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The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia Ebook THE OLIGARCHS: WEALTH AND POWER IN THE NEW RUSSIA PDF, EPUB, EBOOK David E. Hoffman | 608 pages | 29 Sep 2011 | The Perseus Books Group | 9781610390705 | English | New York, United States Buy The Oligarchs (Wealth And Power In The Ne.. in Bulk About this product Product Information David Hoffman, former Moscow bureau chief for the Washington Post , exposes the hidden lives of Russia's most feared power brokers: the oligarchs. Focusing on six of these cunning and ruthless men - Alexander Smolensky, Yuri Luzhkov, Anatoly Chubais, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Boris Berezovsky, and Vladimir Gusinsky - Hoffman reveals how the oligarchs exploited the weakened Soviet state and rose to the pinnacle of Russia's new capitalism. Additional Product Features Dewey Edition. Show More Show Less. Pre-owned Pre-owned. No ratings or reviews yet No ratings or reviews yet. Be the first to write a review. Best Selling in Nonfiction See all. Greenlights by Matthew McConaughey Hardcover 5. Save on Nonfiction Trending price is based on prices over last 90 days. You may also like. Views Read Edit View history. Help Learn to edit Community portal Recent changes Upload file. Download as PDF Printable version. Add links. First edition front cover. Print hardcover and paperback. By David E. My Jewish Fate. By Boris Usherenko. Sometime during the autumn of , a small group of the most powerful men in Russia gathered in a villa in Moscow's Sparrow Hills district and worried aloud about anti-Semitism. They were Russia's famous "oligarchs," men who, in the aftermath of communism's fall, ran banks, oil companies, television stations and, increasingly, the country, and they had reason to worry: Most of them were Jews. They worried, among themselves, about a backlash. The threat of an anti-Semitic uprising never materialized. The oligarchs, and Jews in general, are frequent targets of the nationalist press, and extremist firebrands still occasionally call out their names in public, but the Russian street has yet to take up calls for their blood. Indeed, thanks to a rapidly opening and normalizing economy, the oligarchs may soon be a relic of Russian history. If so, Hoffman's book will be a valuable record. Through careful reporting and unprecedented access to almost all of the major oligarchs themselves, Hoffman - now the Post's foreign editor - has ably picked up where his predecessor, David Remnick, left off after "Lenin's Tomb" and "Resurrection. If the book has a flaw, however, it is in not answering one of the central questions it raises: Why is it, and what does it mean, that so many of these men - men who ruthlessly acquired and manipulated Russia's resources and, for a time, its government - are Jewish? Of the six main characters in the book, four are Jews: Boris Berezovsky, now exiled and wanted at home for corruption, who at one point owned everything from auto-makers and airlines to banks and a TV network and earned the moniker "Godfather of the Kremlin"; Vladimir Gusinsky, banker turned media-magnate whose quarrels with President Vladimir Putin sent him into exile; Alexander Smolensky, perhaps Russia's most notorious banker, the collapse of whose bank in wiped out thousands of people's savings, and Mikhail Khodorkovsky, leader of Russia's second-biggest oil company, who survived political scandals and the collapse of his own bank. The other two - Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov and reformist-politician-turned-energy-czar Anatoly Chubais - are not Jewish, though that hasn't stopped nationalists from making accusations about Jewish heritage. They were, by and large, men who learned early how to manipulate the system. Gusinsky bought copper wire on the black market to make the bracelets that funded his first fortune. Berezovsky did a brisk shuttle trade in German cars and Italian computers. Khodorkovsky used connections in the Communist Youth League to finagle lucrative software contracts. For many of them, particularly Berezovsky, Smolensky and Khodorkovsky, the resulting cash came in handy in , when Chubais, then prime minister, handed every Russian citizen a voucher good for one share in about one-third of the country's economy. The nascent oligarchs used bought-up vouchers by the thousands and redeemed them for entire industries, some of which they proceeded to sell for scrap. That, meanwhile, positioned them to take advantage of the next several rounds of privatization, in which key companies were to be sold via tenders. In practice, though, the small circle of key oligarchs nurtured contacts in the Kremlin, as Hoffman writes, to ensure that each won the tender he wanted. Chubais and other reformers, meanwhile, were willing conspirators. The way they saw it, mass privatization - even if massively corrupt - was the best way to rule out a return to communism. Eventually, they reasoned, the market would work things out on its own. The Oligarchs – The Billion Dollar Spy Follow Us. Subscribe Sign In. Subscribe Sign in. Sign in and save to read later. Please enable JavaScript for this site to function properly. Share on Twitter. Stay informed. The item may be missing the original packaging such as the original box or bag or tags or in the original packaging but not sealed. The item may be a factory second or a new, unused item with defects or irregularities. See details for description of any imperfections. Skip to main content. Hoffman , Trade Paperback. Hoffman , Trade Paperback Be the first to write a review. About this product. Stock photo. New other : Lowest price The lowest-priced item in unused and unworn condition with absolutely no signs of wear. Will include dust jacket if it originally came with one. Text will be unmarked and pages crisp. The oligarchs, and Jews in general, are frequent targets of the nationalist press, and extremist firebrands still occasionally call out their names in public, but the Russian street has yet to take up calls for their blood. Indeed, thanks to a rapidly opening and normalizing economy, the oligarchs may soon be a relic of Russian history. If so, Hoffman's book will be a valuable record. Through careful reporting and unprecedented access to almost all of the major oligarchs themselves, Hoffman - now the Post's foreign editor - has ably picked up where his predecessor, David Remnick, left off after "Lenin's Tomb" and "Resurrection. If the book has a flaw, however, it is in not answering one of the central questions it raises: Why is it, and what does it mean, that so many of these men - men who ruthlessly acquired and manipulated Russia's resources and, for a time, its government - are Jewish? Of the six main characters in the book, four are Jews: Boris Berezovsky, now exiled and wanted at home for corruption, who at one point owned everything from auto-makers and airlines to banks and a TV network and earned the moniker "Godfather of the Kremlin"; Vladimir Gusinsky, banker turned media-magnate whose quarrels with President Vladimir Putin sent him into exile; Alexander Smolensky, perhaps Russia's most notorious banker, the collapse of whose bank in wiped out thousands of people's savings, and Mikhail Khodorkovsky, leader of Russia's second- biggest oil company, who survived political scandals and the collapse of his own bank. The other two - Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov and reformist-politician-turned-energy-czar Anatoly Chubais - are not Jewish, though that hasn't stopped nationalists from making accusations about Jewish heritage. They were, by and large, men who learned early how to manipulate the system. Gusinsky bought copper wire on the black market to make the bracelets that funded his first fortune. Berezovsky did a brisk shuttle trade in German cars and Italian computers. Khodorkovsky used connections in the Communist Youth League to finagle lucrative software contracts. For many of them, particularly Berezovsky, Smolensky and Khodorkovsky, the resulting cash came in handy in , when Chubais, then prime minister, handed every Russian citizen a voucher good for one share in about one-third of the country's economy. The nascent oligarchs used bought-up vouchers by the thousands and redeemed them for entire industries, some of which they proceeded to sell for scrap. That, meanwhile, positioned them to take advantage of the next several rounds of privatization, in which key companies were to be sold via tenders. In practice, though, the small circle of key oligarchs nurtured contacts in the Kremlin, as Hoffman writes, to ensure that each won the tender he wanted. Chubais and other reformers, meanwhile, were willing conspirators. The way they saw it, mass privatization - even if massively corrupt - was the best way to rule out a return to communism. Eventually, they reasoned, the market would work things out on its own. But for most of the s, the course of the Russian economy - and often of its government - was decided by the leading oligarchs in Sparrow Hills. But by , some of the oligarchs were beginning to worry. Nationalist politicians on the left and right were decrying what they called the theft of Russia's industry and the "oligarch Yids" who engineered it. For many of the oligarchs, it was by no means the first time they had been called "Yids," whether by Soviet bureaucrats or schoolyard bullies. Hoffman's book is replete with such detailed accounts. The fact that Smolensky and Khodorkovsky have mixed parentage, and that Berezovsky is a practicing Christian, was of no concern to bigots, then or now. Their worries were not unfounded. The Oligarchs: Wealth and Power in the New Russia - David Hoffman - Google Books Privatization in Russia. Categories : non-fiction books History books about Russia PublicAffairs books European history book stubs Russian history stubs. Hidden categories: All stub articles.
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