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About this product Product Information David Hoffman, former Moscow bureau chief for the Washington Post , exposes the hidden lives of Russia's most feared power brokers: the oligarchs. Focusing on six of these cunning and ruthless men - Alexander Smolensky, Yuri Luzhkov, Anatoly Chubais, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Boris Berezovsky, and Vladimir Gusinsky - Hoffman reveals how the oligarchs exploited the weakened Soviet state and rose to the pinnacle of Russia's new capitalism. Additional Product Features Dewey Edition. Show More Show Less. Pre-owned Pre-owned. No ratings or reviews yet No ratings or reviews yet. Be the first to write a review. Best Selling in Nonfiction See all. Greenlights by Matthew McConaughey Hardcover 5. Save on Nonfiction Trending price is based on prices over last 90 days. You may also like. Views Read Edit View history. Help Learn to edit Community portal Recent changes Upload file. Download as PDF Printable version. Add links. First edition front cover. Print hardcover and paperback. By David E. My Jewish Fate. By Boris Usherenko. Sometime during the autumn of , a small group of the most powerful men in Russia gathered in a villa in Moscow's Sparrow Hills district and worried aloud about anti-Semitism. They were Russia's famous "oligarchs," men who, in the aftermath of communism's fall, ran banks, oil companies, television stations and, increasingly, the country, and they had reason to worry: Most of them were Jews. They worried, among themselves, about a backlash. The threat of an anti-Semitic uprising never materialized. The oligarchs, and Jews in general, are frequent targets of the nationalist press, and extremist firebrands still occasionally call out their names in public, but the Russian street has yet to take up calls for their blood. Indeed, thanks to a rapidly opening and normalizing economy, the oligarchs may soon be a relic of Russian history. If so, Hoffman's book will be a valuable record. Through careful reporting and unprecedented access to almost all of the major oligarchs themselves, Hoffman - now the Post's foreign editor - has ably picked up where his predecessor, David Remnick, left off after "Lenin's Tomb" and "Resurrection. If the book has a flaw, however, it is in not answering one of the central questions it raises: Why is it, and what does it mean, that so many of these men - men who ruthlessly acquired and manipulated Russia's resources and, for a time, its government - are Jewish? Of the six main characters in the book, four are Jews: Boris Berezovsky, now exiled and wanted at home for corruption, who at one point owned everything from auto-makers and airlines to banks and a TV network and earned the moniker "Godfather of the Kremlin"; Vladimir Gusinsky, banker turned media-magnate whose quarrels with President Vladimir Putin sent him into exile; Alexander Smolensky, perhaps Russia's most notorious banker, the collapse of whose bank in wiped out thousands of people's savings, and Mikhail Khodorkovsky, leader of Russia's second-biggest oil company, who survived political scandals and the collapse of his own bank. The other two - Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov and reformist-politician-turned-energy-czar Anatoly Chubais - are not Jewish, though that hasn't stopped nationalists from making accusations about Jewish heritage. They were, by and large, men who learned early how to manipulate the system. Gusinsky bought copper wire on the black market to make the bracelets that funded his first fortune. Berezovsky did a brisk shuttle trade in German cars and Italian computers. Khodorkovsky used connections in the Communist Youth League to finagle lucrative software contracts. For many of them, particularly Berezovsky, Smolensky and Khodorkovsky, the resulting cash came in handy in , when Chubais, then prime minister, handed every Russian citizen a voucher good for one share in about one-third of the country's economy. The nascent oligarchs used bought-up vouchers by the thousands and redeemed them for entire industries, some of which they proceeded to sell for scrap. That, meanwhile, positioned them to take advantage of the next several rounds of privatization, in which key companies were to be sold via tenders. In practice, though, the small circle of key oligarchs nurtured contacts in the Kremlin, as Hoffman writes, to ensure that each won the tender he wanted. Chubais and other reformers, meanwhile, were willing conspirators. The way they saw it, mass privatization - even if massively corrupt - was the best way to rule out a return to communism. Eventually, they reasoned, the market would work things out on its own. The Oligarchs – The Billion Dollar Spy

Follow Us. Subscribe Sign In. Subscribe Sign in. Sign in and save to read later. Please enable JavaScript for this site to function properly. Share on Twitter. Stay informed. The item may be missing the original packaging such as the original box or bag or tags or in the original packaging but not sealed. The item may be a factory second or a new, unused item with defects or irregularities. See details for description of any imperfections. Skip to main content. Hoffman , Trade Paperback. Hoffman , Trade Paperback Be the first to write a review. About this product. Stock photo. New other : Lowest price The lowest-priced item in unused and unworn condition with absolutely no signs of wear. Will include dust jacket if it originally came with one. Text will be unmarked and pages crisp. The oligarchs, and Jews in general, are frequent targets of the nationalist press, and extremist firebrands still occasionally call out their names in public, but the Russian street has yet to take up calls for their blood. Indeed, thanks to a rapidly opening and normalizing economy, the oligarchs may soon be a relic of Russian history. If so, Hoffman's book will be a valuable record. Through careful reporting and unprecedented access to almost all of the major oligarchs themselves, Hoffman - now the Post's foreign editor - has ably picked up where his predecessor, David Remnick, left off after "Lenin's Tomb" and "Resurrection. If the book has a flaw, however, it is in not answering one of the central questions it raises: Why is it, and what does it mean, that so many of these men - men who ruthlessly acquired and manipulated Russia's resources and, for a time, its government - are Jewish? Of the six main characters in the book, four are Jews: Boris Berezovsky, now exiled and wanted at home for corruption, who at one point owned everything from auto-makers and airlines to banks and a TV network and earned the moniker "Godfather of the Kremlin"; Vladimir Gusinsky, banker turned media-magnate whose quarrels with President Vladimir Putin sent him into exile; Alexander Smolensky, perhaps Russia's most notorious banker, the collapse of whose bank in wiped out thousands of people's savings, and Mikhail Khodorkovsky, leader of Russia's second- biggest oil company, who survived political scandals and the collapse of his own bank. The other two - Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov and reformist-politician-turned-energy-czar Anatoly Chubais - are not Jewish, though that hasn't stopped nationalists from making accusations about Jewish heritage. They were, by and large, men who learned early how to manipulate the system. Gusinsky bought copper wire on the black market to make the bracelets that funded his first fortune. Berezovsky did a brisk shuttle trade in German cars and Italian computers. Khodorkovsky used connections in the Communist Youth League to finagle lucrative software contracts. For many of them, particularly Berezovsky, Smolensky and Khodorkovsky, the resulting cash came in handy in , when Chubais, then prime minister, handed every Russian citizen a voucher good for one share in about one-third of the country's economy. The nascent oligarchs used bought-up vouchers by the thousands and redeemed them for entire industries, some of which they proceeded to sell for scrap. That, meanwhile, positioned them to take advantage of the next several rounds of privatization, in which key companies were to be sold via tenders. In practice, though, the small circle of key oligarchs nurtured contacts in the Kremlin, as Hoffman writes, to ensure that each won the tender he wanted. Chubais and other reformers, meanwhile, were willing conspirators. The way they saw it, mass privatization - even if massively corrupt - was the best way to rule out a return to communism. Eventually, they reasoned, the market would work things out on its own. But for most of the s, the course of the Russian economy - and often of its government - was decided by the leading oligarchs in Sparrow Hills. But by , some of the oligarchs were beginning to worry. Nationalist politicians on the left and right were decrying what they called the theft of Russia's industry and the "oligarch Yids" who engineered it. For many of the oligarchs, it was by no means the first time they had been called "Yids," whether by Soviet bureaucrats or schoolyard bullies. Hoffman's book is replete with such detailed accounts. The fact that Smolensky and Khodorkovsky have mixed parentage, and that Berezovsky is a practicing Christian, was of no concern to bigots, then or now. Their worries were not unfounded. The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia - David Hoffman - Google Books

Privatization in Russia. Categories : non-fiction books History books about Russia PublicAffairs books European history book stubs Russian history stubs. Hidden categories: All stub articles. Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. Help Learn to edit Community portal Recent changes Upload file. All these years later, those oligarchs who made nice with the new regime or at least kept quiet, were allowed to stay and sometimes prosper. Berezovsky died in exile; it was his security man who was famously poisoned with plutonium. Gusinsky also went into exile. Chubais has been low- key although there was a recent article indicating increasing official interest in his business activity; Nemtsov turned to protest and was assassinated this year. Of the other politicians and businessman treated in detail by Hoffman, Yuri Luzhkov, once thought the successor to Yeltsin, was allowed to remain as Mayor of Moscow for many years after he joined the winning side. Alexander Smolensky's bank folded and his billions melted into mere millions. Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the former oil magnate, began to move toward organizing an opposition and found himself in jail for a number of years on tax charges while his company was disassembled. He is free now, living in Switzerland. Hoffman's account of the assembling of Kohodrokovsky's company makes clear that among the key components were inventive accounting and sheer gall. From time to time I run into people who went from the West to Russia in the nineties to help it navigate toward capitalism. I do not think that those people thought they would be helping to create a capitalism like the robber baron era of the post-Civil War United States. Or that the result would include things that I think would even have caused Gould and Frick to pause. Frank Stein — Mar 12, This book is a fascinating, if overlong, look at the corrupt billionaires that emerged unexpectedly out of the collapse of the Soviet state. Although the sprawling cast of secondary figures in the book summons the inevitable comparison to a Russian novel, David Hoffman focuses on just a handful of major characters, all of whom seemed destined for anonymity when Gorbachev began his "perestroika" campaign in Vladimir Gusinsky was a failed theater director driving a taxi when he decided to This book is a fascinating, if overlong, look at the corrupt billionaires that emerged unexpectedly out of the collapse of the Soviet state. Vladimir Gusinsky was a failed theater director driving a taxi when he decided to start a "cooperative" or private company to sell copper bracelets, which he then parlayed into a banking and media empire centered around Russia's one independent television station, NTV. Alexander Smolensky was a former soldier and periodic anti-Soviet rebel he printed his own Bibles for sale, although he was Jewish who began some construction work for the Moscow government on the side, which he soon transformed into an industrial and especially banking empire. Boris Berezovsky was a hyperkinetic scientist at the Institute for Control Sciences when he began importing some Fiats for a state company and then started assembling an automobile empire. Mikhail Khodorkovsky was a "komosomol" or youth group, leader in the Mendeleev research institute, when he was allowed to create his own bank from which he got the funds to assemble the oil empire of Yukos. Hoffman also describes how Yuri Luzhkov, later Moscow mayor, and Anatoly Chubais, the economist and reformer, helped create the kind of government where these billionaires could flourish, often at the expense of the rest of the country. The oligarchs themselves had many similarities. Most were Jewish, and thus had been restricted from many careers and honors in the Soviet Union. Most were outraged at state control of their early cooperatives and thus created their own mini-banks to control their earnings, and it was from these banks that most of their profits emerged. Most relied on connections with early Communist leaders to attract government funds to their banks, or to give them control of state assets, and then earned a mint gambling on ruble fluctuations or exchanging underpriced Soviet commodities abroad. Most relied not so much on ownership of vital properties as extracting the profits and sending them to secret accounts. Finally, most of their banks were devastated in the Russian default, and then most were hounded by one of their own creations, Vladimir Putin, once he assumed power in Although Hoffman portrays the oligarchs with an understanding eye, he knows that much of what they did was detrimental to Russia. Tragically, however, they were often the only ones willing to resist the still powerful Communists or, later and too late, Putin. The book ends with Putin stealing NTV and driving Gusinsky from the country, but since it was published in , it does not describe how Khodorkovsky was jailed on flimsy charges for over a decade by Putin, or how Berezovsky was driven from the country and possibly killed by Putin's agents. Whatever one thinks of the oligarchs, they reshaped one of the most powerful countries on Earth for almost a decade, and then were driven out by one of their own creations. It's a majestic and tragic story, well told here. Petr Zajac — Nov 02, This book attracted me because I am from a post communistic country influenced by Rusia. Hoffman very well described the transformation from Gorbacovs perestroika to Yelcins privatisation till Putins post Oligarchs era. The transformation was driven by corruption and clientelism like in other post communistic countries. Autor mainly focused on six Russia tycoons. How they from nothing took ownership of Russia. How they influenced government. Live of actors in the book mainly ends with This book attracted me because I am from a post communistic country influenced by Rusia. Live of actors in the book mainly ends with exile or death. Mubeen Irfan — Mar 20, USSR was all but gone when I was a child and when I was able to decipher the conversations around me, Boris Yeltsin was the name that I heard the most. However, there was a very limited interest in Russian politics in Pakistan because the general population felt we have achieved our purpose of dismantling USSR and thus whatever turmoil is happening now in Russia, we can just sit back and let it slide by. It also did not affect us because we were a pro-American country and looked up to the US for USSR was all but gone when I was a child and when I was able to decipher the conversations around me, Boris Yeltsin was the name that I heard the most. It also did not affect us because we were a pro-American country and looked up to the US for everything, be it pop- culture or politics. Impact of all this was that I knew next to nothing about this huge country undergoing a massive change from communism to capitalism. The only Russia I knew was through Val Kilmer's amazing movie 'The Saint' where I got my flavor of Russian nationalism through the opening lines of a speech where speaker calls to the crowd in a play of words from a Shakespear's play, 'Friends, Countrymen, Russians! A lot of current interest in Russia is due to Putin and the rise of Russian nationalism through his efforts to bring Russia back to the center stage of world politics. But if you want to understand how Putin got where he is right now, you can find clues here in this book. The age of Russian Oligarchs which is roughly the years starting from onwards, brought back that nationalism in their country which was discarded when USSR broke up. This book is a story of those Oligarchs and their grasp of wealth and power in the new Russia. This is an up close of the shock therapy of Chicago school of economists and how it ruined an entire country. A small group of Russians rigged everything in their favor and accumulated unseen wealth amongst themselves. These oligarchs are interesting characters who are sometimes colluding with each other to maximize their gains and other times at each other's throats, again for the same reason: to maximize their gains. Russian government affairs of s are clouded in secrecy just like the entire history of USSR governance. The author has also acknowledged this fact too. It is a smooth read but I personally found very hard to keep track of all the Russian characters and their names. Dan — Jun 15, Overall solid history of the rise of Russian oligarchy and their effect on and eventual entanglement with politics from the fall of the Union to the rise of Putin in the early 90s. Hoffman is a sharp writer with a good eye for color detail. The first half holds short introductory blurbs for each oligarch, establishing how they got started. The second half is a unified narrative bringing these characters through the tumult of the 90s. This format makes the book feel shorter than it actually is Overall solid history of the rise of Russian oligarchy and their effect on and eventual entanglement with politics from the fall of the Union to the rise of Putin in the early 90s. This format makes the book feel shorter than it actually is and condenses most of the tension in the second half. The section on Putin is short and effective. It the book's narrative threads and themes together. Yeltsin inner circle? Somewhere else? Who knows. Seems a pre idea. Riveting detailed story about the main Russian oligarchs, retold by a master journalist storyteller. Captivating in many ways - historically, economically, politically; larger than life figures in an unique historical moment, that of the fall of the Soviet Union. Also a great story about really unbridled capitalism, and power of 'fake' news. Interesting read especially given today's major political USA and social topics. Alex Snyatkov — Feb 23, Well researched and well written history of six Moscow oligarchs, how they came to exorbitant money, power and eventually fell. It was very interesting to learn about what was happening backstage when I watched events of crazy "Democracy and Capitalism Now! However, I think this book will look boring for anybody who wasn't present in Russia during 90s. Anya — May 25, A very informative book regarding Russia's richest businessmen in modern Russia. A lot to remember, but revealing of what makes the Russian economy including political webs, Soviet values, and big personalities. Impressive journalism. Jak60 — Jul 17, The Oligarchs attracted my attention because the period it covered essentially the decade which transitioned the old Soviet Union to the contemporary Russia was something I was very interested in and of which I had only a rather superficial knowledge. So The Oligarchs presented itself as the perfect match In many ways, it was so, and if in the end it failed it was for excess: excess of information and details, which make the book unnecessarily too long and heavy reading. In fact I was shocked The Oligarchs attracted my attention because the period it covered essentially the decade which transitioned the old Soviet Union to the contemporary Russia was something I was very interested in and of which I had only a rather superficial knowledge. In fact I was shocked when, after a few days of avid reading, I realised I was only one third into the book I had learnt so much in that third that I asked myself what would come in the remainder of the book. Well, that's the problem, what comes after is mainly a mountain of information, details, anecdotes providing supporting evidence to points put forward earlier on and already sufficiently supported. So I confess I started skimming through the chapters, not jumping completely because you can still find some good complementary facts in that plethora of repetitions. In the end, the last couple of chapters, the books picks up again its pace when it describes the final transition from the crazy 90's of wild capitalism and oligarchs into Putin's Russia. All in all, I want to give the book credit for being so incredibly instructive at least for me , and I will punish the lengthiness and wordiness of the central part only with one star less. Albertas Agejevas — Mar 02, The book explains very clearly and vividly the problems of the Soviet economy in the 80's, what whas being done in the late 80's to address them, what consequences it had, and how, decision by decision, the current political- economical system of the Russian Federation was formed. Parts of it read like an engaging thriller. The sequence of events sometimes even feels too logical, I would not expect that much cohesion and so little randomness in the real life. I've lived through perestroika and the The book explains very clearly and vividly the problems of the Soviet economy in the 80's, what whas being done in the late 80's to address them, what consequences it had, and how, decision by decision, the current political-economical system of the Russian Federation was formed. I've lived through perestroika and the downfall of the Soviet Union, I've witnessed the events described in this book in the Russian media. This book put all that into an overarching story. E-Book anzeigen. David Hoffman. David Hoffman, former Moscow bureau chief for The Washington Post, sheds light onto the hidden lives of Russia's most feared power brokers: the oligarchs. Focusing on six of these ruthless men Hoffman reveals how a few players managed to take over Russia's cash-strapped economy and then divvy it up in loans-for-shares deals. Before perestroika, these men were normal Soviet citizens, stuck in a dead-end system, claustrophobic apartments, and long bread lines. But as Communism loosened, they found gaps in the economy and reaped huge fortunes by getting their hands on fast money. They were entrepreneurs. As the government weakened and their businesses flourished, they grew greedier.

The Oligarchs: Wealth And Power In The New Russia - David E Hoffman - Google Books

See details for description of any imperfections. Skip to main content. Hoffman , Trade Paperback. Hoffman , Trade Paperback Be the first to write a review. About this product. Stock photo. New other : Lowest price The lowest-priced item in unused and unworn condition with absolutely no signs of wear. Will include dust jacket if it originally came with one. Text will be unmarked and pages crisp. Satisfaction is guaranteed with every order. Buy It Now. Add to cart. About this product Product Information David Hoffman, former Moscow bureau chief for the Washington Post , exposes the hidden lives of Russia's most feared power brokers: the oligarchs. Focusing on six of these cunning and ruthless men - Alexander Smolensky, Yuri Luzhkov, Anatoly Chubais, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Boris Berezovsky, and Vladimir Gusinsky - Hoffman reveals how the oligarchs exploited the weakened Soviet state and rose to the pinnacle of Russia's new capitalism. Additional Product Features Dewey Edition. Show More Show Less. Pre-owned Pre-owned. If the financial sleight-of-hand that Hoffman details can at times challenge the reader, the account of the campaign to save Yeltsin's presidency is gripping. Yeltsin, with the help of his oligarchs, won the election, and they thought they had won the future. The late Boris Berezovsky crowed that the oligarchs would run the country as a board of directors, a sort of new Politburo, one assumes. And then it all came apart, first when one of the auctions, the privatization of a telephone and communications company, was unexpectedly awarded to the highest bidder rather than the oligarch who felt it was his turn Vladimir Gusinsky, in alliance with Berezovsky. The young reformers who were trying to transform Russia's economy into a modern ones, Anatoly Chubais and his deputy, Boris Nemstov, were dismissed. Yeltsin overlooked all the regular candidates and elevated a members of the security service, Putin, to Prime Minister. We all know how that turned out. All these years later, those oligarchs who made nice with the new regime or at least kept quiet, were allowed to stay and sometimes prosper. Berezovsky died in exile; it was his security man who was famously poisoned with plutonium. Gusinsky also went into exile. Chubais has been low-key although there was a recent article indicating increasing official interest in his business activity; Nemtsov turned to protest and was assassinated this year. Of the other politicians and businessman treated in detail by Hoffman, Yuri Luzhkov, once thought the successor to Yeltsin, was allowed to remain as Mayor of Moscow for many years after he joined the winning side. Alexander Smolensky's bank folded and his billions melted into mere millions. Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the former oil magnate, began to move toward organizing an opposition and found himself in jail for a number of years on tax charges while his company was disassembled. He is free now, living in Switzerland. Hoffman's account of the assembling of Kohodrokovsky's company makes clear that among the key components were inventive accounting and sheer gall. From time to time I run into people who went from the West to Russia in the nineties to help it navigate toward capitalism. I do not think that those people thought they would be helping to create a capitalism like the robber baron era of the post-Civil War United States. Or that the result would include things that I think would even have caused Gould and Frick to pause. Frank Stein — Mar 12, This book is a fascinating, if overlong, look at the corrupt billionaires that emerged unexpectedly out of the collapse of the Soviet state. Although the sprawling cast of secondary figures in the book summons the inevitable comparison to a Russian novel, David Hoffman focuses on just a handful of major characters, all of whom seemed destined for anonymity when Gorbachev began his "perestroika" campaign in Vladimir Gusinsky was a failed theater director driving a taxi when he decided to This book is a fascinating, if overlong, look at the corrupt billionaires that emerged unexpectedly out of the collapse of the Soviet state. Vladimir Gusinsky was a failed theater director driving a taxi when he decided to start a "cooperative" or private company to sell copper bracelets, which he then parlayed into a banking and media empire centered around Russia's one independent television station, NTV. Alexander Smolensky was a former soldier and periodic anti-Soviet rebel he printed his own Bibles for sale, although he was Jewish who began some construction work for the Moscow government on the side, which he soon transformed into an industrial and especially banking empire. Boris Berezovsky was a hyperkinetic scientist at the Institute for Control Sciences when he began importing some Fiats for a state company and then started assembling an automobile empire. Mikhail Khodorkovsky was a "komosomol" or youth group, leader in the Mendeleev research institute, when he was allowed to create his own bank from which he got the funds to assemble the oil empire of Yukos. Hoffman also describes how Yuri Luzhkov, later Moscow mayor, and Anatoly Chubais, the economist and reformer, helped create the kind of government where these billionaires could flourish, often at the expense of the rest of the country. The oligarchs themselves had many similarities. Most were Jewish, and thus had been restricted from many careers and honors in the Soviet Union. Most were outraged at state control of their early cooperatives and thus created their own mini-banks to control their earnings, and it was from these banks that most of their profits emerged. Most relied on connections with early Communist leaders to attract government funds to their banks, or to give them control of state assets, and then earned a mint gambling on ruble fluctuations or exchanging underpriced Soviet commodities abroad. Most relied not so much on ownership of vital properties as extracting the profits and sending them to secret accounts. Finally, most of their banks were devastated in the Russian default, and then most were hounded by one of their own creations, Vladimir Putin, once he assumed power in Although Hoffman portrays the oligarchs with an understanding eye, he knows that much of what they did was detrimental to Russia. Tragically, however, they were often the only ones willing to resist the still powerful Communists or, later and too late, Putin. The book ends with Putin stealing NTV and driving Gusinsky from the country, but since it was published in , it does not describe how Khodorkovsky was jailed on flimsy charges for over a decade by Putin, or how Berezovsky was driven from the country and possibly killed by Putin's agents. Whatever one thinks of the oligarchs, they reshaped one of the most powerful countries on Earth for almost a decade, and then were driven out by one of their own creations. It's a majestic and tragic story, well told here. Petr Zajac — Nov 02, This book attracted me because I am from a post communistic country influenced by Rusia. Hoffman very well described the transformation from Gorbacovs perestroika to Yelcins privatisation till Putins post Oligarchs era. The transformation was driven by corruption and clientelism like in other post communistic countries. Autor mainly focused on six Russia tycoons. How they from nothing took ownership of Russia. How they influenced government. Live of actors in the book mainly ends with This book attracted me because I am from a post communistic country influenced by Rusia. Live of actors in the book mainly ends with exile or death. Mubeen Irfan — Mar 20, USSR was all but gone when I was a child and when I was able to decipher the conversations around me, Boris Yeltsin was the name that I heard the most. However, there was a very limited interest in Russian politics in Pakistan because the general population felt we have achieved our purpose of dismantling USSR and thus whatever turmoil is happening now in Russia, we can just sit back and let it slide by. It also did not affect us because we were a pro-American country and looked up to the US for USSR was all but gone when I was a child and when I was able to decipher the conversations around me, Boris Yeltsin was the name that I heard the most. It also did not affect us because we were a pro-American country and looked up to the US for everything, be it pop- culture or politics. Impact of all this was that I knew next to nothing about this huge country undergoing a massive change from communism to capitalism. The only Russia I knew was through Val Kilmer's amazing movie 'The Saint' where I got my flavor of Russian nationalism through the opening lines of a speech where speaker calls to the crowd in a play of words from a Shakespear's play, 'Friends, Countrymen, Russians! A lot of current interest in Russia is due to Putin and the rise of Russian nationalism through his efforts to bring Russia back to the center stage of world politics. But if you want to understand how Putin got where he is right now, you can find clues here in this book. The age of Russian Oligarchs which is roughly the years starting from onwards, brought back that nationalism in their country which was discarded when USSR broke up. This book is a story of those Oligarchs and their grasp of wealth and power in the new Russia. This is an up close of the shock therapy of Chicago school of economists and how it ruined an entire country. A small group of Russians rigged everything in their favor and accumulated unseen wealth amongst themselves. These oligarchs are interesting characters who are sometimes colluding with each other to maximize their gains and other times at each other's throats, again for the same reason: to maximize their gains. Russian government affairs of s are clouded in secrecy just like the entire history of USSR governance. The author has also acknowledged this fact too. It is a smooth read but I personally found very hard to keep track of all the Russian characters and their names. Dan — Jun 15, Overall solid history of the rise of Russian oligarchy and their effect on and eventual entanglement with politics from the fall of the Union to the rise of Putin in the early 90s. Hoffman is a sharp writer with a good eye for color detail. The first half holds short introductory blurbs for each oligarch, establishing how they got started. The second half is a unified narrative bringing these characters through the tumult of the 90s. This format makes the book feel shorter than it actually is Overall solid history of the rise of Russian oligarchy and their effect on and eventual entanglement with politics from the fall of the Union to the rise of Putin in the early 90s. This format makes the book feel shorter than it actually is and condenses most of the tension in the second half. The section on Putin is short and effective. It the book's narrative threads and themes together. Yeltsin inner circle? Somewhere else? Who knows. Seems a pre idea. Riveting detailed story about the main Russian oligarchs, retold by a master journalist storyteller. Captivating in many ways - historically, economically, politically; larger than life figures in an unique historical moment, that of the fall of the Soviet Union. Also a great story about really unbridled capitalism, and power of 'fake' news. Interesting read especially given today's major political USA and social topics. Alex Snyatkov — Feb 23, Well researched and well written history of six Moscow oligarchs, how they came to exorbitant money, power and eventually fell. It was very interesting to learn about what was happening backstage when I watched events of crazy "Democracy and Capitalism Now! However, I think this book will look boring for anybody who wasn't present in Russia during 90s. Anya — May 25, A very informative book regarding Russia's richest businessmen in modern Russia. A lot to remember, but revealing of what makes the Russian economy including political webs, Soviet values, and big personalities. Impressive journalism. Jak60 — Jul 17, The Oligarchs attracted my attention because the period it covered essentially the decade which transitioned the old Soviet Union to the contemporary Russia was something I was very interested in and of which I had only a rather superficial knowledge. So The Oligarchs presented itself as the perfect match In many ways, it was so, and if in the end it failed it was for excess: excess of information and details, which make the book unnecessarily too long and heavy reading. In fact I was shocked The Oligarchs attracted my attention because the period it covered essentially the decade which transitioned the old Soviet Union to the contemporary Russia was something I was very interested in and of which I had only a rather superficial knowledge. In fact I was shocked when, after a few days of avid reading, I realised I was only one third into the book I had learnt so much in that third that I asked myself what would come in the remainder of the book. Well, that's the problem, what comes after is mainly a mountain of information, details, anecdotes providing supporting evidence to points put forward earlier on and already sufficiently supported. So I confess I started skimming through the chapters, not jumping completely because you can still find some good complementary facts in that plethora of repetitions. In the end, the last couple of chapters, the books picks up again its pace when it describes the final transition from the crazy 90's of wild capitalism and oligarchs into Putin's Russia. All in all, I want to give the book credit for being so incredibly instructive at least for me , and I will punish the lengthiness and wordiness of the central part only with one star less. Albertas Agejevas — Mar 02, The book explains very clearly and vividly the problems of the Soviet economy in the 80's, what whas being done in the late 80's to address them, what consequences it had, and how, decision by decision, the current political-economical system of the Russian Federation was formed. Parts of it read like an engaging thriller. The sequence of events sometimes even feels too logical, I would not expect that much cohesion and so little randomness in the real life. I've lived through perestroika and the The book explains very clearly and vividly the problems of the Soviet economy in the 80's, what whas being done in the late 80's to address them, what consequences it had, and how, decision by decision, the current political-economical system of the Russian Federation was formed. I've lived through perestroika and the downfall of the Soviet Union, I've witnessed the events described in this book in the Russian media. This book put all that into an overarching story. Dana Aldee — Sep 26, This review has been hidden because it contains spoilers. To view it, click here. I further questioned the direct connections these oligarchs had to the kremlin. So, naturally, I wanted to understand how the Russian system operated, when business-savvy oligarchs got their start, and how Putin was in charge of calling all the shots. This book gave me the kind of information I needed to better understand the early years of Wealth accumulation in post-soviet Russia. Brendan James — Jun 03, Rich story of the huge pieces of shit that bought and sold Russia after the Soviet collapse. The author's persistent wish that Russia had instead gotten the "good" version of capitalism is puzzling given how his own story reveals this to have been a total illusion. Still, well-reported and worth reading for a look at how to destroy a country in under ten years, with understated but clear evidence of US meddling in Russia's affairs. Nic Rad — Jun 10, A whirlwind of a book that goes through the decade following the collapse of the Soviet Union and touches on the beginning of Putins rise - well researched and written to understand the mentality and foundation of the pseudo- democratic and pseudo-capitalist system that exists today. George Nalbandian — Mar 14, I started this book for a class a while ago and only recently finished it. It's one of the most comprehensive studies of a very unique, complex, and understudied time period in world history. If you are remotely interested in the story of the reprivatization of the Russian economy, this is a great book to read. However, it can be a bit dense. John Martin Ladrido — Sep 10, After 2 years I'm done! The Oligarchs gives you the knowledge how to exploit a weak and corrupt government or state. If you are cheeky, daring, and resolute you will get everything. If you are not very cheeky and not very daring, just sit quietly. Lexi — Sep 25, Dense, thorough and very well written. A lot about the changing systems during after perestroika and the Yeltsin era which could have been dry, but the author kept it interesting. Robert — Dec 16, This was a nice book, but at the end it became a bit too wide for my taste. I couldn't keep up with all the characters and cross interactions so I just let the book lead me along. Ri Or — Mar 29, Mary — Jun 16, Pfeffer — Sep 04, A good friend once summarized it best we read it at same time , when he said Bradplumer — Aug 04, In , after the Soviet Union dissolved, a band of Russian officials were debating how best to privatize all the industries that had been state-owned for 70 years. Economists said Auction them off! Who even had the cash? Others suggested bequeathing the companies to their managers and workers. But the man in charge of privatization, Anatoly Chubais, worried that would just perpetuate the old Soviet system. And he needed to smash that system, quickly and In , after the Soviet Union dissolved, a band of Russian officials were debating how best to privatize all the industries that had been state-owned for 70 years. And he needed to smash that system, quickly and permanently. Auctions, yes, but the public would get vouchers they could use to invest in the companies of their choice. It was a total fiasco. After 70 years of Communism, most Russians had no idea how to play the market. Many sold their vouchers cheaply, for a quick buck.

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