1. Preface . 5 2. Key Findings. 10 3. Background Issues . 28 4. Findings 4.1 Research design and methodology. 41 4.2 Quantity of climate science coverage .
    [Show full text]
  • Andrew Bolt Profile
    Andrew Bolt Profile Early Life and Family Andrew Bolt was born in Adelaide, Australia, in 1959. His parents were both Dutch immigrants. He attended school in Australia and spent his childhood in remote rural areas. His father was a teacher and principal. He is married to Sally Morrell and has three children. Career Bolt has hosted the weekly television show ‘The Bolt Report’ since 2011. The show focuses on right-wing, conservative commentary, by Bolt and others. However, comments made by Bolt are often also picked up by other media, including left wing and progressive media, who comment on Bolt’s remarks. In 2011, Anne Summers wrote of Bolt in ‘The Monthly’, “Taken together, the columns, the blogs, the radio and the television constitute a formidable media presence and a powerful voice that seems destined to just keep growing.” (Source) He also writes opinion pieces that are published in News Corp publications such as the Herald Sun and The Daily Telegraph. He has experience in all areas of media, having co-hosted a radio show and facilitated a web forum. Court Case In 2011, a Federal Court Judge ruled that Andrew Bolt had breached the Racial Discrimination Act. The ruling was about articles that Bolt had written in 2009, that suggested that light-skinned Aboriginal people claimed their Aboriginality for personal gain. They were ruled as breaches because they contained factual errors and were not written ‘in good faith’. Bolt defended his articles, claiming that they were simply ‘free speech’. Then Opposition Leader Tony Abbott also defended Bolt, stating that “Free speech means the right of people to say what you don’t like, not just the right of people to say what you do like.” Page 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Perils of Identifying As Indigenous on Social Media
    genealogy Article Us Mob Online: The Perils of Identifying as Indigenous on Social Media Bronwyn Carlson * and Tristan Kennedy Department of Indigenous Studies, Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW 2109, Australia; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Abstract: Social media is a highly valuable site for Indigenous people to express their identities and to engage with other Indigenous people, events, conversations, and debates. While the role of social media for Indigenous peoples is highly valued for public articulations of identity, it is not without peril. Drawing on the authors’ recent mixed-methods research in Australian Indigenous communities, this paper presents an insight into Indigenous peoples’ experiences of cultivating individual and collective identities on social media platforms. The findings suggest that Indigenous peoples are well aware of the intricacies of navigating a digital environment that exhibits persistent colonial attempts at the subjugation of Indigenous identities. We conclude that, while social media remains perilous, Indigenous people are harnessing online platforms for their own ends, for the reinforcement of selfhood, for identifying and being identified and, as a vehicle for humour and subversion. Keywords: Aboriginal; Indigenous; social media; identity; hate speech; community; online 1. Introduction Citation: Carlson, Bronwyn, and For as long as social media platforms have existed, the topic of Indigenous identity Tristan Kennedy. 2021. Us Mob has featured in online conversations and debates. Research reveals that for Indigenous Online: The Perils of Identifying as people, identifying as Indigenous online is a risky business where you are likely to be Indigenous on Social Media. subjected to extreme hate and racism (see, Carlson 2016; Carlson and Frazer 2018a, 2018b; Genealogy 5: 52.
    [Show full text]
  • Australian Hellenic Council NSW Inc. a Coordinating Body for the Australian Hellenic Community
    Australian Hellenic Council NSW Inc. A coordinating body for the Australian Hellenic community SUBMISSION TO PARLIAMENTARY INQUIRY INTO FREEDOM OF SPEECH - PART IIA OF THE RACIAL DISCRIMINATION ACT 1975 AND THE AUSTRALIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION The Australian Hellenic Council 1. The Australian Hellenic Council NSW Inc. (AHC) is a peak representative group in NSW representing a number of Greek community organisations. Its charter requires that it promote the positions of the Australian Hellenic community on issues that may affect that community. 2. In 2014 the AHC made a detailed submission in relation to the Exposure Draft released by the Federal Government for amending section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act (RDA). Parts of that submission are reprised in this document as they continue to have currency in the current debate. Background to the current inquiry 3. This Parliamentary Committee inquiry is to be informed by the recommendations of the Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC) in its Final Report on Traditional Rights and Freedoms – Encroachments by Commonwealth Laws [ALRC Report 129 – December 2015], in particular Chapter 4 – “Freedom of Speech”. 4. As the ALRC reported, it is widely recognised that freedom of speech is not absolute. Although the ALRC has not established whether section 18C of the RDA has, in practice, cause unjustifiable interferences with freedom of speech it nevertheless recommended that Part IIA of the Act might benefit from a more thorough review in the context of whether the proscription against insulting and offending conduct constitutes an unreasonable interference with freedom of speech. 5. In announcing this inquiry, the Attorney-General has also asked stated that the Committee will examine whether the existing processes of the Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) are sufficient to ensure that trivial or vexatious complaints to the Commission, and complaints which have no reasonable prospects of success, are identified and dismissed at an early stage.
    [Show full text]
  • Committee Secretary Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights Inquiry Into Freedom of Speech in Australia Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600
    Committee Secretary Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights Inquiry into Freedom of speech in Australia Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600 16 December 2016 Re: Freedom of Speech in Australia – Racial Discrimination Act Dear Committee, I am grateful for the opportunity to provide a submission to the inquiry into Freedom of Speech in Australia. I have written previously on Part IIA of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) in my academic work and some media commentary.1 I am one of the few academics in Australia from a minority background who has written on Part IIA of the RDA. I have expertise in this area of the law. Regrettably, I also have personal experiences of racial abuse. The structure of my submission is in three parts. First, I will set out the purposes of racial vilification laws. Second, I will address the jurisprudence as it currently stands. Third, I will address the broader background to the current inquiry. In sum, my submission is entirely directed towards the first question posed by the inquiry. Namely: 1. Whether the operation of Part IIA of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) imposes unreasonable restrictions upon freedom of speech, and in particular whether, and if so how, ss. 18C and 18D should be reformed. I will make no detailed remarks on the conduct of the current Race Discrimination Commissioner other than to note that it is deeply inappropriate for a Commissioner, who is charged with overseeing the conciliation process, to solicit complaints. It is self-evident that any pretensions to impartiality would be lost the moment that a decision-maker solicits a complaint against a particular party.
    [Show full text]
  • Bias Against Tony Abbott Is Truly Sickening
    Bias against Tony Abbott is truly sickening ANDREW BOLT HERALD SUN FEBRUARY 19, 2015 8:49AM THE ABC is trying to destroy Tony Abbott. Its bias — actually unlawful — has never been so ruthless. Even the ABC’s hand-picked reviewer had to admit this week that the ABC’s coverage of the Abbott Government’s first Budget was marred by anti-Liberal bias — and she hadn’t even looked hard. Colleen Ryan, a former Fairfax editor, had been asked by the ABC to check its reporting of the Budget in the week after it was delivered. SENATE IS A THREAT TO OUR FUTURE This Budget was the country’s first and best hope of reining in Labor’s massive deficits. If it wasn’t a make-or-break moment for the country, it sure was for Prime Minister Tony Abbott. And he got smashed, especially by the ABC, our biggest media organisation, with four TV stations, five radio stations, an online newspaper and a publishing house. Ryan singled out four examples of ABC reporting that suggested bias — each time a bias against the Liberals. Most dramatic was the flagship 7.30 program’s hostile interview of Treasurer Joe Hockey. Host Sarah Ferguson kicked it off with a contemptuous statement lightly disguised as a question: “Is it liberating for a politician to decide election promises don’t matter?” Then there was Lateline host Emma Alberici, who asked a Coalition MP: “Do you think voters are really stupid and can’t recognise a lie when they see one?” Ryan also criticised Tasmania’s 7.30 edition for pulling the ABC stunt of giving the microphone to a parade of Leftist critics, while The Drum copped it for another old trick — stacking its panel with two pro-Labor panellists against one lone conservative.
    [Show full text]
  • Rapper 360 — Aka Matt Colwell — Is Wrong to Call Australians Racist
    Rapper 360 — aka Matt Colwell — is wrong to call Australians racist HERALD SUN OCTOBER 24, 2014 4:05PM Hip-hop artist 360, aka Matt Colwell, feels Australia is a racist country. Photo: RICHARD JUPE I AM sick of being told that both the Australian flag, and the Australian people, are racist. While it might be fashionable in certain circles to criticise our country thus, the truth is very different. Compared with just about anywhere, Australia is one of the most tolerant, diverse and welcoming places on Earth. Those who think otherwise need to travel overseas and have a proper look around. On last Monday’s Q&A local hip hop artist 360 (aka Matt Colwell) made some predictable criticisms about our country. When asked how Australians were perceived abroad, he said our flag was racist and far too many people wrapped themselves in it while abusing minority groups. After the show he also demonstrated an appalling lack of historical understanding by describing the Australian flag as a “ … sort of swastika symbol in my mind”. To compare Australia with the Nazi regime suggests either extreme stupidity, wilful naivety or a good measure of both. Under Hitler, Germany began the most destructive war in human history, slaughtered millions in death camps and imposed an extreme racial ideology. And what did Australia do at that time? Like most other free and democratic countries, we fought against German (and Japanese) totalitarianism so it was soundly defeated in 1945. Hardly the actions of a racist state. In the present day, moody introspection about Australia’s culture and place in the world leads far too many of its citizens to criticise their own nation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Stolen Generations: Competing Histories
    NEW: Emerging Scholars in Australian Indigenous Studies The Stolen Generations: competing histories Christopher Cook University of Technology Sydney, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, PO Box 123, Ultimo NSW 2017, Australia. [email protected] DOI: https://doi.org/10.5130/nesais.v4i1.1512 Abstract: The high rate of removal of Indigenous children from their families has produced a devastating impact on Aboriginal communities. In discussing how an ongoing failure to appreciate the intergenerational impact of forced removals has led to a failure in policy as well as the continued removal of Indigenous children from their communities today, this essay argues the importance of acknowledging the complexity of the Stolen Generations over simplistic narratives that foster divisiveness. Keywords: Stolen Generations; assimilation policy; history wars; interventionism In 2008, then Prime Minister Kevin Rudd delivered an apology to Aboriginal Australians on behalf of the nation for the twentieth century child removal practices known historically as the ‘Stolen Generations’ (Australia, House of Representatives 2008). Through Rudd’s speech, Australia acknowledged the trauma caused to Aboriginal families and promised to ensure no such trauma would occur again. Whilst the noble intentions underpinning the apology were clear, the subsequent actions of Australian Governments across the country indicate a failure to implement this spirit of reconciliation. Instead, the impacts of a divisive contest over the Stolen Generations history have continued to impact policy. The conservative establishment has historically argued that the child removal policies of the twentieth century were underpinned by a desire to better the lives of Aboriginal people. Proponents of this position selectively point to positive experiences of Aboriginal children who were removed, ignoring the plethora of traumatic experiences.
    [Show full text]
  • Debunking Dreyfus on Free Speech and Freedom
    Disclaimer : Nothing in this letter should be construed as threatening nor advocating unlawful acts. Suspects are innocent until the facts against them are proven and convicted in a court of justice. This does not discuss the contents of the current super-injunction. Debunking Dreyfus on Free Speech and Freedom Author: Brendan Jones Brisbane, QLD, Australia E-mail: [email protected] Being an Open Letter to ALP Shadow Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus MP QC regarding his speech to the HRC Free Speech 2014 Symposium Cc: Director-General of Security – ASIO, David Irvine (pp. 62-65) Online at: http://victimsofdsto.com/debunking-drefyus/ Page 1 of 66(218) September 10(11), 2014 NoFibs Journalist: “I’m a strong free speech advocate ... So I’m thrilled that shadow Attorney General Mark Dreyfus QC has taken a stand and wish him success in the long hard climb ahead.” 98 Brendan Jones: “Mr. Dreyfus is no advocate for free speech, but the fact that he has convinced you he is – and in just one short speech – has persuaded me he’s a first class barrister.” 98 Journalist Martin Hirst: “I loved that he rubbed their pretty little noses in it. He made the point strongly that the so-called “marketplace of ideas” is a conservative myth that bears little relation to reality.” 98 133 Brendan Jones: “All Dreyfus did was say he rejected it. He never explained why. Google "Sophistry"” 98 131 US Supreme Court Justice Benjamin Cardozo: ‘Freedom of expression is the matrix, the indispensable condition, of nearly every other form of freedom.’ US Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis: “Those who won our independence believed that the final end of the State was to make men free to develop their faculties, and that in its government the deliberative forces should prevail over the arbitrary.
    [Show full text]