VAN IUEBEECK DAY and the NEW JERUSALEM Identity, Community
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Fighting for the Spoils Cape Burgerschap and Faction Disputes in Cape Town in the 1770S Town
The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University Fighting for the Spoils Cape burgerschap and faction disputes in Cape Town in the 1770s Town Cape Teunis Baartmanof University Thesis presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Historical Studies University of Cape Town October 2011 Town Cape of University [ii] Abstract Fighting for the spoils. Cape burgerschap and faction disputes in Cape Town in the 1770s. Teunis Baartman October 2011 The Cape of Good Hope was rocked by a period of political turmoil at the end of the 1770s and beginning of 1780s. Coenraad Beyers published an extensive study about this period and labelled the protesters: Cape Patriots (‘Die Kaapse Patriotte’). In his view they were pre-Afrikaner burghers who, driven by ideological arguments, opposed a colonial VOC tyranny. This thesis aims to revise this analysis, while seeking to demonstrate that late eighteenth century Cape society was marked by a complex and intertwined network of status groups. Town The burgher protests are used as a case study to illustrate that the Cape settlement was part and parcel of the Dutch empire. The protesters emphasised that their burgerschap was on par with that in cities in theCape Dutch Republic. -
Bart Rijsbermen
Bart Rijsbermen Koning Lodewijk Napoleon in Assen Hoewel het dorp Assen weinig voorstelde, was het niettemin de hoofdplaats van het zelfstandig departement Drenthe. Op één van de rondreizen die Lodewijk Napoleon maakte om zijn koninkrijk beter te leren kennen, bezocht hij in maart 1809 ook Assen. Hij overlaadde het dorp met gunsten. Hij verleende Assen stadsrechten en schonk de nieuwbakken stad het Asserbos en een bedrag van twintigduizend gulden voor de bouw van enige nieuwe huizen. Daarnaast gelastte Lodewijk Napoleon zijn ministers zo spoedig mogelijk te onderzoeken of Assen rijp was voor de vestiging van een opvoedingsinstituut, hoe de gezondheidszorg verbeterd kon worden en wat de mogelijkheden waren voor uitbreiding van de gereformeerde kerk en voor nieuwbouw van een rooms-katholieke kerk.4 Daar• naast bepaalde hij dat er een plan moest komen voor een nieuw Assen: 'Decisie. Onze minister van Binnenlandse Zaken zal zich zoo spoedig mogelijk een plan ter approbatie laten voorliggen, behelsende een regulieren bebouwing der stad Assen, hetwelk plan eens aangenomen zijnde, vervolgens ten uitvoer zal gebragt worden, naarmate de stad zich zal uitbreiden, dit plan moet berekend worden op eene bevolking van 6000 menschen. Lodewijk'.5 Volgens De Nieuwe Drentsche Volksalmanak van 1899 had Assen dit allemaal te danken aan het schitterende lenteweer en de goede bui van de koning.6 Het lijkt echter aannemelijker dat de besluiten deel uitmaakten van een groter plan van Lodewijk Napoleon. Het economisch zwaartepunt van de Republiek had altijd in het gewest Holland gelegen. De andere gewesten en het landschap Drenthe werden door de Hollanders als achtergebleven gebied gezien. -
The Third War of Dispossession and Resistance in the Cape of Good Hope Colony, 1799–1803
54 “THE WAR TOOK ITS ORIGINS IN A MISTAKE”: THE THIRD WAR OF DISPOSSESSION AND RESISTANCE IN THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE COLONY, 1799–1803 Denver Webb, University of Fort Hare1 Abstract The early colonial wars on the Cape Colony’s eastern borderlands and western Xhosaland, such as the 1799–1803 war, have not received as much attention from military historians as the later wars. This is unexpected since this lengthy conflict was the first time the British army fought indigenous people in southern Africa. This article revisits the 1799–1803 war, examines the surprisingly fluid and convoluted alignments of participants on either side, and analyses how the British became embroiled in a conflict for which they were unprepared and for which they had little appetite. It explores the micro narrative of why the British shifted from military action against rebellious Boers to fighting the Khoikhoi and Xhosa. It argues that in 1799, the British stumbled into war through a miscalculation – a mistake which was to have far-reaching consequences on the Cape’s eastern frontier and in western Xhosaland for over a century. Introduction The eighteenth- and nineteenth-century colonial wars on the Cape Colony’s eastern borderlands and western Xhosaland (emaXhoseni) have received considerable attention from historians. For reasons mostly relating to the availability of source material, the later wars are better known than the earlier ones. Thus the War of Hintsa (1834–35), the War of the Axe (1846–47), the War of Mlanjeni (1850–53) and the War of Ngcayecibi (1877–78) have received far more coverage by contemporaries and subsequently by historians than the eighteenth-century conflicts.2 The first detailed examination of Scientia Militaria, South African the 1799–1803 conflict, commonly known as Journal of Military Studies, Vol the Third Frontier War or third Cape–Xhosa 42, Nr 2, 2014, pp. -
A Brief History of Wine in South Africa Stefan K
European Review - Fall 2014 (in press) A brief history of wine in South Africa Stefan K. Estreicher Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX 79409-1051, USA Vitis vinifera was first planted in South Africa by the Dutchman Jan van Riebeeck in 1655. The first wine farms, in which the French Huguenots participated – were land grants given by another Dutchman, Simon Van der Stel. He also established (for himself) the Constantia estate. The Constantia wine later became one of the most celebrated wines in the world. The decline of the South African wine industry in the late 1800’s was caused by the combination of natural disasters (mildew, phylloxera) and the consequences of wars and political events in Europe. Despite the reorganization imposed by the KWV cooperative, recovery was slow because of the embargo against the Apartheid regime. Since the 1990s, a large number of new wineries – often, small family operations – have been created. South African wines are now available in many markets. Some of these wines can compete with the best in the world. Stefan K. Estreicher received his PhD in Physics from the University of Zürich. He is currently Paul Whitfield Horn Professor in the Physics Department at Texas Tech University. His biography can be found at http://jupiter.phys.ttu.edu/stefanke. One of his hobbies is the history of wine. He published ‘A Brief History of Wine in Spain’ (European Review 21 (2), 209-239, 2013) and ‘Wine, from Neolithic Times to the 21st Century’ (Algora, New York, 2006). The earliest evidence of wine on the African continent comes from Abydos in Southern Egypt. -
The Huguenot Settlement at the Cape of Good Hope
The Huguenot Settlement at the Cape of Good Hope. BY CAPTAIN W.H. HINDE, R.E. (A Paper read before the Society, January 9, 1895.) I wish this evening for a short time to direct your attention to the Huguenot Settlement at the Cape of Good Hope, to which a considerable number of French Huguenots found their way, chiefly in the years 1688 and 1689. For some years past I have been hoping that someone would take up the subject of this Settlement, and not only trace the descent of a large number of the Cape Colonists and South Africans generally, from their Huguenot forefathers, but also collect all the information that can be obtained as to the old settlers themselves; from what places in France they fled to Holland; through what vicissitudes they passed on the way; their rank, family, or status in life before they were forced to quit their old homes; in fact all such particulars as possess any value or interest. A good deal of such family history is given in Smiles’ ‘Huguenots in England and Ireland’ about the English settlers, why should not similar information be forthcoming, and collected about the Cape settlers? A large amount of labour has been expended on this tracing down out in South Africa, and probably little remains to be done beyond compiling and publishing the information collected; but so far as I am aware little or nothing has been done towards tracing the Cape Refugees up, through Holland and possibly Switzerland, back to their former homes in France, and to the families to which they belonged. -
Slave Trading and Slavery in the Dutch Colonial Empire: a Global Comparison
rik Van WELie Slave Trading and Slavery in the Dutch Colonial Empire: A Global Comparison INTRODUCTION From the early seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century, slavery played a fundamental role in the Dutch colonial empire.1 All overseas possessions of the Dutch depended in varying degrees on the labor of slaves who were imported from diverse and often remote areas. Over the past decades numer- ous academic publications have shed light on the history of the Dutch Atlantic slave trade and of slavery in the Dutch Americas.2 These scholarly contribu- tions, in combination with the social and political activism of the descen- dants of Caribbean slaves, have helped to bring the subject of slavery into the national public debate. The ongoing discussions about an official apology for the Dutch role in slavery, the erection of monuments to commemorate that history, and the inclusion of some of these topics in the first national history canon are all testimony to this increased attention for a troubled past.3 To some this recent focus on the negative aspects of Dutch colonial history has already gone too far, as they summon the country’s glorious past to instill a 1. I would like to thank David Eltis, Pieter Emmer, Henk den Heijer, Han Jordaan, Gerrit Knaap, Gert Oostindie, Alex van Stipriaan, Jelmer Vos, and the anonymous reviewers of the New West Indian Guide for their many insightful comments. As usual, the author remains entirely responsible for any errors. This article is an abbreviated version of a chapter writ- ten for the “Migration and Culture in the Dutch Colonial World” project at KITLV. -
19Th Century Tragedy, Victory, and Divine Providence As the Foundations of an Afrikaner National Identity
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University History Theses Department of History Spring 5-7-2011 19th Century Tragedy, Victory, and Divine Providence as the Foundations of an Afrikaner National Identity Kevin W. Hudson Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Hudson, Kevin W., "19th Century Tragedy, Victory, and Divine Providence as the Foundations of an Afrikaner National Identity." Thesis, Georgia State University, 2011. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses/45 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 19TH CENTURY TRAGEDY, VICTORY, AND DIVINE PROVIDENCE AS THE FOUNDATIONS OF AN AFRIKANER NATIONAL IDENTITY by KEVIN W. HUDSON Under the DireCtion of Dr. Mohammed Hassen Ali and Dr. Jared Poley ABSTRACT Apart from a sense of racial superiority, which was certainly not unique to white Cape colonists, what is clear is that at the turn of the nineteenth century, Afrikaners were a disparate group. Economically, geographically, educationally, and religiously they were by no means united. Hierarchies existed throughout all cross sections of society. There was little political consciousness and no sense of a nation. Yet by the end of the nineteenth century they had developed a distinct sense of nationalism, indeed of a volk [people; ethnicity] ordained by God. The objective of this thesis is to identify and analyze three key historical events, the emotional sentiments evoked by these nationalistic milestones, and the evolution of a unified Afrikaner identity that would ultimately be used to justify the abhorrent system of apartheid. -
An Anthropological Perspective on Afrikaner Narrative and Myths
Identity, Culture & Politics: An Afro-Asian Dialogue. Volume 10, Number 1, July 2009. pp. 30 - 50. © CODESRIA, ICES. 2006. ISSN 0851-2914 An Anthropological Perspective on Afrikaner Narrative and Myths Jan P. van der Merwe∗ Abstract Selon Webb-Mitchell (1995 : 219), homme est né avec la « capacité et le désir d'exprimer et recevoir des histoires ». Une des actions humaines les plus fondamentales dans l'existence de l'homme est de dire, interpréter, et raconter de nouveau l'interprétation dans les mots, volontairement, sous forme d'histoires. C'est un éternel, se développer en spirales et un processus socialement construit. Le « récit est crucial dans la vie humaine d'arrangement pour tous que nous soyons, et tous ce que nous faisons, et tout ce que nous pensons et la sensation est basé sur des histoires ; toutes les deux nos histoires personnelles et histoires de notre communauté significative » (1995:215 de Webb-Mitchell). Slabbert (1999 : 49-51) déclarer qu'une identité officielle d'Afrikaner a existé jusqu'à 1990, qui était principalement dû à un récit principal a construit autour de l'adhésion d'église, de l'engagement à la puissance politique et de l'adhésion au parti, comme l'attachement aux organismes culturels tels que le lien de Broeder. En résumé on peut affirmer que l'Afrikaner a perdu son récit principal en vue de l'identité d'Afrikaner, et qu'un certain nombre d'approches à l'identité d'Afrikaner sont suivies chez l'Afrikaner se range. Comme indiqué, la désintégration du récit de maître d'Afrikaner a pour mener à la promotion de la question si les récits alternatifs et plus petits d'Afrikaner se sont développés, comme exposé par Lyotard (1984 : 3-16). -
The Spirituality of Andrew Murray Jr. (1828-1917). a Theological-Critical Assessment
THE SPIRITUALITY OF ANDREW MURRAY JR. (1828-1917). A THEOLOGICAL-CRITICAL ASSESSMENT HEE-YOUNG LEE THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (THEOLOGY) PROMOTER: PROF. DR. R.M. BRITZ DEPARTMENT OF ECCLESIOLOGY FACULTY OF THEOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF THE FREE STATE NOVEMBER 2006 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT Hallelujah! Now this study is complete. A lot of time and effort was put into the work before it could be finished. Prayer, kindness, intellectual supervision and all kinds of support from my family, teachers, pastors, and colleagues are an integral part of this thesis. Without any one of them, this thesis could not have been produced. To begin with I want to give many thanks to God who led me to do this work and to finish it on time. Although there were various difficulties during the study, I was able to overcome those difficulties and to proceed with my studies by the grace of God. I confess that this work is nothing but a result of His lavish grace upon an unworthy sinner. I am deeply grateful to my supervisor, Professor Dr. Rudolph M. Britz who has sincerely and patiently promoted me up to now. His kind, intellectual and detailed supervision, which can be summarised as many hours of patient guidance, editorial scrutiny, and caring encouragement from beginning to end, went beyond what was simply required and provided the best form of guidance in my efforts. His precious advice; “Do not study ideologically. Let primary sources tell and let them guide your study!” was to be a valuable motto, especially considering my goal of being a church- historian. -
Wz'th the Boers -In the Transvaal. Mary, 1854, Sir George Clerk Made Over to Them the Govern
50 Wz'th the Boers -in the Transvaal. mary, 1854, Sir George Clerk made over to them the Govern.. ment of the country, in 80 Convention which was legally carried out by a Royal Order in Council on the 8th of April, 1854. The terms of the Convention were as follows:- "1. Her Majesty's Special Commissioner, in entering into 80 Convention for finally transferring the government of the Orange River Territory to the representatives delegated by the inhabitants to receive it, guarantees, on the part of Her Majesty's Government, the future independence of that cguntry and its government; and that after the necessary preliminary arrangements for making over the same between Her Majesty's Special Commissioner and the said representatives shall have been completed, the inhabitants of the country shall then be free; and that this independence shall, without unnecessary delay, be confirmed and ratified by an instrument, promulgated in such form and substance as Her Majesty may approve, finally freeing them from their allegiance to the British Crown, and declaring them, to all intents and purposes, a free and independent people, and their Government to be treated and considered thenceforth as 80 free and independent Government. "2. The British Government has no alliance whatever with any native chiefs or tribes to the northward of the Orange River, with the exception of the Griqua chief, Captain Adam Kok; and Her Majesty's {lovernment has no wish or intention to enter hereafter'into any treaties which may be injurious or prejudicial to the interests" of the Orange River Government. -
The 1797 British Naval Mutinies in Southern African Waters
IRSH 58 (2013), Special Issue, pp. 61–85 doi:10.1017/S0020859013000266 r 2013 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis International Radicalism, Local Solidarities: The 1797 British Naval Mutinies in Southern African Waters N ICOLE U LRICH History Department, Rhodes University Grahamstown 1640, South Africa E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT: This article details the 1797 mutinies in the British Royal Navy in southern African waters at Simon’s Bay and Table Bay at the Cape of Good Hope. Drawing attention to the intersections between international protest during the age of revolution and between local, African protest, it shows that the Cape mutinies were part of an empire-wide strike, and were rooted in the organizational tradi- tions of naval sailors. Yet, these mutinies were also of local significance. They signalled the growing confidence, and radicalization, of the popular classes at the Cape, as sailors, KhoiSan labourers, and slaves all experimented with new strategies of rebellion. Realizing the fundamental class bias of custom and law during their struggles for improvements in wages and working conditions and for a more democratic workplace regime, naval sailors also contributed to a broader political dialogue at the Cape concerning the relationship between the imperial state, freedom, and rights. INTRODUCTION Towards the end of 1797, Thomas Kelly of the carpenters’ crew on HMS Jupiter was ordered to appear before a court martial for mutinous behaviour. Kelly threatened that: [y] he was a Delegate and sent by [y] His Company and the Voice of the Ship’s Company was not to be played with. He said that a man’s life was not so easily taken away now as it was four months ago. -
According to the Minutes Kept by the Secretary to the Council of Justice
Sodomy, race and respectability in Stellenbosch and Drakenstein, 1689 – 1762: the story of a family, loosely defined Susie Newton-King This article explores the interacting dynamics of race, class, status and respectability in the emerging colonial society at the Cape of Good Hope in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. It is essentially a case study, which examines the background to the trial and execution of Gerrit Coetzee, the first freeburgher to be accused of sodomy at the Cape. By implication, it raises a number of questions about the rural community in which Gerrit was raised and it re-opens old debates about the degree of colour blindness and the determinants of status in early colonial South Africa. Was Gerrit a victim of racial or social prejudice? Was he excluded, cold-shouldered or otherwise subtly marginalised by his young male peers in Daljosafat, where he lived? Was he driven by prejudice to seek the company of other marginalised individuals and ultimately to engage in suicidally transgressive behaviour? Or was he simply a young man who wrecked his chances by going too far? The trial On Thursday 10 September 1733 the freeburgher Gerrit Coetzee Jacobszoon (the son of Jacob) appeared before the Council of Justice in Cape Town. He was twenty one years old and he was charged with sodomy. He was already a prisoner in the Castle, having been arrested and brought to Cape Town from his home in Daljosafat (in Drakenstein) some time in late July. He had twice been interrogated in the presence of commissioned members of the Council, but this was his first appearance in the long meeting room in the Kat bastion, where the council met every Thursday.