Poverty and urban inequality: the case of metropolitan *

Alicia Ziccardi

Introduction significantly to repurpose it in response to the requirements of the global economy, giving rise In Latin American , and in particular in to a major metropolitan urban region: a sprawling Mexican cities, poverty and inequality have megacity with blurred boundaries, a new urban been and still are very seri- region typical of the post- ous social problems that have Fordism city and generating Alicia Ziccardi is Senior Researcher at the new territorial inequalities. been addressed in numer- Social Research Institute of the Autonomous ous in-depth social and urban University of Mexico (UNAM) and Direc- To address this issue, I have research studies. This has par- tor of the University’s Programme on City structured my paper in three ticularly been the case over Studies. Professor of Post-Graduate Studies parts. The first part revisits the last three decades, dur- on Political Science and Urban Studies at the concepts of urban periph- UNAM. Member of the Academy of Sci- ing which cities underwent a ences of Mexico. Member of CLACSO’s ery, poverty, inequality and rapid and profound transfor- Working Group on Poverty and Social residential segregation in the mation faced with the need Policies. Email: [email protected]; context of the megalopolis. to repurpose urban spaces to [email protected] The second part addresses adapt them to the demands the attributes of these new of the global economy. These urban macro , the same globalised economic and social processes main urban spaces that enable certain segments of in turn take on new connotations when one the local economy to articulate with the global explores the rapid and profound transformations economy. The third part attempts to exemplify that have occurred in large cities and, as will be and illustrate how these demographic, socioe- shown, amplify structural inequalities and create conomic and territorial processes are expressed new asymmetries in access to urban goods and in , which over recent decades has services. shown a strong process of expansion and peri- In this regard, taking an ecological-territorial urbanisation, lending a particular dynamic to perspective, our unit of analysis is a megalopo- socioeconomic and territorial inequalities, and evi- lis: Mexico City, a central space that serves the dencing strong processes of residential segregation main function of articulating the national and in the vast territory of its large urban regions. the international economy, while still being the hub of the country’s economic, social, cultural Urban peripheries: poverty, and political life. Generally speaking, this large inequality and residential metropolis has modified its urban morphology segregation

∗ I would like to thank Cynthia Gomez´ Camargo for her In the study of large Latin American cities, the support in the data gathering process, and Alvaro´ Paipilla for the preparation of the maps contained in this paper. issue of urban peripheries inhabited by popular

ISSJ 217–218 C UNESCO 2016. Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd., 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DK, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. 206 Alicia Ziccardi sectors, low-income populations, has been one of different type of social organisation that was created the hot topics of urban sociology, anthropology and based on their place of residence, and which enabled political science in the region, particularly since the them to improve their rundown houses and to access 1960s. These popular neighbourhoods, slums, were basic facilities and services. Additionally, in some the key observatory for the controversial concept cases, such as the favelas in Rio or the slums in “culture of poverty” proposed by Oscar Lewis Buenos Aires, they connected with broader social (1961); for the debates on the theory of marginality movements or political parties, paving the way for sparked mainly by Jose´ Nun (1969) and Fernando the emergence of new social leaderships (Ziccardi Henrique Cardoso (1971); for the political potential 1983, 1984). that Gino Germani (1967, 1971) linked with these In the case of Mexico City, this process poor urban dwellers in his studies on populism and occurred later on, and had particular traits, as Peronism; and for the pioneering work of Manuel it was in the 1980s that a popular urban move- Castells (1974), Jordi Borja (1975) and Ziccardi ment emerged and thrived, giving rise to leaders (1983, 1985) on urban social movements as the new who later joined leftist parties, mainly the Demo- actors driving changes in the city. cratic Revolution Party (Partido de la Revolucion´ The urban peripheries of various Latin Ameri- Democratica,´ PRD) and Labour Party (Partido can cities, then called “favelas”, “villas miseria”, del Trabajo, PT). Now, many of these popular “callampas” (slums or shanty towns) or popular neighbourhoods, mainly located in the periphery, neighbourhoods, had a common trait: they were have been assimilated into the city, are within the urban settlements built on the outer edges of tra- political-administrative boundaries of the federal ditional market mechanisms, often as a result of capital, have improved housing conditions, have invasions or processes that were tolerated by the accessed basic infrastructure and equipment, and party in office, as was the case for Mexican cities. have better commuting and public transportation, However, the common attribute in all these expe- even though their environmental and social context riences is that they were processes led by workers continues to be problematic (Alvarez´ and Ziccardi from rural areas, who came to the city in search 2015; Ziccardi 1995). In this context, the main of better work opportunities and living conditions factors contributing to the persistence of a certain for their families. For that reason, according to degree of precariousness are: the lack of public Gino Germani (1967), a renowned sociologist of and private investment, the limited wages earned that time, the city was a mechanism of social by these workers, adverse orographic conditions, integration that served a double purpose: on the peripheral locations coupled with residential segre- one hand, it enabled the geographic integration gation, a lack or poor quality of basic and common of society, and on the other, it enabled the social goods (such as water, utilities or public spaces) and integration associated with participation, mobility a dubious legal title. However, in spite of all these and marginality, the latter being understood by processes, an overall positive view of community the author from an ecological and psychosocial life and social organisation has prevailed in these perspective. popular sectors as a way to overcome material However, it is worth noting that the city was at hardships (Alvarez´ 2004). that time a space that provided mechanisms of social Additionally, the city is an agglomeration of integration, including education, healthcare and population and activities that theoretically offers access to communication media. This integration, a set of collective goods and services to the as mentioned, was possible because migrants joined population at large, with a certain independence the work force in an informal way, with low salaries, from the capacity of appropriation of individuals no social security, and enduring precarious housing in the market. For that reason, the city generates conditions in peripheral tenements or settlements. the capabilities that individuals require for their That is, the inhabitants of these popular neighbour- social functioning (education, healthcare, housing), hoods did not accomplish a full integration into the as Amartya Sen (2001) defined it. However, the city production system (Cardoso 1971; Nun 1969) and is an asset with a high social and collective value, as consequently were unable to take part in the labour well as a space in which access to, and the quality of, unions that were gaining social and political weight. basic goods and services are marked by profound On the contrary, these popular sectors developed a inequalities.

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Thus, in Latin American cities, the provi- and in society, particularly urban society, the bare sioning of collective goods, far from being equi- minimum to meet nourishment needs is not enough: table, has been historically characterised by the educational and healthcare possibilities should be serious conditions of prevailing urban poverty and guaranteed, as well as access to property and infras- social inequality. Additionally, one of the spatial tructure (particularly housing and communication effects triggered by the neoliberal economic poli- and transportation means) for people to be able to cies applied over the past four decades is that function and circulate in the society they belong to. cities have become divided spaces, fragmented and From the perspective of the conditions that segmented (Fainstein et al. 1992; Jacobs 1992). It create inequality in cities, there is no functional is fair to say that, even though these are distinctive distribution of these goods, resources and capaci- features of Latin American cities, at present they ties; on the contrary, they are distributed in a highly tend to be aggravated (Ziccardi 2009). inequitable way. In a previous paper coauthored Furthermore, in recent years some observers with Luis Reygadas (2010), we mentioned that in of cities in the region have considered that the strong a modernizing context there is no unique trend changes noticed in the morphology of urban space – regarding inequality (Pipitone 2002) and this is true which will bear the hallmark of the new Informa- particularly in the case of Mexico City, where there tion Society – are the result of a combination of are processes that encourage rights to the city and endogenous factors, of a structural, cultural and in which more social equity conditions are created, historical nature, and exogenous factors, typical of for instance: the growing empowerment of women, a globalised world (Borja 2003; Castells 1998; De the greater visibility of and attention to demands Mattos 2002; Ziccardi 2009). These factors tend of indigenous communities, the presence of new to homogenise the urban landscape with their new organisations of people with different abilities or ways of organising production and consumption, sexual orientations, young people regaining spaces including original designs in office blocks and for culture and entertainment, better living stan- large malls that represent forms of private sector dards for adults, and refurbished public spaces for appropriation of public spaces. At the same time, in social life (Alvarez´ and Ziccardi 2015). At the same the era of inequality, the cities are themselves the time there are new economic and social dynamics producers of new territorial and urban inequalities that perpetuate or even aggravate the old inequali- and this is to a large extent associated with the ties, intertwined with the new dynamics, as sources persistence of poverty conditions that affect the vast of inequality and exclusion, such as different forms majority of working-class families (Reygadas and of work precariousness, the emergence of new Ziccardi 2010). social exclusion practices, the increase of violence This calls for an analysis of the relations that and insecurity, the strong economic criminality exist between inequality and poverty, understanding rates, and the frailty of a local democracy that poverty not only as an economic phenomenon but slowly progresses towards the construction of social also as a complex, multidimensional phenomenon: forces that will be capable of neutralising the current a process of deprivation and scarcity of social, cul- social polarity (Reygadas and Ziccardi 2010). tural, institutional, territorial and political resources In the case of extreme inequality in access, particularly affecting the low-income sectors. It is and particularly the lack of consistency in the also important to acknowledge a kind of poverty quality of collective urban goods and services, one that is associated mainly, though not exclusively, of the effects is the intensification or aggravation with the conditions of insertion that prevail in of socioeconomic fragmentation (Suarez,´ Ru´ız and the labour market, namely: instability, informality, Delgado 2012). Inhabiting a settlement or popular low wages, labour precariousness, unemployment. neighbourhood in the periphery not only entails That urban poverty, according to Townsend (1970, access to scarce, substandard urban goods, or wast- 2003), is a relative poverty, as in cities there is a ing many hours to commute from home to work or to historically and socially accepted standard of living, school, but these processes of territorial segregation and it is based on that standard of living that the also often generate a social stigma that encumbers distribution of resources should be evaluated, rather the processes of work force insertion and social than considering only income. For that reason, it integration of workers living in those areas (Bayon´ should be noted that to take part in the market 2012; Lindon 2007). This is clearly linked with the

C UNESCO 2016. 208 Alicia Ziccardi analyses that identified the so-called “poverty traps” ing projects in areas where no city infrastructure mentioned by Kate Bird, Kate Higgins and Dan exists. Harris (2010), which, the authors claim, explain This leads us to emphasise that it is govern- the persistence of poverty – a relevant fact to mental policies that create processes of territorial understanding the causes of poverty persistence inequality and residential segregation, as well as among the indigenous people in the city. new forms of urbanisation of the territory that From another point of view, Stewart and reproduce a dispersed city pattern, dissociated from Langer (2012) propose the concept of horizontal the consolidated urban structure (Ziccardi 2015). inequalities, which « refers to inequalities between However, there is not only a process of residential ‘culturally’ defined groups such as ethnic, reli- segregation of popular sectors, there is also a pro- gious and caste-based groups or between different cess of self-segregation of high-income sectors that regions. Horizontal inequalities encompass multi- choose to live in the so-called “gated” neighbour- ple dimensions – political, social, economic and hoods, In this case, they seek not only a house to cultural status» (Langer and Stewart 2012, p.665). live in and quality infrastructure, but also security, This territorial reality may be reinterpreted using an appropriate environment and the symbolic value this concept of horizontal inequalities given that it is of being among equals sharing socialisation and in the spaces where the condition of poverty is com- living codes. pounded by the social exclusion and discrimination It would be fair to say that when both processes suffered by the indigenous population. Different coexist, the city stops serving its purpose of being authors have also analysed the accumulation of a mechanism of social integration (Germani 1967), social disadvantages that the Mexican indigenous as all these habitation forms create new territorial population suffers, particularly in the case of the so- inequalities. Therefore, one must insist that these called “indigenous peoples” of Mexico City (Yanes new peripheries that are the outcome of different 2009; Alvarez´ and Ram´ırez Kuri, 2012). segregation processes or, as Soldano (2008) said, On the other hand, in the case of Mexico City “territory insulation” processes, are growing and and other cities in the country, there have been expanding in cities. In accordance with these pro- self-produced peripheral popular neighbourhoods cesses, instead of witnessing the development of a for decades, which have consolidated and offer citizenship that carries the concept of city of rights, a relatively good quality of life. However, new city with meeting points, socialisation and urban peripheries, neighbourhoods or settlements have coexistence, one observes citizens withdrawing into recently emerged, in areas that are farther away their privacy, creating a setting that promotes urban from the main city. Many of these urbanisations violence and insecurity. This happens even when are the result of the new production, financing and there are experiences that highlight the value of subsidy policies for the provision of new social community life, the existence and collective use of interest housing that typically offers a substandard public spaces in neighbourhoods, settlements and quality of life, with no public spaces or urban towns around the city, and make new processes facilities, and requiring expensive commuting and and ways of citizen involvement relevant, with a social costs from its inhabitants (Ziccardi 2015). view to counteracting the disintegration trends of Additionally, these neighbourhoods often the twenty-first-century city1 (Ziccardi 2012b). compromise the natural environment, as they are usually established in conservation areas and lack The new urban morphology facilities, with insufficient or poor quality services of megacities (Imaz, Camacho and Ruiz 2011). The creation of these large social housing areas serves a double pur- Now the focus turns to the relationship between pose: on the one hand, to reduce, from a quantitative this perspective and the new urban, disperse and perspective, the housing deficit, mainly by moving diffuse forms that characterise megacities, particu- the financial resources of wage-earners available larly Mexico City. Large metropolitan regions are from social security housing agencies, and on the marked by processes of residential segregation and other, to facilitate the action of real estate agents urban fragmentation that amplify socioeconomic and construction companies that seek maximum and structural inequalities. In this regard, there are profits, so they frequently build massive hous- different perspectives of analysis that address the

C UNESCO 2016. Poverty and urban inequality 209 issues inherent in this new urban form, emphasising a shift from a Keynesian and Fordist mass pro- varying kinds of occupation and use of the urban duction and consumption system, concentrated in space, evidencing processes and phenomena shared large urban regions . . . to Post-Fordism systems of by different megacities. It is important to note here flexible industrialization, with an intensive use of the contributions that offer elements to enrich the information” (Soja 2010, p.215). socio-spatial analysis. We should consider the intensification of From a geographic perspective, the first trait urban segregation processes, defined by Sabatini of large urban regions mentioned by Castells is the (2006) as the “spatial agglomeration of families presence of a new spatial architecture built by global from the same social stratum, regardless of how networks connecting both the main metropolitan social differences are defined”. As this author areas and their areas of influence (Castells 2012, points out, this implies recognising two objective p.39). This new spatial configuration, termed the dimensions: (1) the degree of spatial concentration “metropolitan urban region” or “polycentric mega- of social groups, and (2) the social homogeneity lopolis”, is a structure that has different hierarchies that the various internal areas of cities represent. across centres and sub-centres, where activities tend This is also intertwined with the social conse- to be disconnected and services sprawl across a quences of these territorial processes, which have vast territory, with mixed urban and rural lands been analysed by Kaztman (2011), who argues or environmental uses, and where the boundaries that residential segregation, work segmentation and of functionality are quite blurred. In this regard, educational segmentation can mutually leverage the classic urban versus rural distinction no longer their effects on the “social and progressive isolation holds because the conversion of rural to urban of the urban poor” (Kaztman 2011, p.183).2 use is accelerated concurrently with processes of And finally, although it is only to point to de-industrialisation and service outsourcing, which the fact, without elaborating on it, metropolitan represent both advanced and informal services governance of a multi-scalar system like this one, that are tightly linked with Latin American cities. in a context of weakening of the national state, The existence of better transportation to shorten is an extremely complex endeavour, because the distances is a phenomenon associated with the territory has been reorganised strategically, creating processes triggered by urban expansion, creating other territorial hierarchies without introducing new new nodes of activity and population that in a forms of local and metropolitan government. For way are integrated with the physical, territorial and that reason, these phenomena call for processes of functional perspectives (Castells 2012; Oriol Nel-lo institutional and social innovation to reconstruct in 1998). other spheres – more virtually than in-person – the In connection with the above, the scale of necessary identity and feeling of belonging among urban analysis is modified. In accordance with citizens (Sassen 2011). Dematteis (1998, p.32), the new urban periphery In summary, in these macro urban scenarios “appears, on a macro scale, as one large structure there is a concentration and dispersion of the spreading like a network, while on the micro scale, activities that create material wealth, and new each ‘node’ of this network reveals specific char- forms of urban expansion appear, made up by a acters and particular identities”. These new spatial constellation of small cities, centres or nodes that configurations are the result of a regional rather are even farther apart from consolidated urban than urban-based urbanisation which, according to centers, where the centrality of the foundational Aguilar, promotes new forms of centrality marked city settled. In fact, this is what Franc¸ois Ascher by socioeconomic fragmentation and urban poly- (2004) summarised in his concept metapolis: “large centrism (Aguilar 2004; Aguilar and Lozano 2012). sprawling conurbations, extensive and discontin- In this context, new demands for spatial jus- ued, heterogeneous and multi-polarized” (Ascher tice have emerged. They were studied by Edward 2004, p.57). In this context, this article analyses Soja (2010), who focused on the so-called post- specifically the territorial dimension of poverty and metropolis. He refers to the transition from the inequality, a phenomenon that has been little studied conventional notion of “modern metropolis” to a in Mexico, especially with regard to the complex radically different entity: “a variety of new post- and dynamic metropolitan region of the Valley of modern forms and guidelines of urban life involving Mexico.

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MAP 1. Population growth rates in the valley of Mexico Metropolitan Area, 2000–2010 Source: University Program for City Studies at UNAM (Programa Universitario de Estudios sobre la Ciudad, PUEC-UNAM), 2015, based on INEGI data, 2000, 2010, Population and Housing Census

The new morphology of the inhabitants in 16 delegations of the Federal , urban metropolitan region of 59 surrounding in Mexico State and Mexico City 21 municipalities in State. Of the total, over half (53 per cent) of the population lives in Processes of demographic growth, surrounding State, 42 per re-densification of the central city and cent in the , and 5 per cent in Hidalgo peripheral dispersion State municipalities. As Map 1 shows, the highest growth rates Mexico City’s morphology shows an urban macro (from 6.24 to 11.29 per cent) between 2000 and metropolitan region that in 2010 had 21 million 2010 appear in the second crown of the northern

C UNESCO 2016. Poverty and urban inequality 211 ring, in the remote periphery away from the central the closest peripheral areas has started. On the city, particularly in the municipalities of , other hand, it should be noted that, even though Tecamac,´ Tizayuca, , in the east of Chi- there are certain municipalities in Mexico State coloapan , and in Mineral de Reforma, that are inhabited by the popular sectors that have in Hidalgo State. consolidated, such as Ecatepec, Interestingly this urban morphology has and , in recent years a new periphery territorial expansion as one of its main attributes. has been formed that is farther away, configuring According to the Metropolitan Area of the Valley a pattern of urbanisation characterised by low den- of Mexico Planning Programme (Programa de sity and uneven growth, with an average height Ordenacion´ de la Zona Metropolitana del Valle of two storeys, offering a seamless urban-rural de Mexico,´ POZMVM, 2012), prepared by a landscape without clear boundaries. The lack of group of National Autonomous University of quality public transport and the presence of inef- Mexico (Universidad Nacional Autonoma´ de ficient infrastructure and equipment have led to a Mexico,´ UNAM) academics, the total growth of situation in which the central city continues to be the the urban surface between 2005 and 2010 was main reference of economic, business and financial 18,800 hectares, of which 16,500 hectares were centrality (POZMVM, 2012), even when there are the result of peripheral sprawl of both new formal nodes generated by other centralities, as is the case and informal settlements. The remaining 2,300 of Santa Fe on the borders of the Cuajimalpa and hectares were the result of the process of inclusion Alvaro´ Obregon´ delegations. of rural locations into urban locations by 2010. Most of this expansion occurred in Mexico State The massive production of housing in the municipalities, accounting for 68 per cent, while remote periphery, residential segregation Hidalgo municipalities accounted for 31 per cent. and urban fragmentation Conversely, the Federal District or central city only represented 1 per cent of that growth.3 In this new urban reality, housing developments The expansion of metropolitan urban growth, have represented the main engine of dispersal as mentioned, is evident in the emergence of a new and low-quality demographic growth. Houses are disperse spatial architecture, as for 40 years the built with different quality and size parameters, population in the Metropolitan Zone of Mexico Val- depending on the type of market – private, public, ley (ZMVM) increased 1.42 times, while its urban social – and the socioeconomic level they cater for. surface increased 3.57 times (CONAPO, 2012). Although there is a large supply of high-quality real Furthermore, inside the megacity there are patterns estate targeted at the middle and mid-high segments of both dispersion and concentration in nodes that in the central areas, in the urban peripheries there is correspond to the traditional demographic nuclei of a reconfiguration of supply, based on the construc- a cultural ethnic origin, such as indigenous people, tion of exclusive high-class gated neighbourhoods and new centres and sub-centres of economic activ- on the one hand, and massive production of social ity or concentration of low density households. housing for mid-low and low-income sectors on the In a way, this pattern of urban expansion other. responds to the double movement mentioned by In this regard, starting with the PAN adminis- Manuel Castells in the sense that the metropolitan trations, in 2000 the National Housing Commission region is the result of two interrelated processes: the (Comision´ Nacional de Vivienda) was established, “sprawling decentralization of large cities towards and the public agencies that manage workers’ adjacent towns” and the “interconnection of pre- housing funds were restructured – National Work- existing towns, whose territories become integrated ers Housing Fund Institute (Instituto del Fondo through new communication capabilities” (Castells Nacional de la Vivienda para los Trabajadores, 2012, p.41). INFONAVIT), Housing Fund of the Institute of In this region, on the one hand, the Federal Security and Social Services for State Workers District is no longer capable of expanding its (Fondo de la Vivienda del Instituto de Seguridad urban borders without further affecting the natural y Servicios Sociales de los Trabajadores del Estado, environment, so a process of re-densification of FOVISSSTE), Military Housing Fund (Fondo para the central areas and consolidation of some of la Vivienda Militar, FOVIMI) – with the goal of

C UNESCO 2016. 212 Alicia Ziccardi introducing a protected housing market that has For that reason, Adrian´ Aguilar (2004) pro- emphasised the creation of new houses, financ- vides an accurate description: “urban development ing developments with poor quality housing and has changed the geographic scale of segregation”, frequently lacking public services and utilities. intensifying at the micro scale based on the devel- The grounds for this policy is the prioritisation opment of “urban pockets that are isolated from of financial criteria that subordinate the quality of each other”. Meanwhile, at the metropolitan or housing to the reduction of the quantitative housing regional scale, there is a “residential segregation of gap and to business profit. In other words, the issue the poorest groups”, some of which have remained of housing, which has historically been at the core in the inner core of the city, while others have been of social policies of Mexico, is nowadays primarily pushed to the periphery, as the value of central lands conceived as part of the economic policies that has systematically increased. generate low-wage employment (Ziccardi 2015, That process has paved the way for an unprece- p.57). The surplus generated by converting rural dented social phenomenon: the response of families land at very low prices into urban uses is not from the underprivileged sectors, who cannot afford controlled by public housing agencies, unlike other the high transportation costs and the instalments cities in Latin America that enable a redistribution for acquiring title to the property, has been the of the surplus to create better living conditions in the abandonment of the houses. House abandonment is new developments or other popular neighbourhoods explained by a range of reasons: job loss, insecurity, of the city. poor facilities and poor community life. However, This is an important observation because, as the main cause is the remote location of these Harvey (2013) claims, the only way to create a large housing complexes coupled with the poor city is to appropriate the surplus, whatever its living conditions, both in terms of infrastructure origin, and to redistribute it to produce the works and in terms of the natural and social surround- and facilities required to provide equitable and ings (Ziccardi and Gonzalez´ 2015, p.54). That quality urban development, with the aim of mak- explains why at present there are hundreds of ing the right to the city effective for citizens at thousands of uninhabited houses. In some cases, large. to avoid paying for the house, residents quit their In ZMVM in 2010, 6.5 million houses jobs and go back to the predicament of find- were counted, an estimated a quarter of which ing a place to live in. Undoubtedly, this is an (26 per cent) was built over the previous five years unequivocal indicator of a housing policy that (2005–2010). Of these houses, more than half were is at odds with the “success” that is proclaimed located in the large metropolitan municipalities in speeches extolling the advantages of the new of Mexico State, mainly in Tecamac,´ Huehuetoca financial model adopted by the government in this and , in the northern crown, which had area.4 demographic growth rates of over 6 per cent According to the National Statistics and Geog- (Tecamac,´ Huehuetoca) and over 3 per cent raphy Institute (Instituto Nacional de Estad´ıstica (Zumpango). y Geograf´ıa, INEGI) estimates (2010), in the Valley They are macro-housing compounds of low- of Mexico area, 403,971 houses are uninhabited. density single-family dwellings in remote locations Over half are located in municipalities of Mex- entailing time-consuming and expensive commut- ico State (58 per cent), including Huehuetoca, ing, which in turn represents higher urbanisation Zumpango, and Tecamac.´ In the Federal costs that have to be assumed by local governments District, there are 211,245 uninhabited houses, without guaranteeing that they have the institutional mainly in the Cuauhtemoc´ and Miguel Hidalgo del- and financial capacities to do so. These processes egations, and there are 78,959 uninhabited houses are drivers of residential and socioeconomic segre- in the municipalities of Hidalgo State: Tizayuca, gation in the urban space, separating communities Tolcayuca, Mineral de la Reforma, Zempoala and of various characteristics and housing systems, but , where more than a quarter of with one key attribute: offering living conditions houses are uninhabited. that are in stark contrast with the central city, Housing agencies have designed programmes particularly in terms of access to quality urban to recover this housing stock, but there is no guar- goods and services. antee that the quality of houses will be improved

C UNESCO 2016. Poverty and urban inequality 213 or that access to public transportation or public Cuajimalpa de ; the municipalities of Cuau- services and facilities will be granted. In fact, for titlan´ and Coacalco in Mexico State, and Mineral the purposes of this study, the effort to produce de la Reforma, in Hidalgo (Map 2). peripheral social housing is one of the most distinc- However, using the marginalisation index tive signs of this new spatial architecture, which at provided by the National Population Council the regional scale increases structural inequalities, (Consejo Nacional de ,´ CONAPO) it leading to intense residential segregation processes is possible to conduct an analysis on a smaller and prevalence of poverty. scale which, in turn, allows for the identification of pockets of poverty in which people live in com- The process of urbanisation munities that are part of the Valley of Mexico and of poverty versus where they endure the accumulation of socio- income inequality economic, territorial and cultural disadvantages. According to this marginality index, in 2010 According to the National Council of Social Devel- slightly less than half (48 per cent) of ZMVM opment Policy Evaluation (Consejo Nacional de locations reported high and very high marginality Evaluacion´ de la Pol´ıtica de Desarrollo Social, scores. These are concentrated mainly in the urban CONEVAL, 2010), 46.26 per cent of the Mexican areas close to conservation areas, both in the population as a whole lives in a situation of poverty, Federal District and in Mexico State and also in while in ZMVM the percentage is 34.71 per cent, municipalities of Hidalgo State combining rural but in round numbers it represents 7 million people and urban activities. They comprise the delegations living in conditions of poverty. The phenomenon is in the south of the Federal District – , more acute inside ZMVM and at the municipality Tlahuac,´ Xochimilco and Tlalpan (on the border or delegation level, where a very high percentage of of conservation soil) – and the municipalities of the population (over 55 per cent) live in multidimen- Mexico State located in the vicinity of conservation sional poverty conditions. As shown on Map 2 the areas of Sierra Nevada and Sierra de las Cruces. highest levels of concentration of poverty are found Thus, it is clear that the vast territory of the urban in the metropolitan municipalities of the states of region of Mexico City is sprinkled with locations Mexico and Hidalgo. or constellations of locations with very high r marginality scores. Mexico State. Southeast: , , In Mexico State there is a concentration of , and ; east: Valle locations with very high marginality scores in the de Chalco, Chimalhuacan,´ Atenco, east and west. At least 21 municipalities in this and Chinconcuac; northeast: , Temas- State have very high marginality in their territories: calapa and Otumba; north: Hueypoxtla, , Axapusco, in the east, and Villa del Carbon,´ in the , Coyotepec and Nextlalpan; and west, are the municipalities with the highest number r west, Villa del Carbon.´ of locations with very high marginality rates. In Hidalgo State. Eight of the 21 municipalities the case of Hidalgo, most of the municipalities in comprised in ZMVM have very high percentages ZMVM, have locations with very high marginality; of the population in multidimensional poverty in Tepeji del R´ıo and Tezontepec de Aldama, on conditions. It is interesting to point out that they the western limit of the region, there are eight and are adjacent to the municipalities of Mexico State six of them, respectively; in the east, Epazoyucan that have a high multidimensional poverty score. also has six locations with very high marginal- These are: , Tetepango, Tlahuelilpan, ity. In the Federal District, in the three southern Tlaxcoapan, Tezontepec de Aldama, Mixqui- delegations –Tlalpan, Milpa Alta and Xochimilco huala de Juarez;´ Zapotlan´ de Juarez´ and Villa – there are locations with very high marginality de Tezontepec. scores and these are places inhabited by indigenous people.5 Thus, “they are more likely to be not Conversely, the lowest poverty levels are only income poor (poverty headcount) but also found in the political delegations inside the Fed- severely and chronically poor (poverty gap and eral District: (in white) Coyoacan,´ Benito Juarez,´ poverty duration)” (Bird, Higgins and Harris 2010, Cuauhtemoc,´ Azcapotzalco, Miguel Hidalgo and p.4).

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MAP 2. Multidimensional poverty in the valley of Mexico Metropolitan Area, 2010 Source: PUEC-UNAM, 2015 with CONEVAL data, Multidimensional Measurement of Poverty, 2010

In the same way, in the metropolitan area and Langer 2012) prevail. However, in the case of the Valley of Mexico there are processes of of the ZMVM, where the indigenous population horizontal inequality, particularly in places inhab- represents less than 4 per cent of the total, most ited by the indigenous population where conditions of them show medium, low or very low levels of socio-economic poverty and uneven access to of marginalisation (CDI, 2010). This suggests that public goods and services are worse. Thus, the the urban indigenous population experiences fewer indigenous population living in localities with high hardships than the indigenous populations living in and very high levels of marginalisation represents other locations in Mexico (Yanes 2009). 4.7 per cent, more than twice the percentage of the Now, if we consider only the dimensions of non-indigenous population living in such localities multidimensional poverty according to CONEVAL (1.79 per cent) (CDI, 2010). in the territorial and spatial dimension of analysis, it It has also been noted that in Mexican munic- can be observed that unmet needs in housing quality ipalities predominantly inhabited by indigenous and space affect slightly over 2 million inhabitants peoples, social conditions of poverty and backward- (approximately 10 per cent of the total).6 The ness (Puyana 2015; Puyana and Murillo 2012) as municipalities of Mexico State with the highest well as conditions of horizontal inequality (Stewart concentration of these unmet needs are located in

C UNESCO 2016. Poverty and urban inequality 215 the southeast: , Atlautla and Ecatzingo; steady decrease of inequality in 13 of the 16 in the east: Valle de Chalco Solidaridad and Chimal- delegations, while Alvaro´ Obregon,´ Tlahuac´ and huacan;´ and in the centre-north, the municipality of Xochimilco showed rising inequality in the period. Nextlalpan. In the subsequent period, 2000–2010, their inequal- Although to a lesser extent, the lack of basic ity decreased to below the levels reported in 1990. In services for houses also affects 7% of the ZMVM 2010, 15 delegations reported “relative inequality” population, which represents approximately and one was considered to have moderate inequality 1.5 million inhabitants.7 A major proportion is (Tlahuac).´ 8 concentrated in the southeast of Mexico State, in As regards municipalities in Mexico State, the Ecatzingo municipality, and in the west, in Villa most saw increased inequalities between 1990 and del Carbon.´ Of note, the main indicators on access 2000, but a decade later this trend was moderately to water services reveal a highly heterogeneous reversed. It should be noted that most of the Mex- metropolitan reality, even inside the Federal ico State municipalities were rated as “moderate District (Gonzalez´ and Ziccardi, 2013; Graizbord inequality” in 1990, and the only municipality with and Sotelo, 2012). “extreme inequality” in ZMVM was Huixquilu- Broadly speaking, it is in the east and southeast can, a municipality adjacent to Cuajimalpa where of ZMVM that the most acute infrastructure deficits Santa Fe is located, a venue for advanced services occur, where the highest vulnerability conditions (banking and IT), a residential area for business and lowest quality public spaces and housing ser- elites and the private education system. Although vices are found, while the central city concentrates this municipality has steadily reduced its inequality the best urban infrastructure and facilities, indicat- levels, in 2010 it had the highest inequality levels ing the profound inequalities that exist in terms of inside ZMVM, jointly with and two quality of life between the inhabitants of the two municipalities in Hidalgo State (Atitalalquia and areas. Mineral de la Reforma), which were categorized as “high inequality” (Fig. 1). However, in the inequitable distribution of and Decline in income inequality access to urban services, infrastructure and utilities, and widening of urban it can be observed that inequality as measured by the inequality Gini coefficient hides the profound divides existing in the megacity. The coefficient should be taken as Going back to what Ramiro Segura observed a preliminary indicator, as results vary substantially about Latin American cities, considering that we depending on the spatial scale considered. That is, are confronted with a “complex and paradoxical inequitable distribution of city goods and services scenario”, marked by a “(moderate) reduction of requires analysing other sources of data as well as income inequality, an (accelerated) continuity of fieldwork. fragmented urbanization and a (significant) deep- ening of the housing problem” (Segura 2015, p.80), Conclusions it may be argued that, beyond the specificities linked with the local reality, these processes seem In conclusion, it would be fair to claim that to reappear in the urban metropolitan region in the metropolitan growth in Mexico Valley was Valley of Mexico (zona metropolitana del Valle de triggered by intense peri-urbanisation and poly- Mexico,´ ZMVM). centralisation processes, as well as residential As in other Latin American cities, between segregation and fragmentation of the urban 1990 and 2010 a moderate decrease in income structure (Aguilar and Hernandez´ 2012, p.204). inequality is observed in the municipalities and It is a metropolitan zone with a central city that delegations comprised in ZMVM, as measured by still concentrates the greatest part of the activities the Gini coefficient. However, in each municipality and employment, with a poly-centric morphology and delegation different trends can be identified. that is fragmented from the periphery, as well as In 1990, most of the delegations of the Federal intense processes of residential segregation across District presented conditions of high and very high social classes or groups, which should be studied inequality. Between 1990 and 2000 there was a through fieldwork.

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FIGURE 1. Number of ZMVM municipalities, by federative entity and inequality level, 1990, 2000, 2010 Source: own analysis, based on CONEVAL data, 2010

However, we may give some conclusions aris- either informally or through a loan from a public ing from this analysis of the urban region of Mexico financing institution. There is no evidence either City, as follows. of any inclusion of the ideas that have emerged r in the international sphere to build a new agenda Throughout the territory, there are regions of for common development post 2015, such as the poverty that comprise the native communi- Sustainable Development Goals, in particular, ties and the popular settlements that are self- Goal 11: Make cities and human settlements produced by low-income sectors, and at the other 9 r inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable. extreme, there are nodes with a quality of life The construction of housing projects in the that is suitable for the middle sector, as well periphery of Mexico City has been a key driver as luxury housing for consumption of the upper of the urban expansion reported over the past class. Such is the urban landscape of inequality decade. However, this has not necessarily meant r that is observable on a daily basis. an improvement in terms of urban equity inside The new urban configuration has intensified the macro region, because many houses were structural inequalities and created new asymme- built in remote peripheries and very few were tries in the absence of public policies to over- r built in the city. come the institutional and financial obstacles of Although a moderate decrease in income local governments that prevent the distribution inequality is observed in the large region over of quality urban goods and services for the the past decade, probably as a result of the r population at large. mass production of housing for low and medium The process of expansion of the urban region of income wage earners, this necessarily implies the Mexico City, led by the technical elites asso- achievement of a better quality of life, comparing ciated with the projects of the business elite, life in a popular settlement or in a neighborhood has not been tied to a concept of spatial justice r in the central urban zone of the city. that takes action to redistribute surplus and thus Finally, all of the above creates a megac- improve the standard of living of popular sectors, ity with complex urban governance and major including people who have accessed their home difficulties to achieve efficient and effective

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territory management (Cabrero and Montiel countries, there is a weak presence of social 2012). Therefore, it is essential to promote movements that seek redress for spatial justice inclusive and sustainable urbanisation,andto grievances, and the right to the city. Only in this develop participatory planning and management way will we be able to ascertain more precisely capabilities in the territories.10 In this regard, the extent to which the territorial dimension gains urban research conducted on Mexican cities must relevance in the analysis of social inequality and still explain why, unlike other Latin American social transformation processes.

Notes

1. This refers in particular to the uninhabited houses in Mexico´ by electricity and fuel used for cooking Federal District Government’s Salazar and Sanchez´ (2011). or heating food is wood or coal, with Neighborhood Improvement no chimney (CONEVAL, 2010). . Community Program. 5 It should be noted that all locations reporting extremely high 8. Inequality ranges are taken from 2. Kaztman argues that the marginality in 2010 have a common UN-Habitat (2014: 51) based on development of “marginal trait: they are small locations, with Gini coefficient inequality levels: subcultures” feeds the isolation of fewer than 2,500 inhabitants. moderate inequality (0.300 – 0.399), the poor. In this respect he draws a relative inequality (0.400 – 0.449), . distinction between Lewis’s “culture 6 Populations with housing quality high inequality (0.450 – 0.499), of poverty” referring to a “legacy of and space deficiencies mean people very high inequality (0.500 – values and standards that helps to living in dwellings that have at least 0.599), extreme inequality understand the persistence of one of the following traits: (1) Floor (+0.600). Information on the poverty” and the establishment of material is earth. (2) Roof material evolution of Gini coefficient is taken “marginal subcultures” as “a is cardboard or discarded materials. from CONEVAL, “Evolucion´ de la reaction to structural conditionings (3) Wall material is mud or pobreza por ingresos estatal y that come from the functioning of wattle-and-daub (bajareque); reed municipal”. Available at: http:// the market, the State and society, grass, bamboo or palm tree; www.coneval.gob.mx/Medicion/ i.e., one of the results of the cardboard, metal or asbestos sheets, Paginas/Evolucion-de-las- progressive sedimentation of or discarded materials. (4) The ratio dimensiones-de-la-pobreza-1990- adaptive responses faced with a set of people per room (overcrowding) 2010-.aspx of negative factors converging in a is higher than 2.5 (CONEVAL, . precarious and segregated medium” 2010). 9 In September 2015, the United Nations General Assembly formally (Kaztman 2011, p.184). . 7 Unmet needs for basic housing adopted the 2030 Agenda for 3. This is shown by comparing the services refer to situations in which Sustainable Development along cartography of the Municipal water is obtained from a well, river, with 17 Sustainable Development Geostatistical Framework (Marco lake, stream or tanker, or is carried Goals. Geoestad´ıstico Municipal, MGM, from another house or from the . urban locations) of 2005 and 2010, public tap or hose. Additionally, it 10 See Report of the Open according to INEGI, and means there is no drainage system Working Group on Sustainable quantifying this (POZMVM, 2012). available, or the drainage system has Development Goals a connection to a pipe that leads to (A/68/970/Add.2) (12 de agosto, 4. See, among others, a river, lake, sea, ravine or crevice. 2014). groundbreaking study of Additionally, there is no supply of

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