UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Institutions and Legislative Consensus in National Parliaments Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0h26f8tp Author Williams, Brian Donald Publication Date 2014 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Institutions and Legislative Consensus in National Parliaments A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Brian Donald Williams August 2014 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Indridi Indridason, Chairperson Dr. Shaun Bowler Dr. Kevin Esterling Copyright by Brian Donald Williams 2014 The Dissertation of Brian Donald Williams is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to express appreciation and gratitude to my advisor and committee chair, Dr. Indridi H. Indridason, for his patient guidance and mentorship as I progressed through the doctoral program. I would also like to thank the other members of my dissertation committee, Dr. Kevin Esterling and Dr. Shaun Bowler for their assistance and support throughout. Other faculty and staff in the Department of Political Science were also supportive and helpful in a variety of ways for which I am thankful. Teachers of the various seminars I took in the earlier years of the program in the department, faculty whom I worked for as a teacher's assistant, those who provided words of wisdom at various times on questions pertaining to my progress in the doctoral program, my dissertation, and other matters related to political science and beyond are also appreciated. I would also like to acknowledge and thank fellow graduate studies with whom I spent time socializing on and off campus, and whom often provided advise and support during my years in the doctoral program. Finally, I should express my gratitude for the employment and financial support provided by the Department of Political Science and the University of California Riverside which made the completion of this dissertation possible. iv ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Institutions and Legislative Consensus in National Parliaments by Brian Donald Williams Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Program in Political Science University of California, Riverside, August 2014 Dr. Indridi Indridason, Chairperson This study focuses on how political institutions—electoral systems and legislative rules, and coalition agreement policy pledges—affect consensus in national parliaments. Two theoretical propositions are established and tested empirically. Proposition 1 contends that consensus will be higher under proportional systems of representation (PR) than under its majoritarian alternatives. Proposition 2 contends that under coalition government, legislative consensus should be higher on legislative motions lacking governing coalition commitment. Proposition 1 is tested with new legislative vote data from New Zealand and Belgium covering those countries' institutional transformations to PR. To test Proposition 2, I focus on periods of coalition government in New Zealand and Belgium after their transition to PR, and in Britain during the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government. The analysis indicates that New Zealand's electoral system change in the mid-1990s caused a significant increase in consensus, and after reform bills assigned to a v select committee chaired by an opposition MP were more likely to result in a bipartisan vote outcome, consistent with Proposition 1. Belgium's institutional transformation from 1893 to 1921 coincided with a decrease in consensus on budgetary legislation. This development suggests that PR will not have a consensus inducing effect in the near-term if the adoption of PR coincides with democratization, though the adoption of PR sets the stage for consensus building over time. Support for Proposition 2 is mixed. In post-reform New Zealand I find that confidence and supply agreements hold those parties to the agreement together when the corresponding bill comes up for a final vote. However, governing coalition commitments are not found to increase consensus in New Zealand. During the Catholic-Liberal coalition government in Belgium from 1921-23, the opposition Socialist Party was significantly more likely to oppose the government on votes approving bills prioritized in the government's post-election declaratory speech, consistent with Proposition 2. During the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition in Britain, government policy commitments have a limited effect on vote outcomes. This finding confirms that the effect of coalition agreements on legislative voting in an otherwise majoritarian parliamentary system will be limited. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1: Introduction………………………………………………………….. 1 1.1 Why Focus on Consensus in National Parliaments?……………………… 1 1.2 Consensus and Structural Institutions…………………………………….. 4 1.3 Consensus and Governmental Institutions………………………………... 19 1.4 Summary of the Theory…………………………………………………… 30 1.5 Research Design and Roadmap…………………………………………… 33 Chapter 2: Institutions and Parliamentary Consensus in New Zealand, 1987-2013……………………………………………………………………….. 36 2.1 Introduction……………………………………………………………….. 36 2.2 Structural Institutions and Parliamentary Consensus in New Zealand…… 37 2.3 Coalition Agreements and Parliamentary Consensus in New Zealand…… 58 2.4 Conclusion………………………………………………………………… 75 Chapter 3: Institutions and Parliamentary Consensus in Belgium, 1893-1923…. 77 3.1 Introduction……………………………………………………………….. 77 3.2 Structural Institutions and Parliamentary Consensus in Belgium………… 78 3.3 Coalition Agreements and Parliamentary Consensus in Belgium………… 93 3.4 Conclusion………………………………………………………………… 104 Chapter 4: Institutions and Parliamentary Consensus in Britain, 2010-2013…… 106 4.1 Introduction………………………………………………………………... 106 4.2 Structural Institutions and Parliamentary Consensus in Britain…………... 106 4.3 Coalition Agreements and Parliamentary Consensus in Britain…………... 116 4.4 Conclusion………………………………………………………………… 143 Chapter 5: Conclusion………………………………………………………….... 145 5.1 Summary of the Analysis………………………………………………….. 145 vii 5.2 Refinements to the Model………………………………………………… 147 5.3 Institutional Implications…………………………………………………. 152 5.4 Proportional Representation and Parliamentary Consensus……………… 157 5.5 Continuing Research on Parliamentary Consensus………………………. 163 Appendices……………………………………………………………………… 167 Appendix A: Term Clarifications…………………………………………. 167 Appendix B: Legislative Vote Data from Parliamentary Democracies…… 172 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………….. 173 Legislative Vote Data Sources…………………………………………….. 173 References………………………………………………………………… 173 viii LIST OF TABLES 1.1 Institutional variables focused on in this study…………………………… 8 1.2 Mechanisms and arenas of coalition control……………………………… 20 2.1 Coalitions under FPP in New Zealand (1987-1996)……………………… 42 2.2 Coalitions under MMP in New Zealand (1997-2007)……………………. 43 2.3 Bipartisan vote outcomes before and after reform in New Zealand……… 50 2.4 Government pledges and confidence and supply commitments on government bills in New Zealand………………………………………… 62 2.5 Confidence and supply party votes against government bills given different types of policy commitment…………………………………….. 64 2.6 Frequency of recorded votes on enacted principal government bills under MMP in New Zealand…………………………………………………….. 68 2.7 Number of principal government bills referred to various select committees since MMP reform in New Zealand………………………….. 70 2.8 Bipartisan vote outcomes and coalition commitments in New Zealand, censored probit models……………………………………………………. 72 2.9 Consensus and coalition commitments in New Zealand, probit and OLS regression………………………………………………………………….. 74 3.1 Electoral system transformation in Belgium from 1893 to 1921………….. 79 3.2 Overview of the Belgian legislative vote data…………………………….. 84 3.3 Majority size on budgetary issues regressed on elapsed day variable spanning transitionary period in Belgium, OLS regression……………….. 88 3.4 Political party seat totals and shares in the Belgian Chamber of Representatives, 1890-1925…………………………………………….…. 90 3.5 Government commitment and bipartisan vote outcomes during the Theunis governments of 1921-23, probit models…………………………. 97 3.6 Effect of policy commitments on government unity and share of opposition voting with government during the Theunis cabinets of 1921-23, OLS regression………………………………………………….. 101 ix 4.1 Results of the 2010 British general election………………………………. 117 4.2 Government unity and coalition agreement in the Britain House of Commons, OLS regression………………………………………………... 130 4.3 Share of opposition MPs voting with government as a function of coalition agreement pledge in the British House of Commons, OLS regression………………………………………………………………….. 130 4.4 Average treatment effect of coalition agreement pledge on government unity where legislative motion is introduced by Conservative MP……….. 133 5.1 Summary of empirical analysis……………………………………………. 146 x LIST OF FIGURES 1.1 Legislative consensus and electoral system proportionality across parliamentary democracies………………………………………………... 18 1.2 Overview of the theory……………………………………………………. 32 2.1 Total Government bills enacted with and without a final vote in New Zealand, 1987-2007……………………………………………………….. 45 2.2 Governing coalition seat share and consensus levels in New Zealand, 1987-2007…………………………………………………………………. 47 3.1
Recommended publications
  • Sexual Citizenship and the Civil Union Act 2004
    University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Law - Papers (Archive) Faculty of Business and Law 2006 Sexual citizenship and the Civil Union Act 2004 Nan Seuffert University of Wollongong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/lawpapers Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Seuffert, Nan: Sexual citizenship and the Civil Union Act 2004 2006, 281-306. https://ro.uow.edu.au/lawpapers/566 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] Sexual citizenship and the Civil Union Act 2004 Abstract This article analyses the parliamentary debates on the Civil Union Act 2004, which provides for legal recognition of same sex relationships, for stories of national identity. A close reading of the parliamentary debates on the Act suggests that although the supporters and opponents of the legislation seemed to be worlds apart, many told similar stories about New Zealand as a nation, and citizens within that nation, emphasising similar values and aspirations. Both sides told stories of citizens, of New Zealanders, as tolerant and fair, as forwarding-looking progressives who value stable long-term, committed relationships, warm loving communities for children, and strong families and family relationships. Both sides generally saw marriage as a positive institution, a cornerstone of society and a building block for society and the nation. While some talked of existing alternatives to marriage, such as defacto relationships, and there was some recognition that not all marriages are good ones, with a few notable exceptions, there was little mention of critiques of marriage as an institution and little or no positive mention of relationships outside of the paradigm of long-term committed monogamous relationships.
    [Show full text]
  • Recognising Non-Conjugal Relationships in New Zealand
    LORRAINE JOHNS RECOGNISING NON-CONJUGAL RELATIONSHIPS IN NEW ZEALAND: SHOULD WE EXTEND THE RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE-LIKE RELATIONSHIPS TO OTHER CARING RELATIONSHIPS? LLM RESEARCH PAPER LAWS 591: THESIS FACULTY OF LAW 2010 Table of Contents Chapter One I Introduction .......................................................................................... 1 II Structure of Thesis ................................................................................ 4 III Setting the Scene .................................................................................. 5 A What Are Non-Conjugal Relationships? ............................................... 6 B The Legal Recognition of Non-Conjugal Relationships: Why is This an Important Issue? ....................................................................... 8 C The Demographics of Non-Conjugal Relationships: How Common Are They? ............................................................................................. 9 D Examples of Non-Conjugal Relationships Already Recognised by New Zealand Law ................................................................................ 12 E Recognising Non-Conjugal Relationships - the Human Rights Dimension ........................................................................................... 17 IV Principles for Recognising Personal Relationships ............................... 18 A Equality ............................................................................................... 19 B Autonomy ...........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • LAW REFORM and the ADOPTION ACT 1955: a HISTORY of MISFORTUNE Research Paper for LAWS 526: Law Reform and Policy
    ISLA MIRREN DOIDGE LAW REFORM AND THE ADOPTION ACT 1955: A HISTORY OF MISFORTUNE Research Paper for LAWS 526: Law Reform and Policy Submitted for the LLB (Honours) Degree Faculty of Law Victoria University of Wellington 2016 2 Law Reform and the Adoption Act 1955: A History of Misfortune Law Reform and the Adoption Act 1955: A History of Misfortune The Adoption Act 1955 is now 61 years old and has been passed over for reform on multiple occasions. This paper analyses the failed history of law reform beginning in the year 2000 when a Law Commission Report was issued. This paper identifies why successive attempts by both Labour and National governments failed in reforming adoption over a sixteen year period. Despite multiple attempts at reform, this paper argues that law reform has failed due to a combination of other important governmental priorities, the controversial issues involved in adoption, the ability of the courts to reinterpret the legislation, and the small impact of reform. This paper concludes by using adoption reform as a case study to draw out three main general principles about law reform. The first is the necessity of reform; this paper argues when law reform involves a controversial human rights problem it becomes simultaneously difficult to progress due to political risk, but once that controversy is resolved the reform is no longer considered as necessary. The second is the opportunity to reform; when law reform is seen as less necessary because other agencies are able fix problems within the legislation, other more critical projects will displace a reform project on the hierarchy of political priorities.
    [Show full text]
  • The International Private Law Provisions in the Civil Partnership
    1 Recognition of Foreign Relationships Under the Civil Partnership Act 2004 Introduction The United Kingdom’s Civil Partnership Act 2004 came into effect on 5th December 2005, having received Royal Assent just over a year previously. It creates an institution for same-sex couples, known as “civil partnership”, parallel to but separate from marriage, and it replicates most of the rules of civil marriage in terms of entry, consequences during subsistence, and termination. Opposite-sex couples have no access to this new institution, just as same-sex couples have no access in the UK to the established institution of marriage. Maintaining the exclusivity of both institutions to the different gender mixes was crucial to the Government’s policy in promoting the legislation, designed to avoid the criticism that the Act represented an attack on the institution of marriage1. The United Kingdom was by no means the first country to introduce civil partnership for same-sex couples: the credit goes to Denmark2, though that country was quickly followed in the 1990s by the other Scandinavian countries and in the early 2000s by an increasing number of western and central European countries.3 In addition, civil partnership has been introduced, by a variety of names (the most common of which are “civil union” and “registered partnership”) in other (politically) western jurisdictions, such as some provinces and states in North America4, and New Zealand.5 1 See Civil Partnership: A Framework for the Legal Recognition of Same-Sex Couples (DTI, 2003) at paras 2.7 – 2.8 and Annex B; Civil Partnership Registration: A Legal Status for Committed Same-Sex Couples in Scotland (Scottish Executive 2003) at paras 5.7 – 5.8.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Zealand Civil Union Act: New Challenges for Private International Law
    69 THE NEW ZEALAND CIVIL UNION ACT: NEW CHALLENGES FOR PRIVATE INTERNATIONAL LAW Joanna Campbell * This article discusses private international law issues which arise as a result of the Civil Union Act 2004, which came into force in 2005. The author first discusses what kind of recognition New Zealand may extend to foreign unions, including both civil union type relationships and same sex marriages. This discussion considers recognition under the Civil Unions (Recognised Overseas Relationships) Regulations 2005, recognition as marriage and other possible avenues of recognition. This includes a consideration of currently recognised and unrecognised relationships, and the desirability of the current approach. It also includes a discussion of the issues surrounding the recognition of these types of relationships generally; for example, validity, status and public policy. The author then considers what kind of recognition the New Zealand civil union may receive in foreign jurisdictions. I INTRODUCTION The enactment of the Civil Union Act 2004 and its coming into force in 2005 has given rise to much public debate. The Act also gives rise to less widely discussed issues in the area of private international law. Around the world various forms of recognition for domestic partnership have emerged.1 Many European countries, including the United Kingdom, have legislation similar to the New Zealand Civil Union Act 2004 which allows partners of the same or different sex to register their relationship. Other countries have made the more controversial move of amending their marriage laws to allow couples of the same sex to marry in the same way as different sex couples: namely Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain and some jurisdictions in Canada and the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Increasing the Representativeness of Parliament in Aotearoa/New Zealand
    Increasing the representativeness of Parliament in Aotearoa/New Zealand What have been the effects, and what can be learned from the process? Tina Day 20-10-05 1cjd's new zealand comment (print vers)- october 2005.dot Introduction In 1996 the Mixed Member Proportional system displaced the ‘First Past the Post’ system in Aotearoa/New Zealand (A/NZ). One result seems to have been a sustained (although fluctuating) increase in the Parliamentary representation of women, to around 30%. Other results and learning points are less clear, but potentially of great interest to us in the UK. For example: • increased representativeness increases the legitimacy, standing – and volatility – of Parliament • openness on the part of politicians results in a strong connection between public and politician • equity is seen to be about the valuing of merit but may need more positive measures to progress further towards parity. Each of these issues is discussed in more detail in this paper. Key questions for the study included: • Does the change of system guarantee more women MPs, even with a future change of government – and will the number and percentage of women continue to rise beyond the 30% level that is perhaps the minimum proportion necessary for a legislature deemed to be representative of women? • Is there any evidence in the New Zealand experience that the culture of Parliament, together with its policy making, has started to change now that there are more women in the House of Representatives as well as being more visible in other top jobs? • What about all the other, hitherto under-represented groups – how have things changed for them? This article is based on interviews with 21 MPs from all the political parties represented in the 47th (2002-2005) Parliament (including about half the total of women MPs and about one fifth of all MPs) and a handful of further interviews with other interested parties (including former Parliamentary candidates).
    [Show full text]
  • Births, Deaths, Marriages, and Relationships Registration Bill Government Bill
    Births, Deaths, Marriages, and Relationships Registration Bill Government Bill Explanatory note General policy statement Introduction This Bill— • re-enacts the Births, Deaths, Marriages, and Relationships Registration Act 1995 (the 1995 Act) to ensure all provisions are presented in an up-to-date and accessible form; and • gives effect to the recommendations arising from the Minister of Internal Af- fairs’ review of the access provisions in the 1995 Act (BDM access review), which was presented to the House of Representatives on 20 October 2016; and • updates and amends some operational provisions in the existing law; and • responds to 3 discrete issues raised in the Law Commission’s review of burial and cremation law. Policy objectives The policy objectives of this Bill are to— • future-proof the system of civil registration of life events (births, adoptions, name changes, sexual assignment and reassignment, marriages, civil unions, and deaths) (BDM information) for matters important to government; and • establish a medium-neutral platform that supports the provision of, and access to, all BDM services, which aligns with the Government’s Better Public Ser- vices objectives, including Result 10, which the Department of Internal Affairs (the Department) is responsible for: people have easy access to public ser- vices, which are designed around them, when they need them; and 296—1 Births, Deaths, Marriages, and Relationships 2 Registration Bill Explanatory note • regulate third party access to BDM information for authorised purposes, in- cluding the provision and effect of certificates that provide an official record of registered BDM information; and • balance the public interest in access to BDM information for legitimate pur- poses with the protection of at-risk individuals and individuals’ privacy inter- ests; and • implement the Law Commission’s recommendation for a new statutory system for notifying deaths, which will improve the timeliness and accuracy of death registrations, including the cause of death.
    [Show full text]
  • Mccarthy, F. (2011) Playing the Percentages: New Zealand, Scotland
    McCarthy, F. (2011) Playing the percentages: New Zealand, Scotland and a global solution to the consequences of non-marital relationships? New Zealand Universities Law Review, 24 (4). pp. 499- 522. ISSN 0549-0618 http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/58119/ Deposited on: 17 January 2012 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk PLAYING THE PERCENTAGES: NEW ZEALAND, SCOTLAND AND A GLOBAL SOLUTION TO THE CONSEQUENCES OF NON-MARITAL RELATIONSHIPS? FRANKIE MCCARTHY* This article offers a comparative analysis of the property consequences of non-marital relationships in New Zealand and Scotland. The article summarises and critiques the New Zealand system, where de factos are dealt with alongside married couples through the Property (Relationships) Act 1976, before analysing the provisions of the Family Law (Scotland) Act 2006 which establish a scheme for regulation of non-marital couples entirely separate from existing divorce law. An alternative regime, based on assessment of a percentage entitlement to the claim a spouse would have received in equivalent circumstances, is then proposed as a solution to the difficulties in both jurisdictions. A. Introduction As part of the continuing discussion on the appropriate legal response to the social trend of non-marital cohabitation in western societies,1 a comparison of the systems employed in New Zealand and Scotland is an intriguing prospect. In regulating the property consequences following on the termination of such relationships, the two jurisdictions have adopted approaches as diametrically opposed as their respective positions on the globe. In New Zealand, non- marital partnerships have been equated with legally formalised relationships, meaning de facto couples participate in the same property sharing regime as they would do on divorce.
    [Show full text]
  • Institutions and Relationships Policy in Western Liberal Democracies
    INSTITUTIONS AND RELATIONSHIPS POLICY IN WESTERN LIBERAL DEMOCRACIES BY CHRISTOPHER DAVID NIMMO A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Social Policy Victoria University of Wellington 2015 ABSTRACT This thesis explores the influence of institutions in the development of policies dealing with adult intimate relationships in New Zealand, Australia, and the United States between 1990 and 2014. Over this period, the social importance and acceptance of non- “traditional” relationships has increased in New Zealand, Australia, and the United States. However, despite all three countries working from what Gauthier describes as a “non- interventionist” approach to family policy, relationships policies have developed in markedly different ways in each. I argue that divergent translations of similar social trends are the result of differences between the structures of decision-making and institutions of interest representation in each country, and of policy legacies that make particular policy avenues more readily accessible. Electoral systems, parliamentary procedures and party structures govern which interests are able to exercise power within legislatures, while other institutions such as courts, bureaucracies, and law commissions contribute to the policy-making process in different ways. Countries are less likely to move in a non-interventionist or pro-egalitarian relationships policy direction where candidate selection procedures allow religious conservatives to play a significant role in both major parties, but religious conservatives have had little success in reversing non-interventionist policy changes after the fact. Instead, pro- traditionalist policy changes are typically minor regulatory changes or expenditures that are vulnerable to budget pressures.
    [Show full text]
  • Essay: Family Law and Civil Union Partnerships – Status, Contract and Access to Symbols
    183 ESSAY: FAMILY LAW AND CIVIL UNION PARTNERSHIPS – STATUS, CONTRACT AND ACCESS TO SYMBOLS Graeme W Austin* This essay locates New Zealand's civil union legislation within the dynamic between "status" and "contract" that animates modern family law. "Status" concerns who we are; "contract" concerns the transactions we can enter. Because family law is concerned with affective relationships, it cannot apprehend people only as the atomised individuals anticipated by the modernist emphasis on contractual relations. Family law acknowledges the relevance to legal issues of "messy" issues of personality. Among the most complex and powerful aspects of personality with which the law concerns itself is love. Love affects who we are and law affects what love can be. Law provides and constrains the symbolic repertoire that helps organise the way we think about our affective relationships. The enactment of civil union legislation was an enormously positive step. However, by continuing to deny homosexuals the ability to marry, the New Zealand state persists in denying homosexuals a key part of the symbolic repertoire that is relevant to the way people in love can conceptualise their relationships. The transactions the state permits us to enter, particularly transactions that are expressions of love, affect the construction of our identities, illustrating once again the deep links that exist between who we are and the contracts we can enter. I INTRODUCTION Family law fits awkwardly with historical narratives that portray the "movement" in progressive societies as being "from status to contract".1 Expanding on the thesis expounded in Sir Henry Maine's 1861 Ancient Law,2 Professor Graveson writes: "The rights and duties, capacities and * J Byron McCormick Professor, James E Rogers College of Law, University of Arizona.
    [Show full text]
  • A Right to a Rite? the Blessing of Same-Sex Couples by the Anglican Church in New Zealand a Right to a Rite?®
    A Right to a Rite? The Blessing of Same-sex Couples by the Anglican Church in New Zealand A Right to a Rite?® The Blessing of Same-sex Couples by the Anglican Church in New Zealand Abstract The Anglican Church in Aotearoa, New Zealand and Polynesia (ACANZP) and the worldwide Anglican Communion have become embroiled in the controversy surrounding the appropriateness of Same-sex Sexual Activity (SsSA) and Same-sex Sexual Relationship by Christians who desire to participate fully in the life of the Anglican Church. This controversy, which has aspects of an ideological war, has two primary fields of conflict - the Blessing of Committed Same-sex Couples (CSsC), and the consecration to the episcopacy of those involved in a CSsC relationship. This thesis will look at the first issue. The appeal for the ACANZP to Bless CSsC relationships is predicated on an un-stated and un-argued declaration that a CSsC relationship is, or can be, equivalent to a heterosexual couple joined in Holy Matrimony. This thesis takes the view that since the only relationship which the Anglican Church Blesses is a couple in or entering into Holy Matrimony, the request to Bless a CSsC couple must be argued on the basis of the equivalence of a CSsC relationship to Holy Matrimony. No other theology has been put forward to date. Some people may be predisposed towards experiencing relational, romantic or erotic attraction with some of their own sex, and perceive the experience of homosexual attraction as ‘natural’. The church need not ‘agree’ with this view in order to love, accept, and support those who experience such an attraction or are in such a relationship.
    [Show full text]
  • New Zealand Kenneth Mck
    Journal of Gender, Social Policy & the Law Volume 19 | Issue 1 Article 13 2012 National Report: New Zealand Kenneth McK. Norrie Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/jgspl Part of the Family Law Commons, International Law Commons, and the Sexuality and the Law Commons Recommended Citation Norrie, Kenneth McK. "National Report: New Zealand." American University Journal of Gender Social Policy and Law 19, no. 1 (2011): This Special Event is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Gender, Social Policy & the Law by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Norrie: National Report: New Zealand NEW ZEALAND 2/28/11 3/25/2011 7:05:34 PM NATIONAL REPORT: NEW ZEALAND KENNETH MCK. NORRIE∗ 1. Legal Framework New Zealand is a parliamentary democracy, modelled on that of the United Kingdom, and subscribing to the principle of Parliamentary Sovereignty. This means that in New Zealand there is no higher law than an Act of Parliament. There is no written constitution in a codified or entrenched form: New Zealand’s constitution is, instead, made up of a number of Acts of Parliament with legal and political significance. In particular, the Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1947 was the formal acceptance by the Parliament of New Zealand of the offer of full independence from the United Kingdom, contained in the UK’s Statute of Westminster 1931; the Constitution Act 1986 sets out the roles of the various branches of government; the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 enumerates the rights of citizens against the state and state organs; and the Human Rights Act 1993 consolidates various existing anti-discrimination provisions and brings in sexual orientation as a prohibited ground of discrimination.
    [Show full text]