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The Uk's Privatised Migration Surveillance Regime THE UK’S PRIVATISED MIGRATION SURVEILLANCE REGIME: A rough guide for civil society February 2021 privacyinternational.org THE UK’S PRIVATISED MIGRATION SURVEILLANCE REGIME: A rough guide for civil society ABOUT PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL Governments and corporations are using technology to exploit us. Their abuses of power threaten our freedoms and the very things that make us human. That’s why Privacy International campaigns for the progress we all deserve. We’re here to protect democracy, defend people’s dignity, and demand accountability from the powerful institutions who breach public trust. After all, privacy is precious to every one of us, whether you’re seeking asylum, fighting corruption, or searching for health advice. So, join our global movement today and fight for what really matters: our freedom to be human. Open access. Some rights reserved. Privacy International wants to encourage the circulation of its work as widely as possible while retaining the copyright. Privacy International has an open access policy which enables anyone to access its content online without charge. Anyone can download, save, perform or distribute this work in any format, including translation, without written permission.This is subject to the terms of the Creative Commons Licence Deed: Attribution-Non-Commercial-No Derivative Works 2.0 UK: England & Wales. Its main conditions are: • You are free to copy, distribute, display and perform the work; • You must give the original author (‘Privacy International’) credit; • You may not use this work for commercial purposes; • You are welcome to ask Privacy International for permission to use this work for purposes other than those covered by the licence. Privacy International is grateful to Creative Commons for its work and its approach to copyright. For more information please go to www.creativecommons.org. Photo by John Rodenn Castillo on Unsplash Privacy International 62 Britton Street, London EC1M 5UY, United Kingdom Phone +44 (0)20 3422 4321 privacyinternational.org Privacy International is a registered charity (1147471), and a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales (04354366). 2 THE UK’S PRIVATISED MIGRATION SURVEILLANCE REGIME: A rough guide for civil society CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 5 1. WHO’S INVOLVED? 7 a. Home Office 8 b. UK Visas and Immigration 8 c. The Border Force 8 d. Immigration Enforcement 9 e. Her Majesty’s Passport Office 9 f. Digital, Data and Technology 9 2. “BACK-END” SYSTEMS 10 a. Existing Databases of Relevance 11 b. Databases of Relevance in Development 14 i. Digital Services at the Border (DSAB) / Future Borders and Immigration Systems (FBIS) 15 ii. Immigration Platform Technologies (IPT) 19 iii. Home Office Biometrics (HOB) 21 iv. National Law Enforcement Data Programme (NLEDP) 22 3. “FRONT-END” TOOLS 24 a. Mobile Scanners 25 b. Status Checking 29 c. Border Surveillance 30 d. Language analysis 31 3 THE UK’S PRIVATISED MIGRATION SURVEILLANCE REGIME: A rough guide for civil society e. Mobile Phone Extraction 32 f. Hacking 34 g. Wi-Fi Analysis 35 h. Communications Data Surveillance 35 i. Surveillance Vans 36 j. Intelligence Sharing Software 36 k. Data Analytics 37 l. Data Analytics 37 m. Data Brokers 38 4. INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONS 40 a. International Biometric Data Sharing 41 b. Surveillance outsourcing 43 5. RESEARCH RESOURCES 45 6. LIST OF COMPANIES MENTIONED IN THE GUIDE 47 4 THE UK’S PRIVATISED MIGRATION SURVEILLANCE REGIME: A rough guide for civil society INTRODUCTION The ability to police and ‘control’ the UK’s borders was a central issue for voters in the UK Brexit vote, and is once again headline news with coverage focusing on migration across the Channel. Regular stories of the Home Office losing track offoreigners “ ” or having “no clue how many illegal immigrants there are” feed a notion that the UK’s immigration system is fundamentally ‘broken’. Perceived and real failures of how the UK tracks people in the immigration system are vulnerable to simplification and dangerous rhetoric in part because of its opaqueness. Already managed and enforced by a confusing complex of government departments, agencies, infrastructure, and contractors, the situation is not helped by the fact that many of the key actors involved are resistant to transparency and that Brexit is demanding yet more changes. There is no doubt there are severe problems at the Home Office, something recognized by numerous oversight bodies and inquiries. Windrush and the fact that people who rely on the asylum system are left waiting longer than ever are two examples. But far from being powerless or weak, the reality is that the system is vast, with annual expenditure exceeding £2 billion. UK authorities are able to call on intrusive surveillance powers matching those of anyone else in the world. Immigration agencies are equipped with advanced tools of surveillance, and supplemented by a ‘hostile environment’ which extends the duty of controlling borders to landlords, employers, teachers, and doctors. At the same time however, the Home Office has an abysmal record on delivering IT projects, with the effect that it fails to provide basic and vital services for people while continuing to award lucrative contracts to big arms and surveillance companies which enjoy minimal scrutiny and are seldom held accountable in the public discourse. 5 THE UK’S PRIVATISED MIGRATION SURVEILLANCE REGIME: A rough guide for civil society Providing a realistic perspective of the powers and technology available to UK agencies and the problems across the system are important for dispelling myths and dangerous narratives. Below, we try to provide a rough guide to how the UK’s borders, immigrations, and citizenship system tracks and spies on people, and which companies profit. The first section briefly outlines the main departments and units involved. It then describes various databases which are used to process immigration data, track people through the borders, immigrations, and citizenship system, or which are relevant because they enable forms of surveillance by law enforcement or immigration authorities. These are referred to for the purposes of this guide as the “back-end” systems. The following section then describes surveillance and tracking tools available to officers and agencies themselves, referred to here as the “front-end” tools. A section on international operations which are used to support surveillance in the UK is provided, followed by a list of relevant other resources. 6 THE UK’S PRIVATISED MIGRATION SURVEILLANCE REGIME: A rough guide for civil society 1. WHO’S INVOLVED? KEY FACTS: ° In 2017-18, the UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI) spent £1.1 billion, but earned £1.6 billion in income from things like charging substantial visa fees ° Immigration Enforcement heads up the investigation of and removal / deportation of people who are in the UK with irregular status. In 2017- 18, the department spent £430 million, and had an income of £33 million through schemes involving charging “customers” to comply with immigration rule. ° In addition to the operational departments at the Home Office, a separate entity known as an “enabler” called Digital, Data and Technology which oversees a range of tech projects relating to the immigration and asylum system. 7 THE UK’S PRIVATISED MIGRATION SURVEILLANCE REGIME: A rough guide for civil society a. Home Office The Home Office is in charge of the UK borders, immigration, and citizenship system. In 2019, it issued 3.2 million visas to people around the world: 76% of them were for people who were visiting (2.43 million), 9% for students, 6% for workers, and the rest for family and other reasons. In the same period, 35,566 people claimed asylum in the UK – amounting to the equivalent of just over 1% of the amount of visas issued for other reasons. A large influence on their operations is the idea that the Home Office is capable of being run as a business: in 2015 it signed up to the idea that it could be ‘self- funded’ by charging its ‘customers’. Predictably, it has since told the Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration that it has “reigned back on self- funding, moving from an objective for self-funding by 2019-20 to an ambition to increase the extent to which [the borders, immigration, and citizenship system] is funded by those who use its services.” Nevertheless, the policy permeated across the Home Office, pushing agencies to raise fees and charge “customers” for new services. There are four main operational departments governing this system. b. UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI) manages visa, citizenship, and asylum applications, and had over 9000 staff in 2019. In 2017-18, the department spent £1.1 billion, but earned £1.6 billion in income from things like charging substantial visa fees. c. The Border Force is responsible for managing people and goods entering the UK and collecting revenue from trade crossing the border. It had just under 8200 staff in 2019. In 2017-18, the department spent £522 million, and had an income of £22 million, from schemes such as charging carriers and people for expedited transit through the UK border. 8 THE UK’S PRIVATISED MIGRATION SURVEILLANCE REGIME: A rough guide for civil society d. Immigration Enforcement heads up the investigation of and removal / deportation of people who are in the UK with irregular status. The department’s stated aim is that it wants “to reduce the size of the illegal population and the harm it causes”. It had over 5000 staff as of 2019. In 2017-18, the department spent £430 million, and had an income of £33 million through schemes involving charging “customers” to comply with immigration rules. For example, employers and local authorities could pay Immigration Enforcement officials to do things like check the immigration status of people, including when they’re applying for support from local authorities.
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