Black Economic Empowerment in Post-1994 South Africa: ANC Curse And/Or Socialist/Communist Covenant?”

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Black Economic Empowerment in Post-1994 South Africa: ANC Curse And/Or Socialist/Communist Covenant?” “Black economic empowerment in post-1994 South Africa: ANC curse and/or socialist/communist covenant?” AUTHORS Louis P. Krüger https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3632-427X Louis P. Krüger (2016). Black economic empowerment in post-1994 South Africa: ARTICLE INFO ANC curse and/or socialist/communist covenant?. Problems and Perspectives in Management, 14(3-1), 162-178. doi:10.21511/ppm.14(3-1).2016.03 DOI http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.14(3-1).2016.03 RELEASED ON Tuesday, 06 September 2016 JOURNAL "Problems and Perspectives in Management" FOUNDER LLC “Consulting Publishing Company “Business Perspectives” NUMBER OF REFERENCES NUMBER OF FIGURES NUMBER OF TABLES 0 0 0 © The author(s) 2021. This publication is an open access article. businessperspectives.org Problems and Perspectives in Management, Volume 14, Issue 3, 2016 Louis P. Krüger (South Africa) Black economic empowerment in post-1994 South Africa: ANC curse and/or socialist/communist covenant? Abstract After more than 21 years under the leadership of the African National Congress (ANC), post-1994 South Africa finds itself yet again embroiled in race-related politics. Government policies such as black economic empowerment (BEE) and employment equity (EE) have not brought about the economic growth, social development and political democracy that the late former President Nelson Mandela had envisaged and what the ANC had promised to all the people of South Africa. South Africa is currently disengaging itself from the West including the Unites States of America (USA) and certain European Union (EU) countries and appears to rather embrace and align itself with countries such as Russia and China that pursue socialist and communist ideologies. Both these two issues may have a profound impact on how businesses will be managed in the future. In an exploratory, qualitative study using a “5 Star” research methodology, the direct and indirect impacts of BEE policies were investigated and the possible movement in South Africa’s ideological stance was explored. BEE does not appear to have helped to bring about high economic growth to help to reduce unemployment and eradicate the high levels of poverty and inequality, and government graft and corruption have increased at all levels of government, including local municipalities. BEE appears to have become the ANC’s curse to economic, social and political progress and should be scrapped. A national debate should follow on whether the ANC’s current covenant with pro-socialism and pro- communism rather than Western free-market capitalism is the appropriate ideology for South Africa to pursue. Keywords: black economic empowerment (BEE), employment equity (EE), African National Congress (ANC), capitalism, socialism, communism. JEL Classification: M14, M21. Introduction Black economic empowerment (BEE) is but one of the many initiatives and pieces of legislation that the Dr Anthea Jeffery, a respected political analyst who is ANC has implemented in South Africa post-1994 in the head of the policy research unit at the South an effort to improve the lives of the majority, African Institute for Race Relations (IRR), in a recent eradicate poverty and address unemployment of (3 September 2015) online article wrote the following: citizens who for many years were excluded on “The ruling African National Congress (ANC) seems account of apartheid policies. It is also probably one intent on alienating the West and adopting a rigid pro- of the more controversial measures taken, because, Russia and pro-China stance. However, the Western firstly, it is based on the empowerment of a countries it is busy targeting have long been South particular race, and, secondly, it represents a Africa’s most important investors, whereas investment fundamental shift and alignment with the socialist from China and Russia has, thus, far been very and communist ideologies of Russia and China, limited”. She, then, provides the financial figures for away from the Western and European, free-market foreign direct investment (FDI) and non-direct foreign capitalist systems, which have been the prominent investment in South Africa, which is overwhelmingly and enduring economic systems since the founding dominated by Western countries (but excludes Canada of the Republic of South Africa in 19611. and Australia, along with Japan and Taiwan) (85% or R1 350 bn of a total of R1 600 bn) and (90% or The present level of corruption in South Africa has R2 435 bn of a total of R2 695 bn), respectively. In been acknowledged by the ruling party as “… a cancer contrast, FDI by China is paltry at R59 bn or 3.5% of that has no place in the ANC nor South African society the total, with Russia’s FDI being even less. Similarly, …” (SAPA, 2014a) and is considered “… a cancer to non-direct investment of China is R14.5 bn or 0.95% development … which is hampering economic of the total, while that of Russia is again negligible. Dr integration … and Africa’s social and economic Jeffery goes on to caution the ruling party, the ANC, development ”. BEE, which is unfortunately and that it “cannot afford to put anti-Western ideology predominantly associated with many cases of before the urgent needs of the economy. Nor should it corruption, fraud, nepotism, favoritism, and the so- assume that China and Russia – both of which are called “tenderpreneurs” with their BEE procurement themselves in increasing economic difficulties – will practices, has either been hailed or feared in South be able make up for the Western investment now being put at risk” (Jeffery, 2015a). 1 The Union of South Africa was formed on 31 May 1910 and became a sovereign independent state from Great Britain in 1934. Twenty-six years later, South Africa withdrew from the Commonwealth and Louis P. Krüger, 2016. became the independent Republic of South Africa on 31 May 1961 Louis P. Krüger, BSc (QS), MBA, DBA (UP) University of Pretoria, (Anonymous, 2014). After these early years, under the influence of the Professor in Operations, Project and Quality Management, Department of British political and economic systems, South Africa adopted a Western Business Management at the University of South Africa, South Africa. style (capitalist-driven) free-market economy. 162 Problems and Perspectives in Management, Volume 14, Issue 3, 2016 Africa and as “[h]elping or [h]urting?” (Jeffery, 2014) 2. who became citizens of the Republic of South or being “a curse or some form of a covenant?” Africa by naturalization: (Author’s note written on 13 November 2014). 2.1. before 27 April 1994; or This article reports the findings of an exploratory 2.2. on or after 27 April 1994 and who would have qualitative research study which adopted a “5 Star” been entitled to acquire citizenship by research methodology (developed by the author in naturalization prior to that date; and ‘broad-based 2014) to investigate this apparent dichotomy, of black economic empowerment’ means the viable whether BEE is “good” or “bad” for the country and if economic empowerment of all black people it is putting the country on a path which is more [including], in particular, women, workers, youth, aligned with the social, economic and political people with disabilities and people living in rural outcomes found in most socialist and communist areas through diverse, but integrated socio- ideological states. economic strategies that include, but not limited to: 1. Background to the research increasing the number of black people that The researcher has been involved with BEE research manage, own and control; specifically for more than five years and has thus far enterprises and productive assets; published five journal articles on this topic. In the facilitating ownership and management of fourth article, he attempted to assess South African enterprises and productive; managers’ perceptions and conceptions (or assets by communities, workers, cooperatives and misconceptions) relating to the practical implementa- other collective enterprises; tion prescripts, compliance measures and so forth of human resource and skills development; BEE (Krüger, 2014a). In the last article, to complete achieving equitable representation in all the circle, having covered the essence of what BEE is, occupational categories and levels in the which people or businesses are affected, how they are workforce; affected, and where BEE has its impact, it was preferential procurement from enterprises that are appropriate to lastly consider in an article (Krüger, owned or managed by black people; and 2014b), why BEE in business is justified at all. investment in enterprises that are owned or BEE or its extended version referred to as broad- managed by “black people”. based black economic empowerment (B-BBEE) in South Africa is legislated under Act 53 of 2003 and For the purposes of this research, certain “working was introduced during the first term of the second definitions” were accepted when referring to the post-1994 elected president, former president Thabo ideologies of capitalism, socialism and communism. Mbeki. The B-BBEE Act provides the legislative Working definitions refer to a general definition or framework for the promotion of B-BBEE and understanding of the term(s) used in the context of this empowers the Minister (of Trade and Industry) and research. They are as follows: the Department of Trade and Industry to administer Free-market economy – “A market economy all the provisions of the Act in order to advance based on supply and demand with little or no economic transformation and enhance the economic government control. “A free-market economy is a participation of black people in the South African market-based economy where prices for goods economy (DTI, 2016a). and services are set freely by the forces of supply The objectives of B-BBEE, according to the Act, are and demand and are allowed to reach their point of to “... promote the achievement of the constitutional equilibrium without intervention by government right to equality, increase broad-based and effective policy, and it typically entails support for highly participation of black people in the economy and competitive markets and private ownership of promote a higher growth rate, increased employment productive enterprises.
Recommended publications
  • Callie Human Bloemfontein Campus
    PROGRAMME CALLIE HUMAN BLOEMFONTEIN CAMPUS CONSTITUTION OF THE CONGREGATION Chancellor Dr K Mokhele OFFICIAL WELCOME AND WORD OF THANKS Rector and Vice-Chancellor Prof FW Petersen INTRODUCTION OF GUEST SPEAKER Vice-Rector: Research Prof RC Witthuhn GUEST SPEAKER Author, Political Analyst and 2016 UFS Honorary Doctorate Recipient Dr M du Preez 28 JUNE 2018 | 14:30 MUSICAL ITEM “A Change is Gonna Come” Music and lyrics by S Cooke Performed by Mr T Willard, Mr A Mockie and Mr L Rantho PRESENTATION OF MASTER’S CANDIDATES Dean: Faculty of Natural and Agricultural Sciences Prof PD Vermeulen CONFERMENT OF MASTER’S DEGREES Chancellor Dr K Mokhele PRESENTATION OF MEDALS Dean: Faculty of Natural and Agricultural Sciences Prof PD Vermeulen PRESENTATION OF DOCTORAL CANDIDATES Dean: Faculty of Natural and Agricultural Sciences Prof PD Vermeulen CONFERMENT OF DOCTORAL DEGREES Chancellor Dr K Mokhele CONGRATULATORY MESSAGE Chancellor Dr K Mokhele NATIONAL ANTHEM OF SOUTH AFRICA Led by Ms J Marais and accompanied by the Graduation Instrumental Ensemble under the direction of Mr A Esterhuyse DISSOLUTION OF THE CONGREGATION Chancellor Dr K Mokhele GRADUATION PROGRAMME 1 NATIONAL ANTHEM OF SOUTH AFRICA Nkosi sikelel’ iAfrika Maluphakanyisw’ uphondo lwayo, Yizwa imithandazo yethu, Nkosi sikelela, thina lusapho lwayo. Morena boloka setjhaba sa heso, O fedise dintwa le matshwenyeho, O se boloke, O se boloke setjhaba sa heso, Setjhaba sa South Afrika - South Afrika. Uit die blou van onse hemel, Uit die diepte van ons see, Oor ons ewige gebergtes, Waar die kranse antwoord gee, Sounds the call to come together, And united we shall stand, Let us live and strive for freedom, In South Africa our land.
    [Show full text]
  • Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 © Copyright by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System by Safia Abukar Farole Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Kathleen Bawn, Chair In countries ruled by a single party for a long period of time, how does political opposition to the ruling party grow? In this dissertation, I study the growth in support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which is the largest opposition party in South Africa. South Africa is a case of democratic dominant party rule, a party system in which fair but uncompetitive elections are held. I argue that opposition party growth in dominant party systems is explained by the strategies that opposition parties adopt in local government and the factors that shape political competition in local politics. I argue that opposition parties can use time spent in local government to expand beyond their base by delivering services effectively and outperforming the ruling party. I also argue that performance in subnational political office helps opposition parties build a reputation for good governance, which is appealing to ruling party ii. supporters who are looking for an alternative. Finally, I argue that opposition parties use candidate nominations for local elections as a means to appeal to constituents that are vital to the ruling party’s coalition.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Labour Can't Get ANC to Work
    Why labour can ’t get ANC to work - Sunday Independent | IOL.co.za Page 1 of 2 IOL Newsletters Sign up now Sponsored Links: IOL Travel Personal Finance IOL Lifestyle Motoring SciTech Tonight All Channels 6 Search Advanced Search Home News Life Analysis International SA Time: 19 July 2011 11:00:48 AM Why labour can ’t get ANC to work 5.1 Surround Speakers Explosive 5.1 surround sound for PC July 11 2011 at 09:48am Creative Speakers for under R100 By Mcebisi Ndletyana WantItCheap.co.za Cheap Car Insurance It’s true. History does repeat itself. Perhaps with even Submit Your Details & We Call You With more frequency in our case than is usual. Yet, the Cheap Car Insurance Quotes! ANC-led tripartite alliance partners greet every www.get -insured.co.za recurrence with an even louder expression of shock Save on Car Insurance and deep disappointment at unmet expectations. Get Up To 9 Insurance Quotes. Save Money Then, they recommit, professing even more sincerity Guaranteed! and vigour to realise their objectives. The structure of www.youinsure.co.za/ the alliance, however, remains as before. But, they somehow manage to bring themselves to believing that the outcome will be different this time around. It’s a dance that the tripartite alliance has come to master. The outcome of Cosatu’s recent gathering was déjà Sunday Independent vu. Zwelinzima Vavi’s Secretariat’s Report decried the moribund state of the South African Communist SundayIndy Party. Rather than assume the vanguard role that history has accorded it vis-à-vis the working people, the party, Vavi writes, is largely inactive awakening only when deployments are discussed.
    [Show full text]
  • A New, Positive Yet Fractious, Era in SA Politics
    Plexus Wealth Watch August 2016 PLEXUS WEALTH POST=ELECTION ANALYSIS prepared exclusively for Plexus Wealth clients by author and political commentator Justice Malala A New, Positive Yet Fractious, Era In SA Politics INTRODUCTION AND HEADLINE VIEW It’s not quite a clean sweep, but it’s the closest thing to one we have seen in the new South Africa. The Democratic Alliance now holds power in the administrative capital of SA, Tshwane; in the economic capital, Johannesburg; in the parliamentary capital, Cape Town, and in other key urban hubs such as Nelson Mandela Bay in the Eastern Cape and in Mogale City in Gauteng. The mighty ANC, after just 22 years in power, is now a rural party, led by a traditionalist chauvinist, while its support among the educated black and white elite ebbs away. Herman Mashaba = a black former salesman turned millionaire from Hammanskraal, one of the poorest places on earth = is now Mayor of Johannesburg, unseating the liberation movement, the ANC. It represents a major mindshift in SA politics. A real change has begun. The recent local government elections mark a significant turning point in South Africa’s history. For the first time since 1994, political and economic power has shifted in major metropolitan areas from the ANC to opposition coalitions. Real and necessary competition has entered SA politics. This is a powerful and positive development: the narrative of a liberation movement that stays in power too long without challenge, as happened in Zimbabwe for example, has been broken. The 2019 elections are likely to cement this trajectory, meaning that South Africa will become a normal, multi=party, noisy democracy where power is contested, won and lost within the next ten years.
    [Show full text]
  • African Communist, No. 131
    African Communist, No. 131 http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.0001.9976.000.131.1992 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org African Communist, No. 131 Alternative title African Communist Author/Creator South African Communist Party Publisher South African Communist Party (Johannesburg) Date 1992 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1992 Description Editorial Notes; The Strategic Debate: Palio Jordan, Blade Nzimande, Harry Gwala, Raymond Suttner,
    [Show full text]
  • “Blade” NZIMANDE
    A brief biographical PROFILE of Dr. Bonginkosi Emmanuel “Blade” NZIMANDE Dr. BE Nzimande, better known as 'Blade', was born on 14 April 1958 in Pietermaritzburg, in a place known as KwaDambuza, some 15 kilometers from the city centre. He is the first Minister of Higher Education and Training appointed by President Jacob Zuma in 2009, and again in 2014. He also holds the position of the General Secretary of the South African Communist Party (SACP) since 1998 to date. He has also been a member of the ANC National Executive Committee (NEC) since 1994 together with its National Working Committee (NWC) between 1994 and 1997, and since 2007 to date. He holds a doctoral degree in philosophy from the then University of Natal's Sociology department, awarded in 1993, specializing in Industrial and La- bour Studies. Prior to his current position, Dr. Nzimande was a Member of Parliament and the first Chairperson of the Parliament's Portfolio Committee on Education in the democratic South Africa between 1994 and 1999. Between 1989 and 1994 he held the position of Director: Education Policy Unit at the University of Natal. He was also a member of the National Education Union of South Africa (NEUSA), the main forerunner to SADTU, the Union of Democratic Universities Staff Associations of South Africa (UDUSA) and the National Education Co-ordinating Committee (NECC), and served in many NGOs supporting the mass and labour struggles in the 1980s. Dr. Nzimande matriculated in 1975 from Georgetown High School in Eden- dale, Pietermaritzburg. In 1976 he enrolled at the University of Zululand to study towards a Bachelor of Arts degree, majoring in Public Administration and Psychology.
    [Show full text]
  • Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid
    Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid Governance By Elene Cloete Ó 2017 Submitted to the graduate degree program in Anthropology and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________ Chairperson John M. Janzen, Ph.D. ________________________________ Hannah E. Britton, Ph.D. ________________________________ Donald D. Stull, Ph.D. ________________________________ Elizabeth L. MacGonagle, Ph.D. ________________________________ Byron Caminero-Santangelo, Ph.D. Date Defended: May 17, 2017 The Dissertation Committee for Elene Cloete certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Narratives of Contradiction: South African Youth and Post-Apartheid Governance _______________________________ Chairperson John M. Janzen Date approved: May 17, 2017 ii Abstract South Africa’s heralded democratic transition digressed from its 1994 euphoric optimism to a current state of public discontent. This stems from rising unemployment, persistent structural inequality, and a disappointment in the African National Congress-led government’s inability to bring true social and economic transformation to fruition. While some scholars attribute this socioeconomic and political predicament to the country’s former regimes, others draw close correlations between the country’s post-apartheid predicament, ANC leadership, and the country’s official adoption of neoliberal economic policies in 1996. Central to this post-euphoric moment is the country’s Born-Free generation, particularly Black youth, coming of political age in an era of supposed political freedom, social equality, and economic opportunities. But recent student movements evidence young people’s disillusionment with the country’s democratic transition. Such disillusionment is not unfounded, considering the 35% youth unemployment rate and questionable standards in primary education.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Julius Malema Samantha M. Crowell Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in the African
    The Rise of Julius Malema Samantha M. Crowell Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors In The Africana Studies Department April 2012 Copyright 2012 Samantha M. Crowell Acknowledgements: I would like to thank my thesis advisor, Pashington Obeng, as well as my thesis committee. Your wisdom and kindness has proved invaluable this year. I would also like to thank my family, CFYM, Pub Staff, and my major advisor Donna Patterson for their unwavering support in following my passions. Table of Contents Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..i Chapter 1: “A Vacuum of Leadership”………………………………………………………………………………………..1 Chapter 2: “Service Non-Delivery”……………………………………………………………………………………………17 Chapter 3: “South African Strife”……………………………………………………………………………………………..34 Chapter 4: “Malema Rising”……………………………………………………………………………………………………..48 Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………66 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….70 i Introduction “We are in a political laboratory; never blame us if we make mistakes, we are [just] learning.” –Julius Malema1 Before Jacob Zuma’s election in 2009, Julius Sello Malema was a virtually unknown figure in South African politics. After the general elections in April of that year, Julius Malema became a household name. As President of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL), Malema has become one of the most contentious and ridiculed figures in South African political history. Malema’s rise to fame has been swift; his outspoken commentary on the African National Congress (ANC) as well as his merciless prodding of previously taboo South African issues such as land reform and nationalization has brought him domestic and international attention. Malema is certainly a surprising addition to the South African political landscape because of his arguably untested and uneducated background as well as his affiliation with an ethnic minority.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rollback of South Africa's Chemical and Biological Warfare
    The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Stephen Burgess and Helen Purkitt US Air Force Counterproliferation Center Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama THE ROLLBACK OF SOUTH AFRICA’S CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL WARFARE PROGRAM by Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama The Rollback of South Africa’s Chemical and Biological Warfare Program Dr. Stephen F. Burgess and Dr. Helen E. Purkitt April 2001 USAF Counterproliferation Center Air War College Air University Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama 36112-6427 The internet address for the USAF Counterproliferation Center is: http://www.au.af.mil/au/awc/awcgate/awc-cps.htm . Contents Page Disclaimer.....................................................................................................i The Authors ............................................................................................... iii Acknowledgments .......................................................................................v Chronology ................................................................................................vii I. Introduction .............................................................................................1 II. The Origins of the Chemical and Biological Warfare Program.............3 III. Project Coast, 1981-1993....................................................................17 IV. Rollback of Project Coast, 1988-1994................................................39
    [Show full text]
  • “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa WATCH “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa Copyright © 2020 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-8547 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org SEPTEMBER 2020 ISBN: 978-1-62313-8547 “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations ..........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Abstract This Paper Explores the Under-Appreciated Role of Business
    Business and the South African Transition Itumeleng Makgetla and Ian Shapiro Draft: February 20, 2016 Abstract This paper explores the under-appreciated role of business in negotiated transitions to democracy. Drawing on our interviews of key South African business leaders and political elites, we show how business played a vital role in enabling politicians to break out of the prisoners’ dilemma in which they had been trapped since the 1960s and move the country toward the democratic transition that took place in 1994. Business leaders were uniquely positioned to play this role, but it was not easy because they were internally divided and deeply implicated in Apartheid’s injustices. We explain how they overcame these challenges, how they facilitated negotiations, and how they helped keep them back on track when the going got rough. We also look at business in other transitional settings, drawing on South Africa’s experience to illuminate why business efforts to play a comparable role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have failed. We end by drawing out the implications of our findings for debates about democratic transitions and the role of business interests in them. Department of Political Science, P.O. Box 208301, New Haven, CT 06520-830. Phone:(203) 432-3415; Fax: (203): 432- 93-83. Email: [email protected] or [email protected] On March 21, 1960, police opened fire on a demonstration against South Africa’s pass laws in Sharpeville, fifty miles south of Johannesburg, killing 69 people. The callousness of the massacre – many victims were shot in the back while fleeing – triggered a major escalation in the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) government.
    [Show full text]
  • Africa's Soft Power : Philosophies, Political Values, Foreign Policies and Cultural Exports / Oluwaseun Tella
    “This seven-chapter book is a powerful testimonial to consummate African scholarship. Its analysis is rigorous, insightful, lucid and authoritative, providing fresh perspectives on selected uniquely African philosophies, and the potential­ ities, deployment and limitations of soft power in Africa’s international relations. The author rigorously Africanises the concept, broadening its analytic scope from its biased Western methodology, thus brilliantly fulfilling that great African pro­ verb made famous by the inimitable Chinua Achebe: ‘that until the lions have their own historians, the history of the hunt will always glorify the hunter’. This is truly an intellectual tour de force.” W. Alade Fawole, Professor of International Relations, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. “This book addresses an important tool in the arsenal of foreign policy from an African perspective. African states have significant soft power capacities, although soft power is not always appreciated as a lever of influence, or fully integrated into countries’ foreign policy strategies. Tella takes Nye’s original concept and Africanises it, discussing Egypt, Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa via their respective philosophies of Pharaonism, Harambee, Omolúwàbí and Ubuntu. This study is a critical contribution to the literature on African foreign policies and how to use soft power to greater effect in building African agency on the global stage.” Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, Chief Executive, South African Institute of International Affairs, Johannesburg, South Africa. “Soft power is seldom associated with African states, given decades bedevilled by coup d’états, brazen dictatorships and misrule. This ground-breaking book is certainly a tour de force in conceptualising soft power in the African context.
    [Show full text]