DOCSLIB.ORG

The Future of the ASEAN Economic Integration

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Future of the ASEAN Economic Integration The Future of the ASEAN Economic Integration Kiki Verico The Future of the ASEAN Economic Integration Kiki Verico Th e Institute for Economic and Social Research (LPEM), Faculty of Economics and Business , University of Indonesia , Jakarta , Indonesia ISBN 978-1-137-59612-3 ISBN 978-1-137-59613-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-59613-0 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016957799 © Th e Editor(s) (if applicable) and Th e Author(s) 2017 Th e author(s) has/have asserted their right(s) to be identifi ed as the author(s) of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Th is work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and trans- mission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. Th e use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. Th e publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Cover illustration: © epa european pressphoto agency b.v. / Alamy Stock Photo Printed on acid-free paper Th is Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature Th e registered company is Macmillan Publishers Ltd. Th e registered company address is: Th e Campus, 4 Crinan Street, London, N1 9XW, United Kingdom In memory of my late father, Ma’as Sary (1943–1988) -- You have always been my inspiration To my mother, Nahdiar Ma’as, -- Without you none of this would be possible Pref ace Empirical experiences from the European Union’s (EU) economic integration, which has been adopted as theory in regional economic integration studies, show that neighboring countries within a region can achieve economic integration having undergone phases from trade (Free Trade Area/FTA) to investment ( Custom Union and Common Market ) before fi nally achieving fi nancial integration (Single Monetary Union and a Single Currency). Th is theory was fi rst proposed by Jacob Viner in 1950 and continued by Bela Balassa in 1961 who argues that this process requires formal institutionalization at the regional level. Southeast Asian countries have a similar formal institution at regional level, ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) , established in 1967. Currently ASEAN’s commitment is to transform Southeast Asia ’s economic integration from free fl ows of goods (FTA) to that of invest- ment, services, and capital at the end of 2015 and afterwards named the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) . Th e center point of this regional economic integration process is intra-regional trade, which connects both trade and investment at the regional level. Intra-regional trade is created by ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) and in turn aff ects long-term invest- ment and free fl ows of people. Th e latter is part of the AEC. It is, there- fore, essential to observe the impact of AFTA on intra-regional trade and further the impact of intra-regional trade on the long-term investment infl ows ( Foreign Direct Investments/FDI ). vii viii Preface Historical perspectives prove that ASEAN’s economic integration process has been largely infl uenced by the international dynamic situ- ation, which includes, for example, the end of the Vietnam War, which led to the fi rst ASEAN summit taking place in 1976, almost ten years after ASEAN’s establishment in 1967. ASEAN commitments on AFTA in 1992 had been decided just after the end of the Cold War in 1989. Th e ASEAN enlargement to the APT was also aff ected by the dynamic changes aff ecting the ‘Greater East Asian’ ( Bowles and MacLean 1996) region after China adopted a market economy, joined the WTO, and became one of the largest economic entities, in terms of nominal GDP, in the world. To some extent, ASEAN needs external factors to stimulate its internal reform and cooperation. Given its open regionalism, which contrasts with that of the EU’s closed regionalism, ASEAN has several other economic cooperations that involve its members, such as direct bilateral trade agreements between members and non-members of ASEAN; sub-regional economic cooperation which involves limited member states of ASEAN; then regional cooperation involving ASEAN members as well as regional-plus which incorporates all ASEAN members with non-members under the so called “ ASEAN umbrella. ” Th is study attempts to analyze the impacts of bilateral, sub- regional, and regional economic cooperation to investment (FDI infl ows). Th is objective is essential for ASEAN if it is to shift its economic integra- tion from trade to investment. As for the regional- plus framework, this study will analyze the impact on not only shifting ASEAN’s economic inte- gration from trade to investment but also the impact from investment to fi nancial integration afterwards. In sum, this study will discuss all relevant arrangements of economic cooperation that could integrate trade, invest- ment, and fi nancial aspects in Southeast Asia from various level of coop- erations of bilateral, sub-regional, regional, and regional plus frameworks . ASEAN in Descriptive Data View Data of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2006 show that Asian regional trade depends more on the Asian region itself than from any other region. Th is can be seen through Asia’s intra export in which 50 percent Preface ix of Asian total trade goes to Asian countries while the remaining 50 percent goes to the rest of the world, as shown in Table P.1 (Appendix) Table P.1 shows Europe as the most prominent region for regional economic cooperation as their intra-regional merchandise trading achieves 73.6 percent in 2006. North America’s intra trade is around 53.9 percent. Africa depends more on Europe in which 40.8 percent of their export in 2006 went to Europe, while Latin America depends more on North America with 31.4 percent of their export going to North America. Meanwhile the Middle East depends more on the Asian mar- ket with 52.6 percent of their exports in 2006 going to Asia. Naturally, most of the region’s countries rely on their trade activities to their own region given the closer distance, lower cost in trade-related services such as export import insurance and transportation cost, as well as similarities in demand factors within countries in the region. In Asia, one of the regions with a potential bright future for strong regional economic integration is ASEAN with its ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), which completed its 0 percent tariff rates among members in 2015 and will enter the economic community afterwards. Given this, it is essential to understand the potential capacity of AFTA in terms of enhancing trade liberalization and its connection to investment creation . According to Table P.1 in terms of trade Asia depends more on its region. Historically in Asia, Southeast Asian countries have good trade relations with East Asian countries. Th ey both are very close to each other and have had a long history of interdependent relations. Regional economic integration can promote FDI infl ows and eco- nomic development in individual countries of the region ( Aggarwal , 2008). Th erefore, the role of FDI infl ows becomes important to see the connectivity between ASEAN and East Asian countries. Th is is useful to assess potential interconnection between Southeast and East Asian countries. From a historical perspective, Japan, China, and South Korea have played an important role in promoting Southeast Asia economic networks. Japan established a Regional Production Network (RPN) in Southeast Asia to produce automotive and electronic products in several ASEAN countries in the 1930s ( Akamatsu 1944; Kojima 1978; Urata 1993). China had Guanxi , a traditional business network within ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia ( Wang 2001). Th is network is also known as x Preface ECBN ( Ethnic Chinese Business Network ) and works based on trust and usually avoids formal agreements between them. China holds a non- formal yet solid business network in Southeast Asia ( Peng 2002). A regional production network producing fi nal goods has been established between South Korea and Southeast Asian countries. South Korea estab- lished production networks in Southeast Asia originally in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Vietnam (also referred to as CLMV), and Th ailand, then to other Southeast Asian countries (Cheong 2011). Korea’s largest trading partners in Southeast Asia are the ASEAN-6, ASEAN’s found- ing members with the largest share starting from Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, Th ailand, and Philippines; while among the ASEAN-4, which are its CLMV members, the largest Korean trading partner is Vietnam. Korea’s exports to ASEAN are mostly of heavy industry, chemical prod- ucts, and light industries while Korean’s dominant imports from ASEAN are primary products, raw materials, and energy sources. China, Japan, and South Korea play important roles in promoting and enhancing production networks between East Asia and other Asian coun- tries especially Southeast Asian countries. Global production networks (GPN) in Asia have promoted more intermediate goods transaction than that of consumption and capital goods.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Greater China: the Next Economic Superpower?
    Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship Weidenbaum Center on the Economy, Murray Weidenbaum Publications Government, and Public Policy Contemporary Issues Series 57 2-1-1993 Greater China: The Next Economic Superpower? Murray L. Weidenbaum Washington University in St Louis Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/mlw_papers Part of the Economics Commons, and the Public Policy Commons Recommended Citation Weidenbaum, Murray L., "Greater China: The Next Economic Superpower?", Contemporary Issues Series 57, 1993, doi:10.7936/K7DB7ZZ6. Murray Weidenbaum Publications, https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/mlw_papers/25. Weidenbaum Center on the Economy, Government, and Public Policy — Washington University in St. Louis Campus Box 1027, St. Louis, MO 63130. Other titles available in this series: 46. The Seeds ofEntrepreneurship, Dwight Lee Greater China: The 47. Capital Mobility: Challenges for Next Economic Superpower? Business and Government, Richard B. McKenzie and Dwight Lee Murray Weidenbaum 48. Business Responsibility in a World of Global Competition, I James B. Burnham 49. Small Wars, Big Defense: Living in a World ofLower Tensions, Murray Weidenbaum 50. "Earth Summit": UN Spectacle with a Cast of Thousands, Murray Weidenbaum Contemporary 51. Fiscal Pollution and the Case Issues Series 57 for Congressional Term Limits, Dwight Lee February 1993 53. Global Warming Research: Learning from NAPAP 's Mistakes, Edward S. Rubin 54. The Case for Taxing Consumption, Murray Weidenbaum 55. Japan's Growing Influence in Asia: Implications for U.S. Business, Steven B. Schlossstein 56. The Mirage of Sustainable Development, Thomas J. DiLorenzo Additional copies are available from: i Center for the Study of American Business Washington University CS1- Campus Box 1208 One Brookings Drive Center for the Study of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Building ASEAN Community: Political–Security and Socio-Cultural Reflections
    ASEAN@50 Volume 4 Building ASEAN Community: Political–Security and Socio-cultural Reflections Edited by Aileen Baviera and Larry Maramis Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia © Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means electronic or mechanical without prior written notice to and permission from ERIA. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, its Governing Board, Academic Advisory Council, or the institutions and governments they represent. The findings, interpretations, conclusions, and views expressed in their respective chapters are entirely those of the author/s and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia, its Governing Board, Academic Advisory Council, or the institutions and governments they represent. Any error in content or citation in the respective chapters is the sole responsibility of the author/s. Material in this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted with proper acknowledgement. Cover Art by Artmosphere Design. Book Design by Alvin Tubio. National Library of Indonesia Cataloguing-in-Publication Data ISBN: 978-602-8660-98-3 Department of Foreign Affairs Kagawaran ng Ugnayang Panlabas Foreword I congratulate the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA), the Permanent Mission of the Philippines to ASEAN and the Philippine ASEAN National Secretariat for publishing this 5-volume publication on perspectives on the making, substance, significance and future of ASEAN.
    [Show full text]
  • Unions Help Increase Wealth for All and Close Racial Wealth Gaps by Aurelia Glass, David Madland, and Christian E
    Unions Help Increase Wealth for All and Close Racial Wealth Gaps By Aurelia Glass, David Madland, and Christian E. Weller September 6, 2021 The United States faces large wealth divides, particularly by race and ethnicity. The median white family has about 10 times the wealth of the median Black family and more than eight times the wealth of the median Hispanic family.1 Wealth is also much more unequally distributed than income, with the top 5 percent of families hold- ing about 250 times as much wealth as the median family.2 Unions play a key role in redressing these large wealth gaps. They increase wealth for all households—no matter their race or ethnicity—and tend to provide larger increases for Black and Hispanic households than for white households. Unions help households by raising incomes, increasing benefits, and improving the quality and stability of jobs.3 All these things lead to both direct and indirect increases in wealth. When workers earn more money through union contracts, for example, they are able to set aside more of their paychecks and enjoy the additional tax incentives that come with saving.4 Moreover, benefits such as pension plans grow wealth, while others such as health or life insurance reduce the amount union members need to spend from their own savings during periods of illness or income loss. This helps cushion families’ savings against downturns like the recent COVID- 19-induced recession, and additional savings can be put toward a child’s college education or the purchase of a home.5 Finally, strong union
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise and Decline of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM)
    LES CAHIERS EUROPEENS DE SCIENCES PO. > N° 04/2006 The Rise and Decline of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) Assymmetric Bilateralism and the Limitations of Interregionalism > David Camroux D. Camroux – The Rise and Decline of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) Les Cahiers européens de Sciences Po. n° 04/2006 DAVID CAMROUX The Rise and Decline of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM): Assymmetric Bilateralism and the Limitations of Interregionalism1 David Camroux is Senior Research Associate at CERI-Sciences Po. Citation : David Camroux (2006), “The Rise and Decline of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM): Assymmetric Bilateralism and the Limitations of Interregionalism”, Les Cahiers européens de Sciences Po, n° 04. 1 This is a significantly revised and much updated version of a previous article « Contemporary EU-East Asian Relations : An Assessment of the ASEM Process » in R.K. Jain (ed.) The European Union in a Changing World, New Delhi, Radiant Publishers, 2002, pp. 142-165. One of the problems in the analysis of ASEM is that many of the observers, including this author, are also participants, albeit minor ones, in the process by dint of their involvement in ASEM’s two track activities. This engenders both a problem of maintaining a critical distance and, also, an understandable tendency to give value to an object of research, in which one has invested so much time and energy and which provides so many opportunities for travel and networking between Europe and Asia. Such is the creative tension within which observers of ASEM are required to function Les Cahiers européens de Sciences Po. – n° 04/2006 Abstract East Asia’s economic dynamism attracted the attention of European political leaders in the 1980s leading to the publication of Asian strategy papers by most European governments.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 the Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project
    2 The Intellectual Origins of the Eurasian Union Project Stephen Blank The Eurasian Economic Union and its component Customs Union comprise Vladimir Putin’s “flagship” policies.1 But these organizations are merely the latest iteration of an increasingly crystallized Russian policy aspiration dating back to the collapse of the Soviet Union. As Jeffrey Mankoff recently observed, “In one form or another, re-integrating the states of the former Soviet Union has been on Russia’s agenda almost since the moment the Soviet Union col- lapsed.”2 Arguably, Russia has never reconciled itself to losing an empire. The reintegration program that is proceeding under Putin in fact began under Boris Yeltsin’s leadership, notwithstanding the fact that the Commonwealth of Inde- pendent States (CIS) was first thought of as “divorce court” for former Soviet Republics. Furthermore, these organizations are not the only elements of Putin’s reintegra- tion plan. The overall project has always had a military dimension, namely the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) that grew out of the 1992 Tashkent Collective Security Treaty (CST).3 And the leitmotif of all these plans has not just been economic or military integration, but equally crucially, the privileging of Russian sovereignty over that of CIS countries, a hallmark of neo-imperial and sphere of influence policies. Russian leaders do not refrain from admitting this openly. In August 2008, immediately after the war in 1 Iwona Wisniewska, Eurasian Integration: Russia’s Attempt at the Economic Unification of the Post-Soviet Area, OSW Studies: Centre for Eastern Studies, Warsaw, 2013. 2 Jeffrey Mankoff, Eurasian Integration: the Next Stage, Central Asia Policy Brief, Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, 2013, p.
    [Show full text]
  • African American Inequality in the United States
    N9-620-046 REV: MAY 5, 2020 JANICE H. HAMMOND A. KAMAU MASSEY MAYRA A. GARZA African American Inequality in the United States We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. — The Declaration of Independence, 1776 Slavery Transatlantic Slave Trade 1500s – 1800s The Transatlantic slave trade was tHe largest deportation of Human beings in History. Connecting the economies of Africa, the Americas, and Europe, tHe trade resulted in tHe forced migration of an estimated 12.5 million Africans to the Americas. (Exhibit 1) For nearly four centuries, European slavers traveled to Africa to capture or buy African slaves in excHange for textiles, arms, and other goods.a,1 Once obtained, tHe enslaved Africans were tHen transported by sHip to tHe Americas where tHey would provide tHe intensive plantation labor needed to create HigH-value commodities sucH as tobacco, coffee, and most notably, sugar and cotton. THe commodities were tHen sHipped to Europe to be sold. THe profits from tHe slave trade Helped develop tHe economies of Denmark, France, Great Britain, the NetHerlands, Portugal, Spain and tHe United States. The journey from Africa across tHe Atlantic Ocean, known as tHe Middle Passage, became infamous for its brutality. Enslaved Africans were chained to one another by the dozens and transported across the ocean in the damp cargo Holds of wooden sHips. (Exhibit 2) The shackled prisoners sat or lay for weeks at a time surrounded by deatH, illness, and human waste.
    [Show full text]
  • Shifting Economic Power1
    Shifting Economic Power1 John Whalley University of Western Ontario Centre for International of Governance Innovation and CESifo Munich, Germany Abstract Here, I discuss both alternative meanings of shifting economic power and possible metrics which may be used to capture its quantitative dimensions. The third sense of power is very difficult to quantify. That economic power is shifting away from the OECD to rapidly growing low wage economies seems to be a consensus view. How to conceptualize and measure it is the task addressed here, although shifts in relative terms may not be occurring in the same way as in absolute terms. I focus on economic power both in its retaliatory and bargaining senses, as well as soft power in terms of intellectual climate and reputation. September 2009 1This is a first draft for an OECD Development Centre project on Shifting Global Wealth. It draws on earlier work by Antkiewicz & Whalley (2005). I am grateful to Helmut Riesen, Andrew Mold, Carlo Perroni, Shunming Zhang a referee, and Ray Riezman for discussions and comments, and Yan Dong and Huifang Tian for help with computations. 1. Introduction The pre- crisis prospect of continuing high GDP growth rates in and accelerating growth rates of exports from the large population economies of China and India combined with elevated growth in ASEAN, Russia, Brazil and South Africa (despite the recent global financial crisis) has lead to speculation that over the next few decades global economic power will progressively shift from the Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development (OECD) (specifically the US and the EU) to the non-OECD, and mainly to a group of large population rapidly growing economies which include Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, ASEAN, Turkey, Egypt and Nigeria.2 With this shift in power, the conjecture is that the global economy will undergo a major regime shift as global architecture and rules, trade patterns, and foreign direct investment (FDI) flows all adapt and change.
    [Show full text]
  • ASEM in Its Tenth Year Looking Back, Looking Forward
    ASEM in its Tenth Year Looking Back, Looking Forward An evaluation of ASEM in its first decade and an exploration of its future possibilities European Background Study March 2006 University of Helsinki Network for European Studies ASEM in its Tenth Year: Looking Back, Looking Forward An evaluation of ASEM in its first decade and an exploration of its future possibilities EUROPEAN BACKGROUND STUDY Table of Contents Preface 5 Introduction 7 Chapter I History and Background 12 1. Before ASEM: Features of the EU-Asia Relationship during the Cold War era 12 1.1 General overview 12 1.2 Relations with individual countries 13 1.3 Interregional relations 15 2. The change: The EU’s new recognition of Asia, the New Asia Strategy (1994), and the birth of ASEM 16 2.1 “Towards a New Asia Strategy” 17 2.2 The role of leading EU Member States 19 2.3 Motivations for the creation of ASEM from the European perspective 22 2.4 The formulation of the official EU policy: constitutive decisions on ASEM 29 3. A brief overview of ten years of ASEM summitry 31 Chapter II Political dialogue 34 1. Human rights in the EU – Asia dialogue 37 1.1 Human rights in the ASEM process 38 1.2 International Criminal Court - Asia-Europe positions 45 2. The emerging role of security issues 47 2.1 Regional conflicts 48 2.2 War on terrorism 50 2.3 Non-proliferation and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) 53 2.4 Global threats of common concern 54 2 2.5 Security issues never discussed in the ASEM dialogue 57 2.6 Assessment of the security dialogue 58 3.
    [Show full text]
  • EU-ASEAN Relations
    01/2017 PANORAMA INSIGHTS INTO ASIAN AND EUROPEAN AFFAIRS ASEAN AT 50 A LOOK AT ITS EXTERNAL RELATIONS K o n r a d A d e n a u e r S t i f t u n g Panorama InsIghts Into asIan and euroPean affaIrs asean at 50 Panorama: Insights into Asian and European Affairs is a series of occasional papers published by the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung’s “Regional Programme Political Dialogue Asia/Singapore”. © 2017 Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Singapore Editors: Christian Echle, Megha Sarmah, Frederick Kliem Publisher: Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung Ltd 36 Bukit Pasoh Road Singapore 089848 Registration Number: 201228783N Tel: (65) 6603-6160 Tel: (65) 6227-8343 Email: [email protected] Website: www.kas.de/singapore All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying or recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission from the publisher. Manuscript offers, review copies, exchange journals, and requests for subscription are to be sent to the editors. The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung. Cover photographs clockwise from top left © Romeo Gacad / Reuters © Theeradaj S. / iStock © Mark Crisanto / Reuters Design, Layout and Typeset: Select Books Pte Ltd 65A, Jalan Tenteram #02-06, St Michael’s Industrial Estate Singapore 328958 Website: www.selectbooks.com.sg Panorama InsIghts Into asIan and euroPean affaIrs asean at 50 a Look at Its external relations Contents Preface 7 ASEAN at 50: Looking Back to Move Forward 9 Le Luong Minh ASEAN Community Building – What It Really Means to be a Community 19 Noel M.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of Briks from Economic, Legal and Political Aspect in the International Community
    European Scientific Journal February 2014 /SPECIAL/ edition vol.1 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 THE IMPACT OF BRIKS FROM ECONOMIC, LEGAL AND POLITICAL ASPECT IN THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY Mirjana Matovska, PhD Jasmina Trajkoska, MA Zorica Siljanovska MA Teaching Assistant at Faculty of Political Sciences, Diplomacy and Journalism FON-University, Republic of Macedonia Abstract The influence of the BRICS countries is continuously increasing. Economic growth of these countries allows them stronger international influence. If you take into account that even half of the world population lives in these countries, shows the power that this block carries. Although it is a relatively new group, attempts to consolidate its activities on economical, legal and political sphere are continuous. Globalization and the current economic situation, enable BRICS countries to move current economic superpowers and ensure its dominance in the world. BRICS will change the geopolitical balance? Will these countries, which are in continuous growth in recent years, be able to be leaders of modern times dictation’s of economical and political future trends? Economic power always goes hand in hand with increased political influence. Are required internal political reforms in the BRICS countries to maintain continuity in economic development? Keywords : Global financial crisis, economic growth, economic and political influence, internal political reform Introduction BRICS is an international political organization of leading emerging powers and the successor organization to the previous BRIC , lifted by the inclusion of South Africa in 2010. Current five countries are Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa232. With the exception of Russia233, members of BRIC are developing countries that are considered new powers because of their large holdings and significant impact on regional and international developments and economic trends.
    [Show full text]
  • 2021 SURVEY REPORT Survey Report
    2021 SURVEY REPORT Survey Report SECTION I Contents The State of Southeast Asia: About the Survey 2021 Survey Report is published by the ASEAN Studies Centre Survey Highlights at ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute and available electronically at Section I www.iseas.edu.sg 4 Respondents' Profile If you have any comments or enquiries about the survey, please Section II email us at [email protected] 7 Regional Outlook and COVID-19 Published on 10 February 2021 Section III ISSN 27375110 14 Issues of Concern to ASEAN Section IV REPORT COMPILED AND WRITTEN BY 20 Regional Influence and Leadership Sharon Seah Section V Hoang Thi Ha 32 ASEAN in the Middle Melinda Martinus Pham Thi Phuong Thao Section VI The authors of the report are 42 Perceptions of Trust researchers at the ASEAN Studies Centre, ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Section VII Institute. 53 Soft Power We thank Qiu Jiahui, Farah Nadine Seth and Anuthida Saelaow Qian ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian for their invaluable assistance. Studies) is an autonomous organisation established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped The report can be cited as: under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Social and Cultural Seah, S. et al., The State of Studies (RSCS) and Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS). The Southeast Asia: 2021 (Singapore: Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Temasek ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, History Research Centre (THRC) and the Singapore APEC Study Centre.
    [Show full text]
  • Power Imbalances and Development Knowledge
    Theme Paper prepared for the project Southern Perspectives on Reform of the International Development Architecture Power Imbalances and Development Knowledge Norman Girvan Professorial Research Fellow Graduate Institute of International Relations University of the West Indies St. Augustine Campus, Trinidad and Tobago September 2007 Author’s Acknowledgements This paper has benefited from comments on earlier drafts by participants at the Strathmere Meeting and Wilton Park Conference on Southern Perspectives on Reform of the International Development Architecture held in October 2006 and May 2007 respectively, and from subsequent comments by Roy Culpeper, Bill Morton, Ananya Mukherjee Reed, Felix Zimmerman and Darini Rajasingham-Senanayake. Special thanks to the staff of The North-South Institute for their help in sourcing materials. Of course I alone am responsible for the content of this paper and for any errors of fact or interpretation that it contains. Norman Girvan [email protected] This paper was prepared for the project Southern Perspectives on Reform of the International Development Architecture coordinated by The North-South Institute. The North-South Institute would like to thank the following for their valuable support for the project: Department for International Development (DFID), UK Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Sweden Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Norway Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) Executive summary This paper discusses reform of the international development architecture within an analytical framework of power imbalances. In Section 1, power is defined as “the ability of human agency to exercise control over its social and physical environment” and power imbalances as “asymmetrical relations of power among persons, institutions or states”. Power imbalances in North-South relations reside in the military and economic spheres and in that of knowledge.
    [Show full text]