NOTES

Introduction 1. Lest anyone think this was a masculinist comment, and that Donaldson thought only people who wore ties should be medievalists, let me assure them that it was directed specifically at me. While he was Director of Graduate Studies for the Yale English Department, the students were almost exactly half men and women, and many if not most of Donaldson's most distinguished students are women. Furthermore, Donaldson always argued for tenuring women in what was then an all male English Department, and the first tenured woman was his fellow medieval• ist Marie Borroff. I myself was never really his student: my dissertation-on a com• parative literature theme--was directed by Thomas Greene. 2. Chaucer's Poetry: An Anthology for the Modern Reader (New York: Ronald Press, 1958). As Donaldson said in one of his essays, "Such activities as source study, investigation of historical context, philology, editing, and patristic exegesis are salu• brious vacations from the awful business of facing a poem directly" (E. T. Donaldson, "Patristic Exegesis in the Criticism of Medieval Literature: The Opposition," in Dorothy Bethurum, ed., Critical Approaches to Medieval Literature, Selected Papers from the English Institute, 1958-59 [New York: Press, 1960]; reprinted in Donaldson, Speaking of Chaucer [London: Athlone Press, 1970]), p. 153. 3. Donaldson, "Patristic Exegesis in the Criticism of Medieval Literature," p. 134. 4. Trans. S. W. Ryazanskaya (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), p. 20. 5. D. W. Robertson, "'And For My Land Thus Hastow Mordred Me?': Land Tenure, the Cloth Industry, and the Wife of Bath," Chaucer Review 14 (1980): 403-420; "Chaucer and the 'Commune Profit': The Manor," Mediaevalia 6 (1980): 239-59; "Chaucer and the Economic and Social Consequences of the Plague," in Francis X. Newman, ed., Sodal Unrest in the Middle Ages (Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1986), pp. 49-74. 6. W. K. Wimsatt, The Verbal Icon (New York: Noonday, 1958); RomanJakobson, "Linguistics and Poetics," in Style in Language, ed. T. A. Sebeok (New York: Wiley, 1960), pp. 350-77. 7. Paul de Man, "Literary History and Literary Modemity," in Blindness and Insight: Essays in the Rhetoric of Contemporary Critidsm, 2d ed. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983), p. 165. 8. Hans-Georg Gadamer, Truth and Method, trans. Garrett Barden and John Cumming (New York: Seabury Press, 1975). 178 NOTES

9. Writing and Difference, ed. Alan Bass (Chicago: Press, 1978), p.298. 10. Interpretive Sodal Sdence: A Second Look (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 23-24. 11. The term "cultural poetics" seems to have been originally coined by Stephen Greenblatt in the Introduction to Renaissance Self-Fashioning (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); see Louis A. Montrose, "Professing the Renaissance: The Poetics and Politics of Culture," in H. Aram Vesser, ed., The New Historidsm (New York: Routledge, 1989), pp. 15-36. Montrose's essay was written in response to Hillis Miller's MLA Presidential Address of 1986 lamenting the fact that literary study in the past few years has undergone a sudden, almost universal tum away from theory in the sense of an orientation toward language as such and has made a corresponding tum toward history, culture, society, politics, institutions, class and gender conditions, the social context, the material base. ("The Triumph of Theory, the Resistance to Reading, and the Question of the Material Base," PMLA 102 [1987]: 283) Montrose coined the New Historicist mantra" the historicity of text and the tex• tuality of history." (p. 20) 12. Quoted by Rene Wellek, "The Fall of Literary History," in Actes du V1" Congres de l'Assodation Intemationale de Litterature Comparee, ed. Michel Cadot et al. (Stuttgart: Kunst und Wissen, Erich Bieber, 1975), p. 29. 13. For recent laments about the submersion of the literary into the historical, see J. A. Burrow, "Should We Leave Medieval Literature to the Medievalists?" Essays in Critidsm 53 (2003): 278-83 and Derek Pearsall, "Medieval Literature and Historical Enquiry," Modem Longuage Review 99 (2004): xxxi-xli. Candor requires that I note that I am one of the critics taken to task for, as Pearsall puts it, sacrificing Chaucer's "literary qualities" (his italics) for sociopolitical goals. IfI actually meant what I am represented as meaning in my account of the Miller's Tale in Chaucer and the Subject if History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), I would agree with Prof. Pearsall. 14. Seneca, Epistolae Morales, ed. and trans. Richard M. Gummere (London: William Heinemann, 1962),3.253. Lipsius's remark and its Senecan context are discussed in Anthony Grafton's splendid Defenders if the Text: The Tradition if Scholarship in an Age if Sdence, 1450-1800 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 39-40. 15. Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, History if Classical Scholarship, trans. Alan Harris (London: Oxford University Press, 1981), 1. A contemporary example of this kind of sentimental fuzziness is Stephen Greenblatt's oft-repeated comment that he wishes "to speak to the dead and to make the dead speak" ("Benefit of Clergy, Benefit of Literature," Stanford Humanities Review 6 [1995]; see also Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988], p. 1). 16. For Skeat's comment, see Gerald Graff, Prifessing Literature: An Institutional History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), p. 75. 17. On Miiller, see J. W. Burrow, "The Uses of Philology in Victorian ," in Robert Robson, ed., Ideas and Institutions if Victorian Britain: Essays in Honour if George Kitson Clark (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1967), pp. 180-204, and Hans Aarslef, The Study if Language in England: 1780-1860 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983; on Auerbach, Paul Bove, Intellectuals in Power: A Genealogy if Critical Humanism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986). NOTES 179

18. Leo Spitzer, "Linguistics and Literary History," in Representative Essays, eds. Alban K. Forcione, Herbert Lindenberger, and Madeline Sutherland (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), pp. 3-7. 19. Christopher Norris, What's Wrong With Postmodernism: Critical Theory and the Ends if Philosophy (Baltimore: The Press, 1990), p. 17. For an extended analysis of de Man's work in these terms, see Christopher Norris, Paul de Man: Deconstruction and the Critique ifAesthetic Ideology (London: Roudedge, 1988), especially pp. 28-64. 20. Paul de Man, Resistance to Theory (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986), p. 56. 21. Paul de Man, Allegories ifReading: Figural Language in Rousseau, Nietzsche, Rilke and Proust (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979), p. 57. 22. De Man, Resistance to Theory, p. 23. A very similar description of the course has been given by Richard Poirier in "Hum 6, or Reading before Theory," Raritan Review 9 (1990): 14-31, although Poirier seems unhappy with de Man's account (19-20). 23. For Jakobson's definition, see Calvert Watkins, "What is Philology?," in Jan Ziolkowski, ed., On Philology (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990), p. 25. For a similar argument, also drawing on de Man's essay, see Barbara Johnson, "Philology: What is at Stake?," in On Philology, pp. 26-30, and Jonathan Culler's "Anti-Foundational Philology" in the same volume (pp. 49-52). 24. De Man, Resistance to Theory, 10--11. 25. For Brower's definition, see Poirier, "Hum 6," 22. 26. De Man's identification is objected to by Poirier in "Hum 6," 19-20. Interestingly, textual criticism enshrines this deferral of interpretation in a now discredited dictum: recensio sine interpretatio. 27. For discussions of Scaliger and Bendey, see Grafton, Difenders of the Text, pp. 104-44, 12-21. 28. Hershel Parker, Flawed Texts and Verbal Icons: Literary Authority in American Fiction (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1984); John Burrow, "Poems Without Endings," Studies in the Age if Chaucer 13 (1991): 17-37. 29. I have offered a detailed theoretical account of the process of historical interpreta• tion in chapters two and three of Negotiating the Past: The Historical Understanding if Medieval Literature (Madison, 1987). 30. Eleanor Searle, "Possible History," Speculum 61 (1986): 779. 31. Jean-Franvois Lyotard, The Postmodem Condition: A Report on Knowledge, trans. Geoff Bennington and Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), p. 37. 32. Anton C. Zijderveld, "The Challenges of Modernity," in Making Sense if Modem Times: Peter L. Berger and the Vision if Interpretive Soaology, ed. James Davison Hunter and Stephen C. Ainlay (London: Roudedge and Kegan Paul, 1986), p. 62. A full analysis of modernist "disenchantment" is provided by the work of Max Weber. 33. Paul de Man, "Literary History and Literary Modernity," in Blindness and Insight, 2d ed. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983 (1st ed., 1970», pp. 147-8. 34. Cited by de Man, p. 146. 35. Lyotard, The Postmodem Condition, p. 76. 36. People's Daily Online, May 5,2005, available at http://english.peopledaily.com. 37. These figures come from the statistics website of the tourist boards of the constituent parts of the United Kingdom, available at http://www.staruk.org.uk/ /default.asp. 180 NOTES

38. See http://icom.museum/. 39. Don DeLillo, White Noise (London: Picador Books, 1985), p. 248. 40. See Jean Baudrillard, "Simulacra and Simulations," in Selected Writings, ed. Mark Poster (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), pp. 66-84. 41. Communist Manifesto (Beijing: Foreign Language Press, 1970), p. 5. 42. David Harvey, The Condition ifPostmodernity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), p. 147. 43. Harvey, Condition if Postmodernity, p. 156. 44. This point is powerfully made in relation to the huge (and grossly consumer• unfriendly) mutual fund industry by David F. Swenson, Unconventional Success: A Fundamental Approach to Personal Investment (New York: Free Press, 2005), pp.242-72. 45. Lyotard, Postmodern Condition, pp. 66, 43, 76-7, and 82. 46. Fredric Jameson, "Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism," New Left Review 146 (1984), 53-92. See also Jameson's foreword to Lyotard's Postmodern Condition, pp. vii-xxi. 47. Jameson, "Postmodernism," 76. 48. For a detailed version of such an account, see Linda Hutcheon, A Poetics if Postmodernism: History, Theory, Fiction (London: Routledge, 1988). In her insis• tence upon postmodernism as a site of "paradox" and "contradiction," however, as well as in her privileging of a postmodernist capacity simultaneously to "install and subvert" values, Hutcheon often comes close to a Lyotardlike celebration of skepticism and to political self-disenfranchisement. For other surveys of post• modernism, see Douwe Fokkema and Hans Bertens, eds., Approaching Postmodernism (Amsterdam: Benjarnins, 1986), E. Ann Kaplan, ed., Postmodernism and Its Discontents: Theories, Practices (London: Verso, 1988), and especially, for a trenchant and well-informed critique, Norris, What's Wrong with Postmodernism. 49. Postscript to the Name ifthe Rose, trans. William Weaver (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1984), p. 67. 50. Ferdinand de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics, trans. Wade Baskin (London: Fontana, 1960), p. 120; italics in the original. 51. Anthony Giddens, Central Problems in Sodal Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Sodal Analysis (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), p. 12. 52. Donaldson, "Patristic Exegesis in the Criticism of Medieval Literature," p. 134. 53. Carolyn Dinshaw, Chaucer's Sexual Poetics (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), pp. 28-64. Subsequent page references will be included in the text. 54. Dinshaw also argues that in choosing Diomede Criseyde "in fact acts in the best interests of Troy in the repair of its losses in battle and in the reestablishment of truce or temporary equilibrium of the siege" (57). Since there is never any sugges• tion in the poem that if Criseyde returns to Troy the Greeks will demand the return of Antenor, nor that the truce is seen by any of the warriors as more than a brief pause required for the exchange of prisoners, this reading seems both to contradict Dinshaw's central claim of Criseyde's capacity to challenge "patriarchal society" (57) and to lack any textual support. 55. Derek Pearsall is very good on this point in his shrewd and generous review. Objecting to the identification of the critical practices of Robertson and Donaldson, he says: "Truly, they are worlds apart: Donaldson's acknowledge• ment of order and closure is reluctant, exhausted, temporary, self-qualifying, where Robertson's assertions are triumphal and universalizing" (Speculum 67 [1992]: 137). NOTES 181

56. See Paul Strohm, Social Chaucer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 102-109 and passim, and Richard Firth Green, The Crisis of Truth: Literature and Law in Ricardian England (: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999). 57. As Pearsall says, "Dinshaw's project, which is both selective (she chooses to write about what fits her thesis) and totalizing (everything she writes about fits her the• sis), has not a little in common with the dominant forms of male discourse that she comments on so sharply" (137). My only caveat here is that all interpretations worth considering necessarily participate--to one degree or another--in the same procedure. The important issue for the critic is the degree. 58. Stanley Fish, Is There a Text in This Class (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), p. 310. The entire discussion of how utterances are to be understood is rel• evant here: see pp. 197-292, and especially pp. 303--321. 59. J. L. Austin, How To Do Things with Words, 2d edn., ed. J. o. Urmson and Marina Sbisa (London: Oxford University Press, 1976 [1962]), p. 144. 60. Amy Hollywood, "Book Review," Signs 29 (2003), 257. 61. "Chaucer and Middle English," in The Year's Work in English Studies 82 (2003), p. 26. 62. Mark Miller, Philosophical Chaucer: Love, Sex and Agency in the Canterbury Tales (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 142. I must point out that Miller's few pages misrepresent my critique of in two important ways. For one thing, he implies that my critique relies upon the work of the two thinkers best known to literary critics, Frederick Crews and Adolf Griinbaum, whereas in fact I draw my account of the philosophical weakness of Freud's project from Ludwig Wittgenstein, Heinz Kohut, George Pigman, Robert Holt, Malcolm Macmillan, Karl Kraus, Sebastiano Timpinaro, Sybille Escalona and, especially, Frank Cioffi-as well as from Freud himself Second, he ignores the trenchant objections that many philosophers of science and others have made--objections that the chapter rehearses in detail---Qf the attempt to recuperate psychoanalysis as simply a hermeneutic, Miller's own strategy. 63. My interpretation of the Pardoner's Prologue and Tale has been criticized on empirical grounds by Alastair Minnis, "Reclaiming the Pardoners," Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 33 (2003): 311-34. In the course of providing an account of the theology of indulgences, Minnis prefers the standard scholastic teaching as the appropriate context in which to locate the Pardoner rather than the more local, more specifically contemporary reformist texts upon which I draw. For me the debate in late fourteenth-century England-whether prose• cuted by so-called Lollards or not-is virtually by definition more relevant to Chaucer's investigations, especially given his obvious interest in reformist think• ing (see, for one small instance, the representation of the Parson in both the General Prologue and the Man of Law's Epilogue as a Lollard "poor priest"). Minnis unhappily misquotes me when he claims that I argue that the Pardoner's performance is concerned less with sex than "morality" (326). What I said was mortality (see below, p. 93), a very different matter indeed: by any standard, the Pardoner's Tale is concerned with death (or Death), and I strongly reject the idea that Chaucer was, in any but the most sophisticated of ways, a moralist. Minnis also finds it "ironic" that my interpretation of the Pardoner is symbolic in a man• ner similar to that of exegetes like Robert P. Miller, "Chaucer's Pardoner, the Scriptural Eunuch, and The Pardoner's Tale," Speculum 30 (1955): 180-99, since he thinks that what he calls my "trenchant critique" (333, n. 58) of Robertsonian exegetics in Negotiating the Past, pp. 3--39 is simply a rejection of exegetical interpretation. On the contrary, as I said then and have repeated subsequently, 182 NOTES

including in this Introduction, Prof Robertson made an important contribution in rediscovering "an authentically medieval mode of understanding" (p. 6). To ignore the biblical distinction between letter and spirit, and the obligation it places upon the medieval reader to interpret both his world and his texts, is to ignore a central element of medieval culture. Moreover, few would disagree that the Pardoner is himself peculiarly sensitive to this obligation: as Marshall Leicester (hardly an exegetical critic) has shown, the Pardoner's discourse "is overloaded in the direction of... spiritual significance," and "the Pardoner... himself is the source of this effect ....The Pardoner is the first exegetical critic of his own tale, obsessed with the spiritual meanings he sees beneath the surface of everyday life" (H. Marshall Leicester, Jr., The Disenchanted Self: Representing the Subject in the Canterbury Tales [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990], pp. 38-9) . Unfortunately, Minnis does not himself provide an interpretation of the Pardoner's Prologue and Tale in his article, confining himself to historical context. 64. The otherness of the past, and the demands of recognition and self-restraint that it places upon us, can become the subject of homiletic urgings but not--as the failure of objectivism and the largely negative character of hermeneutics show• of theoretical prescription. (patterson, Negotiating the Past, p. 72) For the conceptual emptiness of Hans Robert Jauss, "The Alterity and Modernity of Medieval Literature," trans. Timothy Bahti, New Literary History 10 (1979): 181-229, see Negotiating the Past, pp. 7-8, n. 9.

Putting the Wife in Her Place: The Place of Philology

1. For Schlegel, see Ekkehard Simon, "The Case for Medieval Philology," in On Philology, ed. Jan Ziolkowski (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990), p. 18. 2. See, for example, Louise Fradenburg, " 'Voice Memorial': Loss and Reparation in Chaucer's Poetry," Exemplaria 2 (1990): 169-202. 3. Of the 28 manuscripts that contain the passage, 12 read either Here takith the maker rif ths book his leve or Here taketh the maker his leve (one substitutes auctor for maker); a thirteenth reads Here enden the taUs rif Caunterbury and next thautour taketh leve. Fifteen of the remaining manuscripts, including Ellesmere, have no rubric (although four of these have an explicit for the Parson's Tale [Explicit tractatus Galfridi Chawcer de septem peccatis mortalibus vt dicitur pro fabula Rectoris]); one (Ha4) reads preces de Chauceres; and the final two read licencia auctoris. In the passage itself Chaucer asks forgiveness for his "translaciouns and enditynges of worldly vani• tees, the whiche I revoke in my retracciouns," and which he goes on to list. As John Norton-Smith has pointed out, Chaucer here "invents his own late work, 'my Revisions,' comparable to Augustine's Retractationes": See (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974), p. 80 n. 2. Norton-Smith's reading is, as he points out, supported by the findings of Olive Sayee, "Chaucer's 'Retractions': The Conclusion of the Canterbury Tales and Its Place in Literary Tradition," Medium Aevum 40 (1971): 230-48, although Sayee herself did not grasp the full implications of her evidence. In sum, this passage is a licentia auc• toris-as several rnss note-that refers to but is not itself a retractationes or retrac• ciouns. 4. John S. P. Tatlock, The Harleian Manuscript 7334 and Revision rif the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer Society, 2d ser., 41 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench Triibner, 1909), pp.24-25. NOTES 183

5. Much of this evidence has been gathered by Charles A. Owen, Jr., Pilgrimage and Storytelling in the Canterbury Tales (Nonnan: University of Oklahoma Press, 1977). 6. As Larry Benson has said, "We have Chaucer's own word, in the Retraction, that, unfinished as The Canterbury Tales obviously is, he was finished with it" ("The Order of the Canterbury Tales," Studies in the Age rif Chaucer 3 [1981], 80). 7. I argue that the Tale of Sir Thopas is an epitome ofChaucerian poetics in this and other ways in Chapters 5. 8. On the number of pilgrims, see Leger Brosnahan, "The Authenticity of 'And Preestes Thre,' " Chaucer Review 16 (1982): 293-310; the meaningfulness of the incompletion of the Cook's Tale has been affirmed by, among others, Alfred David, The Strumpet Muse: Art and Morals in Chaucer's Poetry (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976), pp. 106-7, 130, in a way that makes sense of his reappearance in the Manciple's Prologue as a figure of dangerous misrule; the Man of Law's claim to speak in prose is usually interpreted as indicating that he origi• nally told a prose tale (on which more later), but might just as plausibly be read as a comment on his subservience to the poet whom he holds in such small regard (i.e., this overbearing man will speak whatever language Chaucer gives him to speak, regardless of what he claims-an appropriate irony for a man whose per• sonality and tale are so concerned with control); the Shipman's Tale was almost certainly written originally for the Wife of Bath, and then taken away from her when her character outgrew the tale's misogyny. And for "sone of Eve," see the Riverside Chaucer, 3d ed., gen. ed., Larry D. Benson (Boston: Houghton-Mifllin, 1987), pp. 943-4. 9. He says he will tell his tales about friars bifore he comes to Sittingbourne, which implies that Sittingbourne lies some distance ahead. An early but unfortunately ignored objection to using the reference to Sittingbourne to justifY placing Fragment VII after Fragment II and before Fragment III (the so-called "Bradshaw shift") was made by Stanley B. Greenfield, "Sittingbourne and the Order of 'The Canterbury Tales,' " Modern Language Review 48 (1953): 51-2. 10. For other comments by the pilgrims themselves that imply more than one tale per pilgrim, see 1.4360, 111.845, VII.1968. But all of these comments are quite casual• for example, "a tale or two" and do not imply any fixed plan. Lydgate's dramatic premise in the Seege rifThebes shows no indication that he thought the four tales per pilgrim scheme was in force. 11. One other piece of evidence that suggests that Chaucer was only thinking of one tale per pilgrim, regardless of the comments of the Host and of several other pil• grims, is his switch of the tale now told by the Shipman away from the Wife of Bath. If he was thinking of more than one tale per pilgrim, then why not leave the tale with the Wife and simply add another for the Shipman? 12. The commonness of 24 in medieval culture is doubdess part of the rather mysteri• ous ubiquity of 12 and its multiples in a great many cultures. The widespread appearance of 24 in late medieval English culture is nonetheless sttiking. To give some widely dispersed examples: there were 24 aldermen in London; the Chancery was organized according to 24 clerks and 24 cursitors; each archer in the English army had 24 arrows in his sheaf; at Henry V's entry into London after Agincourt he was met at the entrance to Cheapside by 24 men representing the 12 aposdes and the 12 kings of the English succession who could be considered martyrs and confes• sors; the countess of Salisbury arranged for 24 poor men to attend her funeral in 1414, while according to Froissart, 24 knights carried the bier of Edward III at his death in 1377. Even when the historical record indicated otherwise, medieval people seemed to want to think in terms of 24: in "The Legend of St. George" 184 NOTES

Lydgate claims that there were 24 original knights in the Order of the Garter, although there were in fact 26. Most relevant to the Canterbury Tales is the fact that when the Cour amoureuse was established by Charles VI in 1400 he laid down that the literary contests called "puys d'amours" should involve 24 participants, which suggests that the merchant puys in London, to which Chaucer has been linked, also included 24 participants or officers. See John Hurt Fisher, John Gower: Moral Philosopher and Friend rif Chaucer (New York: Press, 1964), pp. 77-83; Carl Lindahl, "The Festive Form of the Canterbury Tales," ELH 52 (1985): 531-74; and Richard Firth Green, "The Familia Regis and the Familia Cupidinis," in V. J. Scattergood and J. W. Sherborne, eds., English Court Culture in the Later Middle Ages (London: Duckworth, 1983), who speaks of "the minstrelpuys of the late mid• dle ages, whose ancestry reaches back to the confreries of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries" (p. 93). There are as well other, more general significances to the num• ber 24, such as the fact that there were held to be 24 books of the Old Testament and, of course, 24 hours in the day. Oddly, in the Wife of Bath's Tale the questing knight comes upon "Iadyes foure and twenty, and yet mo" (III.992), who vanish to reveal the "olde wyf"; to my knowledge, no one has explained this locution. A quite different account of the relevance of24 to the Canterbury Tales is provided by Dolores Warwick Frese, An ars legendifor Chaucer's "Canterbury Tales" (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1991). Whatever one thinks of any of these analogies, it is hard to believe that the fact that there are 24 Canterbury Tales is pure accident. 13. A text divided into 24 parts invites a number of divisions: 2 groups of 12 (which in the a order makes the first half of the Canterbury Tales close with the Franklin's Tale, and the second half begin with the Physician's Tale); 6 groups of 4; 8 groups of 3; and 12 groups of 2. That the tales are in fact organized at least according to "quiting" pairs is now widely accepted. 14. I have included a link between the Clerk's and the Merchant's Tales: while the Merchant's Prologue does not contain an explicit reference either to the Clerk's Tale or to the Envoy with which it concludes, its first line unmistakably echoes the last line of the Envoy: see IV.1212-13. 15. I am assuming, along with most Chaucerians, that Fragments IV and V and Fragments IX and X each constitute a single unit, which means that there are really only 8 rather than 10 fragments. Although there is no link between IV and V, both manuscript evidence and sense argue overwhelmingly that the Tales by the Clerk, Merchant, Squire, and Franklin comprise a single unit; and to define the Tales of the Manciple and Parson as separate fragments is to allow the disparity in time, which can be explained symbolically, to override the explicit reference to the Manciple in the Parson's Prologue (X. 1). 16. Frederick J. Furnivall, Temporary Preface, Chaucer Society, 2d ser., 3 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench Triibner, 1868), p. 22. On the so-called "Bradshaw shift," see above, n. 9. 17. John M. Manly and Edith Rickert, The Text rif the Canterbury Tales Studied on the Basis rif All Known Manuscripts, 8 vols. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1940). The importance of the Manly and Rickert edition to the recent concern with the instability of the Chaucerian text is emphasized by Ralph Hanna III, "The Hengwrt Manuscript and the Canon of The Canterbury Tales," English Manuscript Studies 1100-17001 (1989): 64-84. 18. For an account of the way Manly and Rickert slighted the implications of their evidence, see George Kane, "John M. Manly and Edith Rickert," in Editing Chaucer: The Great Tradition, ed. Paul G. Ruggiers (Norman: Pilgrim Books, 1984), pp. 207-30. NOTES 185

19. Two of Owen's most important essays are "The Development of the Canterbury Tales," Journal of English and Germanic Philology 57 (1958): 449-76 and "The Alternative Reading of The Canterbury Tales: Chaucer's Text and the Early Manuscripts," PMLA 97 (1982): 237-50. 20. Owen, "Alternative Reading," 247. 21. See especially N. F. Blake, "The Relationship Between the Hengwrt and the Ellesmere Manuscripts of the Canterbury Tales," Essays and Studies, n.s. 32 (1979): 1-18, and The Textual Tradition of the Canterbury Tales (London: Edward Arnold, 1985). 22. Derek Pearsall, The Canterbury Tales (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1985), p. 23. In "Theory and Practice in Middle English Editing," TEXT 7 (1994): 107-26, Pearsall repeated this suggestion and regretted (disingenuously, I suspect) that no publisher has yet taken him up (114 n. 17). 23. Pearsall, "Theory and Practice in Middle English Editing," p. 26; my emphasis. 24. Derek Pearsall, "Editing Medieval Texts," in Textual Criticism and Literary Interpretation, ed.Jerome McGann (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 104-5. 25. Derek Pearsall, "Authorial Revision in Some Late-Medieval English Texts," in A. J. Minnis and Charlorte Brewer, eds., Crux and Controversy in Middle English Textual Criticism (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1992), pp. 43, 46. 26. Randall McLeod, "Editing Shak-speare," Sub-Stance, no. 33/34 (1982): 26-55; Random Cloud [Randall McLeod], "The Marriage of Good and Bad Quartos," Shakespeare Quarterly 33 (1982): 421-31; Steven Urkowitz, Shakespeare's Revision of King Lear (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980). 27. Jerome J. McGann, A Critique of Modem Textual Criticism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), p. 48. 28. Tim William Machan, "Scribal Role, Authorial Intention, and Chaucer's Boece," Chaucer Review 24 (1989-90): 159. 29. Bernard Cerquiglini, Eloge de la variante: Histoire critique de la philologie (Paris: Seuil, 1989). 30. For a shrewd if somewhat ungenerous analysis of the politics of "authoritarian modern editions," see Stephen Knight, "Textual Variants: Textual Variance," Southern Review 16 (1983): 44-54. 31. In "Text as Matter, Concept, and Action," SB 44 (1991): 31-82, Peter L. Shillingsburg defines the literary work as "an ideal or mental construct (or con• structs) separate from but represented by physical forms" (48). "There is a pleasing similarity," he adds, "between the scientist operating as though photons and quarks exist, though he cannot see them, and a textual critic operating as though works exist, though he only has signs for them" (49 n. 22). Thomas Tanselle invokes a similar distinction between the "work" and the "document," which is the tangible but always imperfect representation of the work: G. Thomas Tanselle, "Textual Criticism and Literary Sociology," SB 44 (1991): 83-143. 32. John Burrow, "Poems Without Endings," SAC 13 (1991): 36; Charles Muscatine, "Chaucer's Religion and the Chaucer Religion," in Ruth Morse and Barry Windeatt, eds., Chaucer Traditions: Studies in Honour of Derek Brewer (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 260. 33. The first editor who did use the Epilogue to join the Man of Law's Tale to the Wife of Bath's Prologue was E. T. Donaldson, ed., Chaucer's Poetry: An Anthology for the Modem Reader, 2d ed. (New York: HarperCollins, 1975 [1958]). To my knowledge, Donaldson has been followed in his emendation only by John H. Fisher, ed. The Complete Poetry and Prose of Geoffrey Chaucer (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1977). In his 1958 edition Donaldson defended his "bold 186 NOTES

(and controversial)" decision on the purely pragmatic grounds that it "gives coherence to the chosen order, though it probably does not represent Chaucer's final intention-assurning that he had one" (p. 1074). Some twenty years later, however, in "The Ordering of the Canterbury Tales," inJerome Mandel and Bruce A. Rosenberg, ed., Medieval Literature and Folklore Studies: Essays in Honor ifFrands Lee Utley (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1971), pp. 193-204, 363-67, Donaldson withdrew even this frail support from his emendation: I suppose that the endlink [i.e., the Epilogue] should be printed either in an appendix as representing a passage genuinely Chaucerian but not placeable, or else, within square brackets, in its usual place after the Man of Law's Tale, with the speaker of the next tale identified either as Summoner (according to Manly• Rickert, the reading ofOI ), or, less conservatively, left blank on the grounds that the three names preserved in the MSS are equally scribal ....But it seems to me, on the basis of the MS evidence, that all treatment of the Man of Law's endlink must be conjectural, and that its status is too uncertain to affect the matter of order. (pp. 202-3) In this chapter I hope to show that Donaldson's emendation has much more to rec• ommend it than expediency. 34. Larry D. Benson, "The Order of the Canterbury Tales," Studies in the Age if Chaucer 3 (1981): 77-120. 35. Just how important is this link to the argument about tale order is well illustrated in an essay by Helen Cooper defending the Ellesmere order as the best we have: "The Order of the Tales," in Martin Stevens and Daniel Woodward, eds., The Ellesmere Chaucer: Essays in Interpretation (San Marino: Huntington Library, 1995), pp. 245-61. Despite wanting to defend the excellence of the Ellesmere order, Cooper states that "there is no evidence at all that [the link] was ever intended to connect with the Wife's present prologue and tale" (256). I hope to show that this is far from true, and that the evidence has in fact long been available. 36. The ten manuscripts are EI, Gg, Hg, Ha\ Ad3, Ch, Pw, Cp, En!, and Ne (see p. 1121; a complete list of manuscripts, with their sigla, is provided on pp. 1118-119; for the term "dubia," see p. 1122). The Epilogue appears only in Ha4, Ne, and Cp; the editors follow Robinson's second edition in using this last manuscript as the source for their text. 37. Manly and Rickert, Text, 2.190. 38. For discussions of this point, see Lee Patterson, Negotiating the Past: The Historical Understanding ifMedieval Literature (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), pp. 77-113 and D. C. Greetham, "Textual Forensics," PMLA 111 (1996): 32-51. 39. The arguments most persuasive to me are found in the unjustly neglected article by Lee Sheridan Cox, "A Question of Order in the Canterbury Tales," Chaucer Review 1 (1966-67): 228-52; see also Helen Cooper, The Structure of the Canterbury Tales (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1983), p. 124. I have offered some other linking themes in Chaucer and the Subject if History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 281-86. 40. See Owens's "Development of the Canterbury Tales" and "The Canterbury Tales: Beginnings (3) and Endings (2 + 1)," Chaucer Yearbook 1 (1992): 189-212. In "The Development of the Wife of Bath," in MacEdward Leach, ed., Studies in Medieval Literature in Honor if Prifessor Albert Croll Baugh (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1961), pp. 45-79, Robert A. Pratt also noted, apparently independently, the perfect fit between the Epilogue and the Wife of Bath's Prologue. NOTES 187

In "The Order of the Canterbury Tales," PMLA 66 (1951): 1141--67, Pratt pro• posed that Chaucer originally wrote the Epilogue for the Wife of Bath, but when he reassigned the tale originally written for her, he then substituted the Shipman's name for the Wife of Bath. The notion that the Shipman's name belongs in 1179, despite the fact that it has the least manuscript attestation, and that it is clearly wrong in terms of Chaucer's most nearly final intentions, goes back to Skeat's Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer (Oxford: Clarendon, 1897-1900), 6 vols., where he argued in favor of "Shipman" on the grounds that the lines fit the Shipman's personality: "it is easy to see that MS. Arch. Seld., the sole authority for the present arrangement, is here quite right" (3.418). But its presence in Se is accounted for by the simple fact that that manuscript's eccentric ordering placed the Shipman's Tale after the Man of Law's Tale, and by 1909 Skeat had changed his mind: "The casual assignment to the Shipman is against all the evidence; but I have allowed myself (as Tyrwhitt did) to make believe that it is right, merely for the purpose of preserving the 28 lines, which are certainly all genuine" (Walter W. Skeat, The Eight- Text Edition of the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer Society, 2d ser., 43 [London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, Triibner, 1909], pp. 47-8). A year later he said that he printed the lines as the Shipman's Prologue because he was constrained by the Six-Text numbering and the Chaucer Society order: "But I much regret it; and hope that some future editor will adopt a bolder course" ("Chaucer: 'The Shipman's Prologue,' " Modern Language Review 5 [1910],434). The preservation of "Shipman" in the recent edition of the Riverside Chaucer is presumably an effect of piety toward its first editor, F. N. Robinson, who relied heavily on Skeat. 41. Alcuin Blamires, "The Wife ofBath and Lollardy," Medium Aevum 58 (1989): 224-42. 42. For women and Lollardy, see Margaret Aston, Lollards and Riformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval England (London: Hambledon Press, 1984), pp. 49-70, and Claire Cross, " 'Great reasoners in Scripture:' The Activities of Women Lollards 1380-1530," in Medieval Women, ed. Derek Baker, Studies in Church History, Subsidia 1 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978), pp. 359-80. 43. Lee Patterson, " 'For the Wyves Love of Bathe': Feminine Rhetoric and Poetic Resolution in the Roman de la Rose and the Canterbury Tales," Speculum 58 (1983): 656-95, reprinted with revisions in Chaucer and the Subject of History, pp. 280-321; Barrie Ruth Straus, "The Subversive Discourse of the Wife of Bath: Phallocentric Discourse and the Imprisonment of Criticism," ELH 55 (1988): 527-54. 44. I have explored some of the significances of this parallelism in Chaucer and the Subject of History, pp. 281-83. 45. For the nonce-word "phislyas," see the Riverside Chaucer, p. 863; I agree with those scribes who accommodated the word to "physik" or some variant so that it represents a speaker's ignorant or, more likely, playful distortion of medical terminology. The same playful misrepresentation of the terms of which the Physician is so fond-"In aI this world ne was ther noon hym lik,lTo speke of phisik and of surgerye" (I. 412-13)-appears in the Host's response to his tale (VI. 304--6). 46. Harley 7334 (Ha4) was in the nineteenth-century granted an unreasonable author• ity, somewhat comparable to the role now given in some quarters to Hengwrt. It then fell into such disrepute that Derek Pearsall can now speak of it as having lost all "shreds of respectability" ("Chaucer's Meter: The Evidence of the Manuscripts," in Tim William Machan, ed., Medieval Literature: Texts and Interpretation, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 79 [Binghamtom: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 1991], p. 56). But it nonetheless contains correct readings that are miss• ing in presumably better manuscripts. For example, in 1.2037, Ha4 reads "sterres", 188 NOTES

where Hg, Pw, Cp, La, EI, and Dd all have the erroneous reading "sertes," "certes" or a variant. Another example is 1.60, where Ha4 reads "arive" while the other man• uscripts read "annee." "Arive" is defended by E. T. Donaldson, "Some Readings in the Canterbury Tales," in). B. Bessinger and Robert Raymo, ed., Medieval Studies in Honor of Lillian Herlands Hornstein, (New York: New York University Press, 1977), pp. 99-110; for an argument in favor of"annee," see Shennan M. Kuhn, "Chaucer's ARMEE: Its French Ancestors and its English Posterity," in Wolf-Dietrich Bald and Horst Weinstock, eds., Medieval Studies Conference Aachen 1983: Language and Literature, Bamberger Beitriige zur Englischen Sprachwissenschaft 15 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1984), pp. 85-102. 47. A similar process occurs on fo1. 191r, in dealing with VI. 717-719: "'What, carl, with sory grace!/Why artow al forwrapped save thy face? / Why lyvestow so longe is so greet age?" For line 717 the scribe had "What carle wi!> meschaunce," and rec• ognizing the break in the rhyme scheme he left lines blank between 717 and 718 and between 718 and 719. In fact nothing was missing. For this passage, see Manly and Rickert, 1.220. The scribe also left a line blank on fo1. 27v where I. 2040 was omit• ted. It may be that he also meant to leave a line blank after III. 1185 ("My joly body schal a tale telle"), but if so the space was later filled by the rubricator. Otherwise the scribe left no other blank spaces in the manuscript to be filled in later. 48. R. F. Jones, "A Conjecture on the Wife of Bath's Prologue," Journal of English and Gennanic Philology 24 (1925): 512-47. 49. As Ralph Hanna has pointed out to me, the phrase '~oly body" suggests that Chaucer always meant the speaker to be the Wife of Bath, especially since it also appears in the Shipman's Tale, which is clearly designed for a female speaker; then both the "Squire" and "Summoner" readings should be regarded as having been generated by tale order. But there is some evidence that "Squire" and "Summoner" may be authorial. For one thing, the phrase '~oly body" need not designate a female: in the Roman de la rose, for instance, Jean de Meun describes himself as "Au cuer joli, au cors inel" (ed. Daniel Poirion (paris: Garnier-Flamrnarion, 1974), line 10566, p. 296) where the "agile body" is seen as corresponding to the '~olly heart," a corre• spondence that provides a tantalizing if far from self-evident "source" for the phrase. For another, to set the Squire against a Lollardesque Parson would have interesting implications for those of Chaucer's friends who were "Lollard knights." So too, to apply the phrase to the disfigured and perhaps diseased Summoner, whose sexual habits are represented as, by medieval standards, both excessive and perverse, and whose scatological Tale is perhaps the most ostentatiously corporeal of all the Canterbury Tales, has a certain obvious appropriateness. 50. This process is consistent with what Ralph Hanna has called "rolling revision" in "Authorial Versions, Rolling Revision, Scribal Error? Or, the Truth about Truth," Studies in the Age of Chaucer 10 (1988): 23--40. 51. This would be particularly easy if "quod" were written, as it often was, q. 52. Such an error might have developed, in other words, according to these three stages of transmission: 1. We leueth alle in the grete god qd she 2. We leueth alle in the grete god he 3. He leueth alle in the grete god he Equally plausible is the argument---5uggested to me by Ralph Hanna-that "quod" could have been omitred by a scribe who read "god quod" as a dittography and corrected it by erroneously cancelling "quod." On the other hand, the change from "she to "he" could have been the result of the presence early in the transmission NOTES 189

process of a western scribe, for whom "he" is a perfecdy correct spelling for "she." For anticipation of the following copy as a cause of scribal error, see, for example, George Kane, "The Text of The Legend of Good Women in CUL MS Gg.4.27," in Douglas Gray and E. G. Stanley, eds., Middle English Studies Presented to Norman Davis in Honour of His Seventieth Birthday (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 39-58, and Sebastiano Timpanaro, The Freudian Slip: Psychoanalysis and Textual Criticism, trans. Kate Soper (London: New Left Books, 1976 [1974]), p. 97. 53. For the widely accepted argument that the links were composed after the tales, see, for instance, N. F. Blake, "Critics, Criticism, and the Order of the 'Canterbury Tales,' " Archiv 218 (1981), 56-7; Norman F. Blake, The Textual Tradition of the Canterbury Tales (London: Edward Arnold, 1985), pp. 87-89; Derek Pearsall, "Authorial Revision in Some Late-Medieval English Texts," in A. J. Minnis and Charlotte Brewer, eds., Crux and Controversy in Middle English Textual Critidsm (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1992), pp. 39-40; and especially Hanna, "The Hengwrt Manuscript," 71-77, and Hanna, "Problems of 'Best-Text' Editing and the Hengwrt Manuscript of The Canterbury Tales," in Derek Pearsall, ed., Manuscripts and Texts: Editorial Problems in Later Middle English Literature (Woodbridge: Brewer and Boydell, 1987), p. 91. 54. For early versions of the links as placeholders, see the comment by Blake, Textual Tradition: "We may wonder whether Chaucer... occasionally wrote free-standing links in which he left a blank for the teller of the tale to follow. We may recall in this connexion that in PsP the word 'Manciple' is written on an erasure" (p. 85). Examples are the so-called Host stanza that follows the Clerk's Tale, the Nun's Priest's Epilogue, the Monk-Nun's Priest's Link, and the Physician-Pardoner Link as it appears in Ha4• 55. The only person I know who has suggested that the Man of Law's Epilogue is late rather than early is Skeat, Complete Works: from its omission in Hg, El, and Dd, he wrote, "we may perhaps infer that it was a very late addition to the set of Tales" (3.418). 56. Ralph Hanna, III, "The Ellesmere Manuscript and Its Text," in The Ellesmere Manuscript of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales: A Working Facsimile (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1989), pp. 1-17. 57. This would be all the more likely since the portrait of the Parson in the General Prologue unmistakably recalls a Wycliffite "poor priest," as has been pointed out by Margaret Aston, Lollards and Riformers, p. 16, n. 61. For the difference in atmosphere between the 1390s and the next decades, see Aston, Lollards and Reformers, p. 8. 58. Ernest Honigman, The Stability of Shakespeare's Text (1965), as cited by Thomas Tanselle, "The Editorial Problem of Final Authorial Intention," Studies in Bibliography 29 (1976), 206 n. 65.

Putting the Wife in Her Place: The Place of History 1. Chaucer and the Subject of History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp.244-79. 2. I am puzzled that Karma Lochrie has said that this reading of the Miller's Tale "sub• scribes to a romantic notion of the fabliau as celebrating the natural world against the social order," since one ofits primary points is that in late medieval England the natural world is not merely part of the social order but a thoroughly politicized part. In a move sadly familiar in recent criticism, Lochrie then claims that her misrepre• sentation of this reading shows that the Miller's Tale is "nostalgic for a ...masculine world view which some scholars seem to share with the Miller" ("Women's 190 NOTES

'Pryvetees' and Fabliau Politics in the Miller's Tale," Exemplaria 6 [1994], pp. 302-303, nn. 26, 29). 3. Paul Strohm, Hochon's Arrow: The Social Imagination if Fourteenth-Century Texts (princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), p. 142. Strohm goes on to argue that the Wife is "less a dreamer in search of personal fulfillment than an antagonist in a struggle that involved other fourteenth-century women across the middle strata of society who opposed male domination and who sought control of their own land and property" (p. 144). It is just this question of the Wife's property transactions, which Strohm takes at face value, that this chapter will examine and that will direct us toward a very different conclusion. 4. Susan Crane, "The Writing Lesson of 1381," in Barbara A. Hanawalt, ed., Chaucer's England: Literature in Historical Context (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992), p. 217. 5. Barrie Ruth Straus, "The Subversive Discourse of the Wife of Bath: Phallocentric Discourse and the Imprisonment of Criticism," ELH 55 (1988): 550; Elaine Tuttle Hansen, Chaucer and the Fictions if Gender (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), p. 35. "Woman," Hansen concludes, is available to Chaucer only as "the absent Other" (p. 55). 6. The practices of these three jurisdictions are usually designated by the terms canon law, common law, and customary law. This terminology is somewhat misleading, since only the ecclesiastical courts referred solely to a body of written law; common law appealed for its principles to both statute and precedent, while customary law, as its name implies, invoked only precedent. Indeed, the difference between com• mon and customary law was less procedural than geographical: common law was "common" to the nation as a whole, while customary law was local. Moreover, given the variations, both temporal and geographical, in local practices, "custom• ary law" is probably a tantology: the principle to which local courts appealed could more accurately be termed simply custom, and even that was malleable when cir• cumstances warranted. On this point, see Lloyd Bonfield, "The Nature of Customary Law in the Manor Courts of Medieval England," Comparative Studies in Society and History 31 (1989): 514-34, and John S. Beckerman, "Procedural Innovation and Institutional Change in Medieval English Manorial Courts," Law and History Review 10 (1992): 197-252. I am grateful to Pro£ Richard Green for alerting me to this terminological complexity and for the references. 7. Hansen, Chaucer and the Fictions if Gender, p. 43. 8. Efforts toward this kind of annotation have been made in the course of pursuing other arguments by D. W. Robertson, Jr., "'And for My Land Thus Hastow Mordred Me?' Land Tenure, the Cloth Industry, and the Wife of Bath," Chaucer Review 14 (1980): 403-420, and Mary Carruthers, "The Wife of Bath and the Painting of Lions, " PMLA 94 (1979): 209-22. 9. See the essays by Robertson and Carruthers cited in the previous note. 10. John M. Manly, Some New Ught on Chaucer (New York: Henry Holt, 1926), p. 229; Strohm, "Treason in the Household," tends to support Manly's reading (p. 140). 11. This omission has been often noted, as by Louise Fradenburg, "The Wife of Bath's Passing Fancy," Studies in the Age if Chaucer 8 (1986): 31-58; Sheila Delany, "Strategies of Silence in the Wife of Bath's Recital," Exemplaria 2 (1990): 49-69; and Crane, "Writing Lesson," p. 214. 12. See Jill Mann, Chaucer and Medieval Estates Satire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), pp. 121-2. A similar avoidance of a contemporaneous form offemale autonomy is the treatment of the Wife's pilgrimages. In the General NOTES 191

Prologue we learn that she not only visited Jerusalem three times but traveled to some of the most famous pilgrimage sites on the continent: Rome, Boulogne, Santiago Compestela, and Cologne (I.463-66). This is an impressive itinerary, capable of ranking with those of the most energetic of medieval pilgrims. The ini• tiative and self-reliance required of a woman to undertake these always arduous and often hazardous journeys was formidable, and bespeaks an intriguing indepen• dence: the detailed accounts of Margery Kempe's pilgrimages to Jerusalem, Rome, Compostela, and Wilsnak provides an instructive comparison. Yet in the Prologue and Tale Alisoun mentions only one of these journeys, and then only in passing: her fourth husband died "whan I came fro Jerusalem" (495)-perhaps with the implication that she was somehow responsible, either by her absence (ifhe was sick, why was she not there to nurse him?) or by her return (as ifher very presence did him in). And in the General Prologue these pilgrimages are used to make a point familiar throughout the misogynist literature of the Middle Ages: after detailing her journeys, the narrator snidely adds that "She koude muchel of wandring by the weye" (467). Rather than focusing on her enterprise or even her piety, in other words, the narrator implies instead that Alisoun's pilgrimages indicate a moral and probably sexual errancy, that she is unable to keep to the straight and narrow (see Mann, Medieval Estates Satire, pp. 123-24). Moreover, if Chaucer were interested in exploring a medieval woman's capacity for an autonomous consciousness, he avoided entirely the vibrant and richly peopled world oflate medieval female piety. 13. For working women in Chaucer's immediate environment, see Kay E. Lacey, "Women and Work in Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century London," in Women and Work in Pre-Industrial England, ed. Lindsey Charles and Lorna Duffin (London: Croom Helm, 1985), pp. 24-82, and Caroline Barron, "The 'Golden Age' of Women in Medieval London," Reading Medieval Studies 15 (1989): 35-58. 14. Judith Bennett, "Medieval Women, Modem Women: Across the Great Divide," in David Aers, ed., Culture and History 1350-1600: Essays on English Communities, Identities and Writing (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1992), p. 153. 15. Lacey, "Women and Work," p. 48. 16. Barron," 'Golden Age'." 17. The recent scholarship on late medieval English marriage practices is extensive; an essential starting point is the work of Alan Macfarlane, The Origins if English Individualism: The Family, Property and Sodal Transition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979); "Review Essay" on Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800 (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), in History and Theory 8 (1979): 103-26; and above all, Marriage and Love in England: Modes if Reproduction 1300-1840 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986). 18. See the three articles by Michael Sheehan, "Choice ofPattners in the Middle Ages: Development and Mode of Application of a Theory of Marriage," Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History n.S. 1 (1978): 1-34; "The Formation and Stability of Marriage in Fourteenth-Century England: The Evidence of an Ely Register," Mediaeval Studies 32 (1971): 228-63; and "Marriage Theory and Practice in Conciliar Legislation and Diocesan Statutes of Medieval England," Mediaeval Studies 40 (1978): 408-60 (now collected in Michael Sheehan, Marriage, Family and LAw in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, ed.James Farge [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996]); two articles by Charles Donahue, Jr., "The Canon Law on the Formation of Marriage and Social Practice in the Later Middle Ages," Journal if Family History 8 (1983): 144-58; and "The Policy of Alexander the Third's Consent Theory of Marriage," in Stephen Kuttner, ed., Proceedings if the Fourth International Congress if Medieval Canon LAw, 192 NOTES

Monumenta Iuris Canonici, C:5 (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1976), pp. 251-81; and James A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Sodety in Medieval Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). 19. See Macfarlane, Lave and Marriage; R. M. Smith, "Marriage Processes in the English Past: Some Continuities," in Lloyd Bonfield, Richard M. Smith, and Keith Wrightson, eds., The World We Have Gained: Histories of Population and Sodal Structure (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1986), pp. 43-99; and Barbara Hanawalt, The Ties That Bound: Peasant Families in Medieval England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986). When by the early sixteenth century the records become more plentiful, it is evident that the mean age of marriage was in the mid-twenties: see Ralph Houlbrooke, "The Making of Marriage in Mid-Tudor England: Evidence from the Records of Matrimonial Contract Litigation," Journal of Family History 10 (1985): 339-52. 20. See Sheila Delany, "Sexual Economics, Chaucer's Wife of Bath and The Book of Margery Kempe," Minnesota Review, NS 5 (1975): 104-115; reprinted in Writing Woman: Woman Writers and Women in Literature Medieval to Modern (New York: Schocken Books, 1983), pp. 76-92; David Aers, Chaucer (Adantic Highlands: Humanities Press International, 1986). According to Aers, medieval "marriage is a relationship grounded in the exchange of commodities and the domination of one human by another" (Chaucer, p. 70)-a view that I believe seriously misrepresents both the theory and reality of many medieval marriages, including that which the Wife desires for herself. 21. See Donahue, "The Canon Law on the Formation of Marriage," 145. 22. Of the many discussions of women and property in late medieval England that are available, the ones I have found most useful are Andrea Dianne Bessac Maxeiner, Dower and Jointure: A Legal and Statistical Analysis of the Property Rights of Married Women in Late Medieval England, Ph.D. Dissertation, Catholic University of America, 1990 and E. M. Crick, ed., Marriage and Property (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1984). 23. The concern of the law to protect the property rights of wives against their hus• bands' greed is vividly illustrated in the cases discussed by Robert C. Palmer, "Contexts of Marriage in Medieval England: Evidence from the King's Court circa 1300," Speculum 59 (1984): 42-67. As Maidand said, "That a married woman when she is conveying away her land may need some protection against the dominance of her husband's will is by no means a merely modem idea" (Frederick Pollock and Frederic William Maidand, The History of English Law bifore the Time of Edward [, vol. 2 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1898], p. 412). See also Maxeiner, Dower and Jointure, p. 31. 24. A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law, 2d ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), pp. 81-2. 25. See Barbara A. Hanawalt, "The Widow's Mite: Provisions for Medieval London Widows," in Louise Mirrer, ed., Upon My Husband's Death: Widows in the Literature and Histories of Medieval Europe (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992), p. 38; Maxeiner, Dower and Jointure, p. 58. 26. As Maidand points out, In manorial extents it is common to find a widow as the tenant of a complete villein tenement, and there seems to be much evidence of a general usage which allowed her to erUoy the whole of her husband's lands ... .In a few of our copy• hold customs this right of the widow has become a regular right of inheritance; NOTES 193

she appears as her husband's heir, an exception to the very general rule that there is no inheritance between husband and wife" (Pollock and Maidand, History, 2.427). Both Robertson and Carruthers (above, n. 8) assume that the Wife holds by cus• tomary or unfree tenure, and Robertson interprets her presumed status as a bondswoman exegetically. I shall shortly argue that this assumption is mistaken. 27. Postan describes this process in The Medieval Economy and Sodety: An Economic History ifBritain in the Middle Ages (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1975 [1972]), p. 37. The phrase "marriage fugue" is ascribed to Postan by his friend and collabo• rator, J. Z. Titow (see next note). 28. J. Z. Titow, "Some Differences between Manors and their Effects on the Condition of the Peasant in the Thirteenth Century," Agricultural History Review 10 (1962): 1-13. It should also be said that such a procedure was probably not impos• sible for those who held freehold land under the jurisidiction of the borough. 29. Judith Bennett, Women in the Medieval English Countryside: Gender and Household in Brigstock Bifore the Plague (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), points out that in Brigstock, where there was no shortage of land, "most widows remained sin• gle, only about one of every thitteen marrying a second time" (p. 146), even though "the widow as householder was both publicly and privately anomalous" (p. 159). See also Barbara A. Hanawalt, "Remarriage as an Option for Urban and Rural Widows in Late Medieval England," in Sue Sheridan Walker, ed., Wife and Widow in Medieval England (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993), p. 148. 30. According to W. S. Holdsworth, A History if English Law, 3rd ed. (London: Methuen, 1923 [1903]), "In the courts of the borough, as in the local courts of the country, the law tends to follow the developments of the common law" (2.389). For an argument about the primacy oflocal as opposed to common custom, how• ever, see Cicely Howell, "Peasant Inheritance Customs in the Midlands, 1280-1700," in Jack Goody, Joan Thirsk, and E. P. Thompson, eds., Family and Inheritance: Rural Sodety in Western Europe, 1200-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp. 112-55. 31. Rosamund Faith, "Peasant Families and Inheritance Customs in Medieval England," Agricultural History Review 14 (1966), 91. 32. Rodney Hilton, Bond Men Made Free: Medieval Peasant Movements and the Rising if 1381 (London: Methuen, 1973), pp. 224-225. 33. As Hanawalt, "Widow's Mite," points out, in London "some husbands tried to make their wives heirs to real property, but the court always objected, stating that a widow could only have a life interest in it" (26). 34. Palmer, "Contexts of Marriage. " 35. This ambivalence is witnessed by the large body of anti-vidual satire, by the chari• varis directed against widows remarrying younger men, by the comments of Christine de Pizan on the conditions of her widowhood in La Vision Christine, and by the conflicting views toward the remarriage of widows taught by canon law. I have surveyed some of this material in Chaucer and the Subject ofHistory , pp. 290-96; see also Louise Mirrer, "Introduction," in Louise Mirrer, ed., Upon My Husband's Death, pp. 1-17; Barbara Todd, "The Remarrying Widow: A Stereotype Reconsidered," in Mary Prior, ed., Women in English Sodety, 1500-1800 (New York: Methuen, 1985), pp. 54-92; and Hanawalt, "Remarriage as an Option," p. 159 (n. 29 above). 36. Hanawalt, "Widow's Mite," 150. 194 NOTES

37. See Maxeiner, Dower and Jointure, and Eileen Spring, Law, Land, and Family: Aristocratic Inheritance in England, 1300 to 1800 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993), pp. 8-38. 38. This is the conclusion at which Maxeiner, Dower and Jointure arrives. 39. See Piers Plowman: The B Version, ed. George Kane and E. Talbot Donaldson (London: Athlone Press, 1975), Passus 2,76-8; see also Passus 9,176-81. 40. I have provided further evidence for this development in " 'Experience woot wel it is nought so': Marriage and the Pursuit of Happiness in the Wife rf Bath's Prologue and Tale," in Peter Beidler, ed., The Wife rf Bath: Case Studies in Contemporary Critidsm (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996), pp. 133-54. Several of the points I make in this essay I also make there. 41. For the citation from Aquinas's Summa contra Gentiles, see Henry Ansgar Kelly, Love and Marriage in the Age rf Chaucer (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1975), p. 282. For the ideas in this sentence, see also P. J. P. Goldberg, "Female Labour, Service and Marriage in the Late Medieval Urban North," Northern History 29 (1986): 18-38, and the works cited in nn. 17 and 18 above. 42. Cited by Kelly, Love and Marriage, p. 67. 43. Eileen Power, "The Position of Women, " in C. G. Crump and E. F. Jacob, eds., The Legacy rfthe Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1926), p. 416. 44. Nicolas Oresme, Le Livre de Yconomique d'Aristote, ed. and trans. Albert Douglas Menut, Transactions rf the American Philosophical Sodety, N.S. 47, pt. 5 (1957): 813. 45. Gavin Douglas, trans., Virgil's "Aeneid", ed. David C. Coldwell, STS, ser. 3, no. 25 (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1957), lines 410, 449 (pp. 14, 16). 46. See, e.g., Hansen, Chaucer and the Fictions of Gender, p. 11. Hansen claims she is "no longer interested in defending" Douglas's presumed praise, and her book measures Chaucer by the standards "of a late twentieth-century feminist analysis" and finds him, not surprisingly, wanting. 47. John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974), p. 69. 48 Bonfield, "The Nature of Customary Law" (n.6 above).

Freedom and Necessity: The Example of the Clerk's Tale 1. Karl Marx, preface to A Contribution to the Critique rf Political Economy, trans. S.W. Ryazanskaya, ed. Maurice Dobb (New York: International Publishers, 1970), p. 6. 2. Friedrich Engels, Anti-Diihring, in Collected Works by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, 50 vols. (New York: International Publishers, 1987), 25:270. 3. Karl Marx, Capital, trans. David Fernbach, 3 vols. (Harmondsworth,: Penguin, 1981), 3:959. 4. I am not the first to suggest that the Tale should be read in relation to these events. See, for example, Susan Crane, The Peiformance rf Self: Ritual, Clothing, and Identity During the Hundred Years War (philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), pp. 21-38. Crane focuses almost entirely upon the heraldic display at Ardres, rather than upon clothing per se, and her understanding of the relation of these events to the Clerk's Tale, and the meaning of the Clerk's Tale itself, is very different from mine. An argument that is closer to the one presented in this chapter, although not dealing as fully with the diplomatic events relevant to the Tale, is provided by Michael Hanrahan, " 'A Straunge Succesour Sholde Take Y oure Heritage': 'The Clerk's Tale' and the Crisis of Ricardian Rule," Chaucer Review 35 (2001): 335-50. NOTES 195

As his tide suggests, Hanrahan reads the Tale--plausibly, I believe--as comment• ing on the problem of royal succession. 5. The negotiations leading up to the meeting, and the fulure of achieving a peace treaty, have been described by Leon Mirot, "Isabelle de France, reine d'Angleterre," Revue d'histoire diplomatique 18 (1904): 546-73 (the first offour long articles dealing with the diplomatic and political context of the relationship between Isabelle and Richard); JJ.N. Palmer, "The Background to Richard II's Marriage to Isabel of France," Bulletin of Institute of Historical Research 44.109 (1971): 1-17; Palmer, England, France and Christendom, 1377-99 (London: Roudedge and Kegan Paul, 1972), pp. 166-79; and Nigel Saul, Richard II, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 203-34. The location was, perhaps deliberately, the site in 1520 for the famous Field of the Cloth of Gold, where Henry VIII and Francis I sought to outdo each other in ostentatious expense. For a similar diplomatic event, see Sophie Jolivet, "Se vetir pour traiter: donnees economique du costume de la cour de Bourgogne dans les negotiations d'Arras de 1435," Annales de Bourgogne 273-275 (1997): 5-31. 6. The letter is printed in Oeuvres de Froissart: Chroniques, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, 25 vols. (Brussels: Devaux, 1871), 15:388-91; for the citation, see p. 389. 7. Paul Meyer, "L'enttevue d'Ardres," Annuaire-Bulletin de la Societe de l'histoire de France 18 (1881): 209-224. Translations are my own. 8. For a provocative discussion of the, use of the unspoken in diplomacy, and espe• cially of "Costume and Communication" and of the importance of the leader as the metteur en scene, see Raymond Cohen, Theatre of Power: The Art of Diplomatic Signalling (London: Longman, 1987), pp. 60-88, 114-37. Cohen's discussion is all the more telling because it deals only with post-World War II diplomacy. 9. See, for example, the comments by Frant;:ois Garnier, "De la tunique d'Adam au manteau d'Elie," in Michel Pastoreau, ed., I.e Vetement: iHistoire, archeologie et sym• bolique vestimentaires au Moyen Age (Paris: Cahiers de Leopard d'Or, 1989), p. 294; and especially Odile Blanc, "Histoire du costume: L'objet introuvable," Medievales 29 (1995): 65-82. The bibliography on medieval clothing and its meaning is vast: for recent bibliographies, see Frant;:oise Piponnier and Perrine Mane, Dress in the Middle Ages, trans. Caroline Beamish (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999); and I.e nu et Ie vetu au Moyen Age (XIIe-XIIIe siMes): Actes du 25e colloque du CUERMA 2-3-4 mars, Senijiance, 47 (Aix-en-Provence: Publications de l'Universite de Provence, 2001). 10. See R. Howard Bloch, Etymologies and Genealogies: An Anthropology if the French Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983). 11. Walter Hilton, Scale of Perfection, 1 :53; the text, edited by Thomas Bestual for TEAMS, can be found online at http://tigger.uic.edu/-tbestul/scaleLhtm 12. William Langland, Piers Plowman: The B Version, ed. George Kane and E. Talbot Donaldson (London: Athlone Press, 1975), p. 541, 15:114-116. 13. For discussions of this topic, see Garnier, "De la tunique d'Adam" in Pastoreau, I.e Vetement, pp. 287-306; Stewart Gordon, ed., Robes and Honor: The Medieval World of Investiture (New York: Palgrave, 2001); Brigitte Buettner, "Dressing and Undressing Bodies in Late Medieval Images," in Kiinstlerischer Austausch / Artistic Exchange: Akten des XXVIII. Intemationalen Kongresses for Kunstgeschichte, Berlin, 15-20. Juli 1992, ed. Thomas W. Gaehtgens, 3 vols (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1993), 2:383-392; and Peter Coss and Maurice Keen, eds., Heraldry, Pageantry, and Social Display in Medieval England (Woodbridge, Suffolk,: Boydell, 2002). 14. Vivian Kay Hudson, "Clothing and Adornment Imagery in The Scale of Perfection,' " Studies in Spirituality 4 (1994): 116-45; see also Ritarnary Bradley, 196 NOTES

"Metaphors of Cloth and Clothing in the Showings ofJulian ofNorwich," Mediaevalia 9 (1983): 269-82; and Lynn Staley, "The Man in Foul Clothes and a Fourteenth• Century Conversation about Sin," Studies in the Age rif Chaucer 24 (2002): 1-48. 15. In his account of the meeting, the chronicler of St. Denis says not only that Charles was wearing a simple gown that extended only to the knee, and carrying his cap, but that Richard, despite wearing a full-length gown, was attired with analogous simplicity: the French king came forth, he says, "in simplici habitu usque ad genua, cornetam plicatam in modum serti deferens, alter [i.e., Richard] autem simpiliciter, cum talari tamen tunica" (Chronique du religieux de Saint-Denys: contenant Ie regne de Charles VI de 1380 a 1422, ed. and trans. L. Bellaguet, 6 vols. [paris: L'imprimerie de Crapelet, 1839-52],2:458). 16. For Charles' and Richard's imperial ambitions, see Saul, Richard II, p. 270; Bueno de Mesquita, "The Foreign Policy of Richard II in 1397: Some Italian Letters," English Historical Review 56 (1941): 628-37; and Palmer, England, France and Christendom, pp. 192-218 (who sees Richard's interest in the imperial throne as strategic rather than real). 17. The French name of the broom plant is plante agen2t, the Latin planta genista. The connection between the broomcod and Plantagenet is made by, among others, Dillian Gordon, The Making and Meaning rif the Wilton Diptych (London: National Gallery, 1993), p. 52. For further on the broomcod, see Shelagh Mitchell, "Richard II and the Broomcod Collar: New Evidence from the Issue Rolls," in Fourteenth-Century England 2, ed. Chris Given-Wilson (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 2002), pp. 204-35. 18. Chronique du religiuex, p. 456. 19. Michael Moore, "The King's New Clothes: Royal and Episcopal Regalia in the Frankish Empire," in Gordon, ed., Robes and Honor, p. 97. 20. See Sergio Bertelli, The King's Body: Sacred Rituals rif Power in Medieval and Early Modem Europe, trans. R. Burr Litchfield (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2001), pp. 12,253--55. Bertelli includes an extensive and up-to-date bibliography for this large subject (pp. 271-95). The classic work is Ernst Kantorowicz, Laudes regiae: A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Ruler Worship (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1946). 21. The Westminster Chronicle, 1381-1394, ed. and trans. by L. C. Hector and Barbara F. Harvey (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), p. 138; Nigel Saul, "The Kingship of Richard II," in Anthony Goodman and John Taylor, eds., Richard II: The Art rif Kingship (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), p. 37. 22. Cited by Anthony Tuck, Richard II and the English Nobility (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1974), p. 84. 23. Saul, Richard II, pp. 339-40; Chris Given-Wilson, ed. and trans., The Chronicles rif the Revolution, 1397-1400: The Reign rif Richard II (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), p. 68. 24. Cited by Patricia J. Eberle, "Richard II and the Literary Arts," in Anthony Goodman and John Taylor, eds., Richard II: The Art rif Kingship (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), p. 239. 25. The literature on these portraits is extensive: for a recent discussion, with an up-to-date bibliography, see Helen Barr, Socioliterary Practice in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2001), pp. 80-9. As Nigel Saul points out, In the 'Coronation' portrait Richard was shown crowned and with the orb and scepter, the symbols of sovereignty, staring out frontally like an iconic NOTES 197

close-up of the face of Christ. In the Wilton Diptych he was shown in the company of saintly sponsors and receiving a banner from the Virgin Mary and Child. As portrayed in these works Richard seemed on a different plane from his subjects. The impression was given that he was in a world unknown to mere mortals. ("Kingship," in Goodman and Taylor, Richard II, p.49) 26. For this pageant as presenting "a prefiguration of [Richard's] soul's future entry into the Celestial Jerusalem," see Gordon Kipling, "Richard II's 'Sumptuous Pageants' and the Idea of the Civic Triumph," in David M. Bergeron, ed., Pageantry in the Shakespearean Theater (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1985), p.88. 27. For Isabella's entry, see Jean Froissart, Chronicles, ed. and trans. Geoffrey Brereton (Hannondsworth: Penguin, 1978), pp. 351-60; for the Smithfield tournament, see Sheila Lindenbaum, "The Smithfield Tournament of 1390," Journal !if Medieval and Renaissance Studies 20 (1990): 1-20. 28. Richard Maidstone, Concordia facta inter regem et aves Londonie, ed. David Carlson, trans. A.G. Rigg (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2003), lines 136-41 (emphasis added). Text and translation are available at http://www.lib.rochester.edu/ camelot/teams/maidfrm.htrn 29. Eberle, "Richard II and the Literary Arts," in Goodman and Taylor, Richard II, p.246. 30. Saul, "Kingship," in Goodman and Taylor, Richard II, pp. 51-4. 31. Saul, Richard II, pp. 249-50; Given-Wilson, Chronicles, p. 211. 32. Saul, Richard II, p. 345. 33. Christopher Tyerman, England and the Crusades, 1095-1588 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 262. The fullest account of the order remains Nicolae Iorga, Phi/lipe de Mezieres, 1327-1405, et la croisade au XIVe siede (Paris: E. Bouillon, 1896). 34. Daniel H. Weiss, Art and Crusade in the Age !if Saint Louis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 221. 35. Phillipe de Mezieres, Letter to Richard II, ed. and trans. G.W. Coopland (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1976), pp. 23, 29. 36. Mezieres, Letter to Richard II, p. 42. In addition, Mezieres insists that both Richard and Charles remember "that the blessed Jesus has made you leaders together of His people ofIsrael, that is, of Western Christendom [crestiente d'occident], to take them into the Promised Land" (p. 45). 37. Mezieres, Letter to Richard II, pp. 12-13. 38. Mezieres, Letter to Richard II, p. 10. 39. The manuscript dates the composition of the play to 1395; in the body of the text, Walter sends a letter dated May 14 to his sister, the Countess of Panice, telling her he will be married on Pentecost (which in 1395 fell on May 30). See Barbara M. Craig, ed., L'Estoire de Griseldis, University of Kansas Publications, Humanistic Studies, no. 31 (Lawrence: University of Kansas Publications, 1954), p. 35, line 633. Crane mentions the play and speculates that it may have been perfonned at the proxy marriage of Richard and Isabelle in Paris in 1395, but she does not dis• cuss its contents (Peifomance of Self, p. 30). There is also a fourteenth-century Italian play on the theme, but it bears no relation to either the French or the English versions of the story: Raffaele Morabito, ed., Una sacra rappresentazione pro• fana: Fortune di Griselda nel Quattrocentro italiano (Tiibingen: M. Niemeyer, 1993). 198 NOTES

40. Petrarch, Seniles 17.3: De insignii obedientia et fide uxoris, trans. Robert Dudley French, in A Chaucer Handbook, 2d. ed. (New York: F. S. Crofts, 1947), pp. 291-311; reprinted in V.A. Kolve and Glending Olson, eds., The Canterbury Tales: Nine Tales and the General Prologue (New York: Norton, 1989), p. 385; for Mezieres's version, see Elie Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff, L'histoire de Griseldis en France au XIVe et au XVe siecle (Paris, E. Droz, 1933), pp. 206-207. An excellent discussion of Mezieres's version is provided by Joan B. Williamson, "Philippe de Meziere's 'Book for Married Ladies:' A Book from the Entourage of the Court of Charles VI," in Glyn S. Burgess and Robert A. Taylor, eds., The Spirit of the Court (Dover: D.S. Brewer, 1985), pp. 393-408. 41. L'Estoire de Grise/dis, lines 1838, 1850. 42. L'Estoire de Grise/dis, lines 56, 60. 43. L'Estoire de Grise/dis, line 44. 44. L'Estoire de Grise/dis, line 1050. 45. L'Estoire de Grise/dis, lines 1654-58. 46. Martin M. Crow and Clair C. Olson, eds., Chaucer Life-Records (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 419. For Pritwell's role in the negotiations, see Palmer, "Background to Richard II's Marriage," 2; and Mirot, "Isabelle de France, reine d'Angleterre." 47. Chaucer's politicization of the Tale is implied by J. Burke Severs, The Literary Relationships of Chaucer's "Clerkes Tale" (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942), who notes both Chaucer's addition of the condemnation of the commons (lines 995-1008) and the submissiveness of the people to an insistently dominant Walter. 48. For these meanings of "array," see Medieval English Dictionary, s.v., 1 (b), 5(b), and 6; for the importance of the term in the Tale, see Kristine Gilmartin, "Array in the Clerk's Tale," Chaucer Review 13 (1979): 234-46. For other discussions of the clothing theme in the Tale, see Roger Ramsey, "Clothing Makes a Queen in 'The Clerk's Tale,''' Journal of Narrative Technique 7 (1977): 104-115; and Kristine Hansen, "Griselda's Abrahamic Test: Covenants and Clothing," Literature and Beliif 12 (1992): 53-70. 49. "The Griselda Story in Boccaccio, Petrarch and Chaucer," in Piero Boitani, ed., Chaucer and the Italian Trecento (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 231-48, esp. p. 243; see also David Wallace, Chaucerian Polity: Absolutist Lineages and Associational Forms in England and Italy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), pp. 278-9. 50. That the theme of the Tale is obedience rather than patience is well demonstrated by John P. McCall, "The Clerk's Tale and the Theme of Obedience," Modem Language Quarterly 27 (1966): 260-9. 51. Apart from the allusions recorded in the notes to the Riverside edition, see also Lawrence Besserrnan, "Biblical Exegesis, Typology, and the Imagination of Chaucer," in Hugh T. Keenan, ed., Typology and English Medieval Literature, (New York: AMS, 1992), pp. 183-205; James I. Wimsatt, "The Blessed Virgin and the Two Coronations of Griselda," Mediaevalia 6 (1980): 187-207; Charlotte Morse, "Hovering Typology in the Clerk's Tale," in Keenan, Typology, pp. 141-8; Alfred L. Kellogg, "The Evolution of the 'Clerk's Tale': A Study in Connotation," in his Chaucer, Langland, Arthur: Essays in Middle English Literature (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1972), pp. 276-329; and Barbara Nolan, "Chaucer's Tales of Transcendence: Rhyme Royal and Christian Prayer in the 'Canterbury NOTES 199

Tales,' " in C. David Benson and Elizabeth Roberston, eds., Chaucer's Religious Tales (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1990), pp. 21-38. 52. The agreement signed by Richard and Charles at Ardres specified what portion of her dowry Isabelle would take back with her if either the marriage was dissolved (as it was by Richard's death four years later) or at the age of twelve if she refused her consent: see Mirot, "L'enfunce d'Isabelle de France," Revue d'histoire diplomatique 18 (1904): 570. 53. The intensification is caused by Chaucer's addition of the line "Lat me nat lyk a worm go by the weye." 54. For recent and exceptionally well-informed versions of such a political reading, which differ significandy in their view of Griselda, see David Aers, Faith, Ethics and Church: Writing in England, 1360-1409 (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2000), pp. 25-39; and Lynn Staley, "Chaucer and the Postures of Sanctity," in David Aers and Lynn Staley The Powers cf the Holy: Religion, Politics, and Gender in Late Medieval English Culture, (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), pp. 233-59. Among the critics who link Walter to Richard II, see Michaela Paasche Grudin, "Chaucer's Clerk's Tale as Political Paradox," Studies in the Age cf Chaucer 11 (1989): 63-92 and Wallace, Chaucerian Polity, pp. 282-98. Unfortunately, Wallace's reading depends on Chaucer's knowledge of Boccaccio's version, for which there is no evidence: see Severs, Literary Relationships, p. 233: "Chaucer did not know Boccaccio's novella." See also Golenistcheff-Koutouzoff, L'histoire de Grise/dis, pp. 17-32. Other political read• ings are provided by Carol Falvo Heffernan, "Tyranny and 'Commune Profit' in the 'Clerk's Tale,''' Chaucer Review 17 (1983): 332-40; Michael Hanrahan, " 'A Straunge Succesour,' " 335-50; and Glending Olson, "The Marquis ofSaluzzo and the Marquis of Dublin," in R.F. Yeager and Charlotte C. Morse, eds., Speaking Images: Essays in Honor cf VA. Kolve (Asheville: Pegasus Press, 2001), pp. 325-45. 55. The fullest instance of such a reading is provided by Linda Georgianna, "The Clerk's Tale and the Grammar of Assent," Speculum 70 (1995): 793-821. Aers (Faith, Ethics and Church) offers a cogent critique of this reading without, however, acknowledging the way the Tale solicits it. 56. The way in which the Clerk incorporates the various literary traditions through which the narrative passed before it reached him has been best discussed by Anne Middleton, "The Clerk and His Tale: Some Literary Contexts," Studies in the Age cf Chaucer 2 (1980): 121-50: "Chaucer's invention of the Clerk's performance con• stitutes a guided tour of several specifically secular literary canons and ideals current at the end of the fourteenth century" (150). 57. The degree of interiority that the reader is to grant to Griselda is a contentious crit• ical issue. For an example of a reading that sees Griselda as lacking any sense ofinte• riority, see Crane, Peifomance cf Self. "She does not have a second secret identity unavailable to Walter but only one seamless self that exists in performance" (p. 34). 58. "Epistemophiliac" is David Aers's term. See also Kathryn L. Lynch, "Despoiling Griselda: Chaucer's Walter and the Problem of Knowledge in 'The Clerk's Tale,' " Studies in the Age cfChaucer 10 (1988): 41-70. 59. G. W. F. Hegel, The Phenomenology cfMind, trans.]. B. Baillie (New York: Harper and Row, 1967), B.2.194. For a recent analysis aimed specifically at medieval stud• ies, see Andrew Cole, "What Hegel's Master/Slave Dialectic Really Means," Journal cf Medieval and Early Modem Studies 34 (2004): 577-610. 60. For other arguments that rhyme royal is a royal stanza, see Martin Stevens, "The Royal Stanza in Early English Literature;" PMIA 94 (1979): 62-76; the connection between the Parliament cf Fowls and Richard II has been established by Larry D. 200 NOTES

Benson, "The Occasion of The Parliament of Fowls," in Larry D. Benson and Siegfried Wenzel, eds., The Wisdom of Poetry: Essays in Early English Literature in Honor of Morton W. Bloomfield (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1982), pp.123-44. 61. This analogy has been most thoroughly discussed by Carolyn Dinshaw, Chaucer's Sexual Poetics (Madison: Wisconsin University Press, 1987), pp. 132-55; see also Wendy Harding, "Griselda's 'Translation' in the 'Clerk's Tale,' " in Roger Ellis, Rene Tixier, and Bernd Weitemeiere, eds., The Medieval Translator: Traduire au Mt3yen Age (Tumhout: Brepols, 1998), pp. 194-210; and Fabienne Pomel, "Revetir la lettre nue: L'allegoire sous Ie signe du desir et du manque," in Le nu et Ie vetu, pp. 298-311; see above n. 9.

Chaucer's Pardoner on the Couch: Psyche and Clio in Medieval Literary Studies

1. Peter L. Berger, "Towards a Sociological Understanding of Psychoanalysis," Social Research 32 (1965), 37. 2. Philip Rieff, Freud: The Mind of the Moralist (Garden City: Anchor Books, 1961), pp.361-92. 3. Steven Marcus, Freud and the Culture of Psychoanalysis: Studies in the Transition from Victorian Humanism to Modernity (Boston: G. Allen and Unwin, 1984), p. 7. For a similar, highly influential account of Freudianism as modernity, see Lionel Trilling, "Freud: Within and Beyond Culture," a lecture delivered to the New York Psychoanalytic Institute in 1955 and printed in Beyond Culture (New York: Viking Press, 1965), pp. 89-118. 4. Cited by Philip Rieff, who righdy says "psychoanalysis is the first great system of therapy to divorce itself from some moral aim or doctrine; that suggests its his• toric importance" (Freud: The Mind of the Moralist, p. 368). As Freud himself said, "Psycho-analysis finds no occasion for concealments and hints, it does not think it necessary to be ashamed of dealing with this important material, it believes it is right and proper to call everything by its correct name" (Introductory Lectures on Psycho-Analysis (1915-16), Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of , 24 vols., ed. and trans. James E. Strachey et al. [London: Hogarth Press, 1953-74], 15.154). All subsequent references are to this edition, abbrevi• ated SE. 5. See Nathan G. Hale, Jr., The Rise and Crisis of Psychoanalysis in the United States, vol. 2: Freud and the Americans, 1917-1985 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995). Despite its inflammatory and misleading tide, Edwin Fuller Torrey, Freudian Fraud: The Malignant Effect of Freud's Theory on American Thought and Culture (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), provides a useful history of the progressiveness of Freudian thought with a wealth of specific examples, especially Margaret Mead and Benjamin Spock. 6. Barry Richards, Images of Freud: Cultural Responses to Psychoanalysis (London: J. M. Dent, 1989), p. 23. 7. For the combination of Romantic and Enlightenment features in Freud's thought, see Harry Trosman, "Freud's Cultural Background," in John E. Gedo and George H. Pollock, eds., Freud: The Fusion of Science and Humanism (New York: International Universities Press, 1976), pp. 46-70. Psychoanalysis is both deter• ministic and liberating: deterministic (in its Romantic mode) in that it insists that all behaviors are caused by hidden, powerful forces, liberating (in its Enlightenment mode) in arguing that we can come to understand and control those determining NOTES 201

forces. See Richard Stevens, Freud and Psychoanalysis: An Exposition and Appraisal (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983), pp. 135-7. 8. "Fragment of an Analysis ofa Case of Hysteria" (1905), SE 7.113. See also, for example, Introductory Lectures on Psycho-Analysis (1916-17), SE 16.244-5. 9. New Introductory Lectures on Psycho-Analysis (1933), SE 22.159. Freud continues with an argument that practitioners of psychoanalytic criticism might find unpalatable: It is not permissible to declare that science is one field of human mental activity and that religion and philosophy are others, at least equal in value, and that sci• ence has no business to interfere with the other two ....A view of this kind is regarded as particularly superior, tolerant, broad-minded and free from illiberal prejudices. Unfortunately it is not tenable ... .It is simply a fact that the truth cannot be tolerant. (p. 160) 10. Der Spiegel 25/1998, p. 199. 11. Paul Ricoeur, Freud and Philosophy: An Essay on Interpretation, trans. Denis Savage (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970). 12. The citation from Ricoeur is from Freud and Philosophy, p. 369. The hermeneu• tic interpretations of Ricoeur and Jiirgen Habermas are subjected to a withering analysis by Adolf Griinbaum, The Foundations of Psychoanalysis: A Philosophical Critique (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 1-94. See also the comments by the psychoanalyst Robert R. Holt, Freud Reappraised: A Fresh Look at Psychoanalytic Theory (New York: Guilford Press, 1989), p. 337, and by the tex• tual critic Sebastiano Timpanaro, The Freudian Slip: Psychoanalysis and Textual Criticism, trans. Kate Soper (London: New Left Books, 1976 [1974]). For Timpanaro, the hermeneutic rescue of Freud manages only to transform "psy• choanalysis into a pastiche ofHusserl or Heidegger, orienting it towards a mysti• cism that evokes Jung much more than Freud" (p. 17). Timpanaro later characterizes Ricoeur's version of Freud as "a strange brew of Freudianism and religion, in which the more imbued with mystery an interpretation, the better it pleases" (p. 181). 13. An Autobiographical Study (1925), SE 20.58. The other way of protecting Freudianism from its own claims is to declare that the practices and results of empirical science are no longer operative in the brave new world of postmod• emism: see Paul Robinson, Freud and His Critics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), and Marcus R. Bowman, "On the Idea of Natural Science as a Resistance to Psychoanalysis," Psychoanalysis and Contemporary Thought 19 (1996), 371-402. Both these authors use the familiar psychoanalytic strategy of psycho ana• lyzing their opponents, while the topic at issue is defended not by appeals to evi• dence but by the assumption that it is true. As Karl Kraus said as long ago as 1913 in exasperation with his psychoanalytically besotted friends, "IfI tell them they can kiss my ass, I must have an anal predilection ....They have caught me!" (cited and translated by Jacques Bouveresse, Wittgenstein Reads Freud: The Myth of the Unconscious, trans. Carol Cosman [princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995], p.16). 14. Heinz Kohut, How Does Analysis Cure? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), pp. 93-4; cited by G. W. Pigman III, "Applied Psychoanalysis Today," Criticism 34 (1992), 308. 15. G. W. Pigman III, "Applied Psychoanalysis Today," 309. For similar demurrals, see Gail S. Reed, "Psychoanalysis, Psychoanalysis Appropriated, Psychoanalysis Applied," Psychoanalytic Quarterly 54 (1985), 234-69, and Peter Lamarque, "On the Irrelevance of Psychoanalysis to Literary Criticism," in Peter Clark and Crispin 202 NOTES

Wright, eds., Mind, Psychoanalysis and Science (Oxford: B. Blackwell, 1988), pp.257-73. 16. Allan Megill, "The Reception of Foucault by Historians," Journal of the History of Ideas 48 (1987), 117-41 (139-40). Freud was cited 966 times, with the next name being that of Roland Barthes, cited 678 times. It should be pointed out that Lenin led the list with 1,737 citations, but if Soviet journals were excluded his name vir• tually disappeared. Jung's name appeared 338 times, and Lacan's 210. 17. This figure was arrived at through a keyword search of the database of the WorldCat (http://newfirstsearch.oclc.org). 18. "Analytical Survey 2: We Are Not Alone: Psychoanalytic Medievalism," New Medieval Literatures 2 (1998), 249-76. 19. In addition to the titles provided by Fradenburg, a sample of recent books that apply psychoanalytic categories of interpretation to cultural materials include Jane Chance, ed., Gender and Text in the Later Middle Ages (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1996); E. Jane Bums, Body talk: When Women Speak in Old French Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993); Gregory Stone, The Death of the Troubadour (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994); Karma Lochrie, Peggy McCracken and James A. Schultz, eds., Constructing Medieval Sexuality (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997); Catherine S. Cox, Gender and Language in Chaucer (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1997); Karma Lochrie, Covert Operations: The Medieval Uses of Secrecy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999); Clare A. Lees, ed., Medieval Masculinities: Regarding Men in the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); Jeffrey Jerome Cohen and Bonnie Wheeler, eds., Becoming Male in the Middle Ages (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997); John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler, eds., Medieval Mothering (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1996), pp. 63-75, 183-99; Kathleen Biddick, The Shock of Medievalism (Durham: Duke University Press, 1998); Carolyn Dinshaw, Getting Medieval: Sexualities and Communities, Pre- and Postmodern (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999); Jeremy Jeffrey Cohen, Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999); Dyan Elliott, Fallen Bodies: Pollution, Sexuality, and Demonology in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998); and Paul Strohm, England's Empty Throne: Usurpation and the Language of Legitimation, 1399-1422 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998). 20. Elaine Tuttle Hansen, Chaucer and the Fictions of Gender (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), pp. 223-6. 21. Hansen, Chaucer and the Fictions of Gender, p. 230. 22. Hansen, Chaucer and the Fictions of Gender, p. 227; italics added. A similar reading of the Miller's Tale is offered by Karma Lochrie, "Women's 'Pryvetees' and Fabliau Politics in the Miller's Tale," Exemplaria 6 (1994), 287-304. This argument depends in the first instance upon Gayle Rubin's classic essay on "The Traffic in Women: Notes on the 'Political Economy' of Sex," in Rayna R. Reiter, ed., Toward an Anthropology of Women (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1975), pp. 157-210. Rubin reinterprets Levi-Strauss's analysis of kinship in terms of the Freudian account of "the Oedipal complex [as] a machine which fashions the appropriate forms of sexual individuals" (Rubin, p. 189). Both Lochrie and Hansen thus rely on two assumptions: that Freud's account of the creation of sexual identity by means of the Oedipus complex is true; and that, in Rubin's words, "the paleolithic relations of sexuality are still with us" (p. 191)-that is, that the political economy NOTES 203

of the sex/gender system that Rubin derives from Freud is a universal constituent of human societies, be it late medieval England or the contemporary United States. 23. Many people have offered workable definitions of historicist methodology; my own attempt may be found in Negotiating the Past: The Historical Understanding of Medieval Literature (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), pp. 3-74. An excellent summary of recent work, with examples, may be found in Kiernan Ryan, ed., New Historicism and Cultural Materialism: A Reader (London: Arnold, 1996); see especially pp. 43-4. A classic defense of psychoanalytic literary criticism can be found in Peter Brooks, "The Idea of a Psychoanalytic Literary Criticism," in Shlomith Rimmon-Kenan, ed., Discourse in Psychoanalysis and Literature (London: Methuen, 1987), pp. 1-18 and Psychoanalysis and Storytelling (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994). Brooks acknowledges that any psychoanalytic criticism worthy of the name must take the Freudian account of the mind as a privileged model that reveals the central truth of human behavior. This means, in Brooks's words, accepting "the psychoanalytic view of humans as radically determined by sexuality ....Human desire emerges subject to the 'laws' dictated by the castration complex and the Oedipal triangle-emerges, that is, as desire inhabited by loss and prohibition" (Psychoanalysis and Storytelling, p. 25). In " 'Be Not Far From Me': Psychoanalysis, Medieval Studies and the Subject of Religion," Exemplaria 7 (1995), 41-54, Louise O. Fradenburg defends the relevance of psychoanalysis to medieval studies by asserting that "psychoanalysis takes us to the heart of our histories of loss and desire, to the heart of the history of culture, or 'civilization,' as a history of the production and regulation of pleasure and loss" (p. 44)-a statement that is another version of Brooks's account. But neither Fradenburg nor Brooks confront the critiques of psychoanalytic theory that have appeared over the last twenty-five years. A defense of psychoanalysis as an aid to historical understanding is provided by Peter Gay, Freud for Historians (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), but Gay does little to counter the arguments of David E. Stannard, Shrinking History: On Freud and the Failure of Psychohistory (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980). For a thorough critique of Gay's version of Freud that is itself sympathetic to psychoanalysis, see John E. Toews, "Historicizing Psychoanalysis: Freud in His Time and for Our Time," Journal of Modern History 63 (1991), 504-45. 24. This accusation has been most persistently made by Louise Fradenburg, from her initial creation of the straw man of historicist backwardness in "Criticism, Anti• Semitism, and the Prioress's Tale," Exemplaria 1 (1989),69-115, through to her most recent work in "WeAre Not Alone: Psychoanalytic Medievalism." There she posits an opposition between those unnamed scholars who still insist on the radical alterity of the past, the incommunication of epistemes, and the uselessness of generalizing about the "local" and the "specific" and the psychoanalytic medievalists who avoid these errors and thus possess a better understanding of the ethical and political commitments of medievalist practice (262-63, my italics). 25. See again Fradenburg, "Criticism, Anti-Semitism and the Prioress's Tale," and her " 'Be Not Far From Me' "; Gayle Margherita, The Romance of Origins: Language and Sexual Difference in Middle English Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), pp. 82-8, 100-107; and Biddick's Shock of Medievalism, which founds itself on Fradenburg's claims. Even Peter Gay admits that "the days are gone when the followers of Freud can discredit rational criticism by psycho• analyzing the critic" (Freud for Historians, p. 7). Yet on the very next page he refers to historians who reject psychoanalytic methods as "anxious and therefore hostile" 204 NOTES

(p. 8) and later claims that "the unflagging ardor of the counterattacks is therefore a symptom rather than a necessary response" (p. 17). The same tactic appears in Jonathan Lear, Open Minded: Working Out the Logic of the Soul (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), pp. 16-32. As Freud himself said, "One of the first appli• cations of psycho-analysis was to teach us to understand the opposition offered to us by our contemporaries because we practised psycho-analysis" (New Introductory Lectures, SE 22.145). 26. Pierre Nora, ed., Les lieux de memoire, 7 vols. (Paris: Gallimard, 1984-92). There are clear if unremarked affinities between Fradenburg's claims and Nora's project, with its emphasis on the sadness of the postmodern that has lost a living connection to the past, and its promotion of the postmodern his• torian who both "meditate[s]" on his "personal liaison" with the past and makes it "not the obstacle, but the means of his understanding" (cited by Jeremy D. Popkin, "Historians on the Autobiographical Frontier," American Historical Review 104 [1999], 731). But both Fradenburg and Nora are stating positions that are hardly postmodern: they have been familiar since at least the romantic historiography of Michelet and the historical hermeneutics of Dilthey. 27. "'Be Not Far From Me,' " pp. 45, 47. 28. Slavoj Zizek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (London: Verso, 1989), pp. 55-84. 29. Malcolm Bowie, Lacan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 7. For other accounts of Lacan's theories within their Freudian framework, see Jean Laplanche and Jean-Bertrand Pontalis, The Language of Psycho-analysis, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (New York: Norton, 1973 [1967]) and Samuel Weber, Return to Freud: Jacques Lacan's Dislocation of Psychoanalysis, trans. Michael Levine (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991). 30. Jacques Lacan, Ecrits: A Selection, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Norton, 1977), p.19. 31. Criticisms of Lacan as severe as those levelled against Freud are not fur to seek: see, for instance, Fran~ois Roustang, The Lacanian Delusion, trans. Greg Sims (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut, French Philosophy of the Sixties: An Essay on Antihumanism, trans. Mary H. S. Cattani (Amherst: University Press of New England, 1990), pp. 185-207; and an article posted on the web by Norman N. Holland, "The Trouble(s) with Lacan," (1998), at http://web.clas.ufl.edu/users/nnh/lacan.htrn. 32. Zizek's Lacanian commitments are everywhere visible in his work, but perhaps nowhere more explicidy than in the essay "Fetishism and Its Vicissitudes," in his The Plague of Fantasies (London: Verso, 1997), pp. 86-126. 33. Freud Reappraised, p. 338. 34. Frederick Crews, "The Verdict on Freud," Psychological Sdence 7 (1996), 63-8 (63); Crews is reviewing Malcolm Macmillan, Freud Evaluated: The Completed Arc (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1991). Crews's own contributions to this critique may be found in Skeptical Engagements (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), Crews et al., The Memory Wars: Freud's Legacy in Dispute (New York: New York Review of Books, 1995), and Crews, ed., Unauthorized Freud: Doubters Confront a Legend (New York: Viking, 1998). 35. Many of the most troubling doubts about psychoanalysis are expressed by psycho• analysts themselves. For example, Donald P. Spence begins his book The Rhetorical Voice of Psychoanalysis: Displacement of Evidence by Theory (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), with the following statement: NOTES 205

As psychoanalysis prepares to enter its second century, we are forced to real• ize that it is not much closer to being a science than it was when Freud first invented the discipline ....Rather than representing an earnest and possibly fallible attempt to tell a true story about the world, psychoanalytic theory may function much more as a shared fantasy that binds its followers in a com• mon belief system and protects them from uncertainty and doubt. (pp. 1, 4-5) For other accounts of the current state of psychoanalysis by practicing analysts, see Marshall Edelson, Psychoanalysis: A Theory in Crisis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988); Holt, Freud Reappraised; and Paul Kline, Psychology and Freudian Theory: An Introduction (London: Methuen, 1984). 36. SE 5.605-6; my italics. 37. "A Case of Hysteria," SE 7.114-115; the italics in the phrase "the patient's sexual activity" are Freud's, while the others are mine. 38. "Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality" (1905), SE 7.226n (a footnote added in 1920; my italics). Freud concluded Totem and Taboo (1913) by "insist[ingJ that ...the beginnings of religion, morals, society and art converge in the Oedipus complex" (SE 13.156). For discussions of the way in which post-Freudian psychoanalysis has revised and rerevised (but never discarded) the theory of the Oedipus complex, see Bennett Simon, "Is the Oedipus Complex Still the Cornerstone of Psychoanalysis? Three Obstacles to Answering the Question," Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 39 (1991),641-68, and Bennett Simon, " 'Incest-See Under Oedipus Complex': The History of an Error in Psychoanalysis," Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 40 (1992), 955-88. In The Sublime Object of Ideology, Zizek says: Let us take one of the commonplaces of the Marxist-feminist criticism of psy• choanalysis, the idea that its insistence on the crucial role of the Oedipus complex and the nuclear-family triangle transforms a historically conditioned form of patri• archal family into a feature of the universal human condition: is not this effort to historicize the family triangle precisely an attempt to elude the "hard kernel" which announces itself through the "patriarchal family" -the Real of the Law, the rock of castration? (p. 50; italics in original) 39. See SE 20.38 and Allen Esterson, Seductive Mirage: An Exploration of the Work of Sigmund Freud (Chicago: Open Court, 1993), p. 137. 40. "From the History of an Infantile Neurosis," in SE 17.97, 119. For a discussion of this Freudian belief, see Frank Cioffi, "Freud and the Idea of a Pseudo-Science," in Robert Borger and Frank Cioffi, eds., Explanation in the Behavioural Sciences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 471-99, esp. p. 481. For Freud's Lamarckian materialism, which led him to believe that acquired character• istics can be inherited, see Frank]. Sulloway, Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Legend, rev. ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992). 41. "Constructions in Analysis" (1937), SE 23.260. 42. Interpretation of Dreams (1900), SE 4.160. 43. Breuer's characterization is cited by Esterson, Seductive Mirage, p. 5. 44. Griinbaum, Foundations of Psychoanalysis, pp. 95-172; Griinbaum, Validation in the Clinical Theory of Psychoanalysis: A Study in the Philosophy of Psychoanalysis (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993). 45. See, e.g., Spence, Rhetorical Voice of Psychoanalysis, pp. 22-23; Robert N. Emde, "Individual Meaning and Increasing Complexity: Contributions of Sigmund Freud and Rene Spitz to Developmental Psychology," Developmental Psychology 28 206 NOTES

(1992), 347-59 (Emde stresses that extensive research "has shown that gender iden• tity is not an outcome of the Oedipus complex. Core gender identity is established earlier, usually in the second and third years of life" [352]). Especially important is the tenaciously empirical work of the distinguished child psychologist Margaret Mahler and her collaborators Fred Pine and Anni Bergman; see their The Psychological Birth cif the Human Infant: Symbiosis and Individuation (New York: Basic Books, 1975). As an example of the far harsher judgments passed by non• psychoanalytic critics of Freud, see Hans]. Eysenck, The Decline and Fall cif the Freudian Empire (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985), p. 35. 46. See Elizabeth F. Loftus, Memory: Surprising New Insights into How We Remember and Why We Forget (Reading: Addison-Wesley, 1980); Alan Baddeley, Human Memory: Theory and Practice (Hove: Psychology Press, 1990); Elizabeth F. Loftus and Katherine Ketcham, The Myth cifRepressed Memory (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994); and Crews, et al., Memory Wars. 47. For recent work on dreaming, see Anthony Shafton, Dream Reader: Contemporary Approaches to the Understanding cif Dreams (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995); Inge Strauch and Barbara Meier, In Search cif Dreams: Results cif Experimental Dream Research (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996); Michel Jouvet, The Paradox cif Sleep: The Story cif Dreaming, trans. Laurence Garey (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1999); Arthur W. Epstein, Dreaming and Other Involuntary Mentation: An Essay in Neuropsychiatry (Madison: International Universities Press, 1995); and]. Allan Hobson, The Dreaming Brain (New York: Basic Books, 1988). A quick overview of this work will reveal the dubious value of applying Freud's model of dreaming either to real dreams or-as is sometimes still done-to works of fiction. 48. Macmillan, Freud Evaluated, p. 548. 49. Jeffrey Moussaieff Masson, ed. and trans., The Complete Letters cif Sigmund Freud to Wilhelm Fliess 1887-1904 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), pp. 45-6. 50. See Crews, Memory Wars, pp. 57-8, and works cited there. The best discussion of this founding moment in the creation of psychoanalysis is provided by Esterson, Seductive Mirage, pp. 11-31; see also Richard Webster, Why Freud Was Wrong: Sin, Science and Psychoanalysis (New York, London: HarperCollins, 1995), pp. 195-213. 51. "Sexuality in the Aetiology of the Neuroses" (1898), SE 3.269. And Freud contin• ues: "Moreoever, the idea that one might, by one's insistence, cause a patient who is psychically normal to accuse himself fulsely of sexual misdemeanours--such an idea may safely be disregarded as an imaginary danger." Quite apart from the aston• ishing blindness to the power of suggestion that the analyst's "unshakeable convic• tion" could have on a patient that this comment reveals, one need only substitute "critic" and "text" for "analyst" and "patient" to see how vulnerable psychoana• lytic criticism is to the danger of finding the sexuality in a text that it already knows must be there. 52. "An Infantile Neurosis," in SE 17.14n.; see Cioffi, "Freud and the Idea of a Pseudo-Science," p. 480 (italics added). 53. "Sexuality in the Aetiology of the Neuroses" (1898), SE 3.268. The brackets are in the original. 54. "Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety" (1926), SE 20.129. 55. Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920), SE 18.33. In a footnote Freud compares explo• sive concussion to swinging and railway travel, a startling trivialization of the expe• riences of millions of men during the Great War. 56. Introductory Lectures, SE 16.430. NOTES 207

57. Interpretation if Dreams (1900), SE 4.158. 58. See above, note 13. For a subde reading of the Interpretation if Dreams that exam• ines its rhetorical power, see Alexander Welsh, Freud's Wishfol Dream Book (princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994). Welsh sees the subject of the book as being not the psyche but Freud's own ambition. 59. Timpanaro, The Freudian Slip, pp. 29-61, 41, 42-3, and 14 (see note 14). In his two-volume account of psychoanalytic theory, The Non-Authentic Nature if Freud's Observations (Uppsala: University of Uppsala Press, 1993), Max Schamberg describes the Freudian interpretive procedure as follows: 1. Start with a preconceived interpretation. 2. Pick up a few details here and there on the criterion that they can be used or misused to support the interpretation. 3. Connect them with the interpretation by means of the principle of similarity. 4. Ignore all data that cannot be used as pseudosupport of any interpretation. S. If data that contradict the interpretation have inadvertendy been obtained, suppress them and conceal them from the reader (2.17). The best precedent for Freud's hermeneutic is the exegetical method of the Middle Ages. In both cases the exegete knows beforehand what the text means-the dou• ble law of charity, the Oedipus complex-and her task is to explain how the text can mean what she knows it must mean. This analogy between the preemptive hermeneutic of medieval exegesis and psychoanalytic procedures has been pointed out by Cioffi, "Freud and the Idea of a Pseudo-Science," p. 498, and by Spence, Rhetorical Voice if Psychoanalysis (who argues at length that "psychoanalysis is as much a medieval as a modem science" [p. 47]). 60. "Freud and the Idea of a Pseudo-Science," p. 498. 61. Ludwig Wittgenstein, Lectures and Conversations on Aesthetics, Psychology and Religious Beliif(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), pp. 43-44, 47. 62. "A Case of Hysteria" (1905), SE 7.69 (my italics). In a footnote to this comment Freud easily trumps Dora: "A very common way of putting aside a piece of knowl• edge that emerges from the repressed." 63. See, for a sample of these investigations, Charles Bernheimer and Claire Kahane, eds., In Dora's Case: Freud-Hysteria--Feminism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985); Frank Cioffi, "Freud and the Idea ofa Pseudo-Science," pp. 471-99 (on Dora); Henri F. Ellenberger, "The Story of 'Anna 0': A Critical Review with New Data," Journal if the History if the Behavioral Sdences 8 (1972), 267-79; Esterson, Seductive Mirage, chapters 3-5; Stanley Fish, "Withholding the Missing Portion: Power, Meaning, and Persuasion in Freud's 'The Wolf-Man,' " TLS, August 29, 1986; John Kerr, A Most Dangerous Method: The Story ifJung, Freud, and Sabina Spielrein (New York: Knopf, 1993); Karin Obholzer, The Wolf-Man: Conversations with Freud's Patient-Sixty Years Later, trans. Michael Shaw (New York: Continuum, 1982); Frank J. Sulloway, "Reassessing Freud's Case Histories: The Social Construction of Psychoanalysis," Isis 82 (1991): 245-75; and Joseph Wolpe and Stanley Rachman, "Psychoanalytic 'Evidence': A Critique Based on Freud's Case of Lit de Hans," Journal if Nervous and Mental Disease 131 (1960): 135-48. 64. Cioffi, "Freud and the Idea of a Pseudo-Science," pp. 472-3. 65. Cioffi, "Freud and the Idea of a Pseudo-Science, p. 485. As Cioffi shows in another essay, what tnakes a theory pseudoscientific rather than nonscientific is that its state• ments are subject to falsifiability but are presented and tnaintained in a context in which testing is rendered impossible. A pseudoscience will seek to prove itselfby citing positive instances while tnaking it impossible to distinguish between positive and negative ("Psychoanalysis, Pseudo-Science and Testability," in Gregory Currie 208 NOTES

and Alan Musgrave, eds., Popper and the Human Sciences [Dordrecht: Nijhoff, 1985], pp. 13-44, esp. p. 17). 66. Sibylle Escalona, "Problems in Psycho-analytic Research," International Journal of Psycho-analysis 33 (1952): 11-21; cited by Cioffi, "Psychoanalysis, Pseudo-Science and Testability," pp. 20-21; emphasis added. See also Morris N. Eagle, "The Epistemological Status of Recent Developments in Psychoanalytic Theory," in Robert S. Cohen and Larry Laudan, eds., Physics, Philosophy and Psychoanalysis: Essays in Honor of Adolf Griinbaum (Boston: D. Reidel, 1983), pp. 31-55. 67. Bowie, Lacan, p. 22. As Bowie says, Lacan "starves his hypothesis of the clinical data that could test its organizing power, and produces neither map nor message" (p. 25). For empirical evidence about how infants actually respond to mirrors, see Margaret S. Mahler and John B. McDevitt, "Thoughts on the Emergence of the Sense of Self, with Particular Emphasis on the Body Self," Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 30 (1982), 827-48, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn and Michael Lewis, "Mirror-Image Stimulation and Self-Recognition in Infancy," a paper available at http://askeric.org/Eric/. I am indebted for these references to Norman Holland, "The Trouble(s) with Lacan" (see n. 31). As Holland says, There is no evidence for Lacan's notion of a mirror stage. Indeed what evidence we have runs rather the other way ....Perhaps Lacan knew no better in 1936, but why do present-day Lacanians go on quoting this mish-mash of conjecture and false assertions? 68. See Ferry and Renaut, French Philosophy of the Sixties, pp. 3-67, 185-227. 69. Ernest Jones, The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud, 3 vols. (New York: Basic Books, 1953-57), 1.327; Marcus, Freud and the Culture of Psychoanalysis, p. 11. The most recent and thorough demonstration of Freud's self-interest in misrepresenting his "data" is provided by Han Israels, Der Fall Freud: die Geburt der Psychoanalyse aus der Luge, trans. (from the Dutch) Gerd Busse (Hamburg: Europaische Verlagsanstalt, 1999 [1993]); an extensive summary ofIsraels's indictment is provided by Mikkel Borch-Jacobsen, "How a Fabrication Differs From a Lie," Landon Review of Books, vol. 22, no. 8 (April 13, 2000), pp. 3-7. 70. See especially Henri F. Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry (New York: Basic Books, 1970), Edward Shorter, A History of Psychiatry: From the Era of the Asylum to the Age of Prozac (New York: John Wiley, 1997), and Sulloway, Freud, Biologist of the Mind. 71. For the dubious existence of the self-analysis, see Spence, Rhetorical Voice, chapter 5; for Freud's misbehavior as an analyst, two instances are cited by Sulloway, "Reassessing Freud's Case Histories," from the correspondence with Fliess, one in 1888, the other in 1898: "I have at this moment a lady in hypnosis lying in front of me and therefore can go on writing in peace;" "I sleep during my afternoon analy• ses" (cited p. 157); for Freud's enthusiasm for cocaine, Fliess's theory of the physi• ological connection between the nose and the genitals, and its hideous effects upon their patient, Emma Eckstein, for which Freud refused to take responsibility, see E. M. Thornton, Freud and Cocaine: The Freudian Fallacy (London: Blond and Briggs, 1983); Sulloway, Freud, Biologist of the Mind, pp. 327-29; Crews, Skeptical Engagements, pp. 48-52; and Clark Glymour, "The Theory of Your Dreams," in Cohen and Laudan, eds., Physics, Philosophy and Psychoanalysis, pp. 57-71, esp. 64-9. 72. As the psychoanalyst Robert Holt says: American psychoanalysis has lived for so long within a snug cocoon of myth that it seems unable to go through the predictable pains of metamorphosis into a NOTES 209

viable progressive discipline. The protective threads it has wound around itself include warding off all criticism as resistance, idolatry of Freud, and faithful internalization of all his faults as a scientist and writer. (Freud Reappraised, p. 341) To be sure, contemporary psychoanalysts are aware of their credibility problem: the American Psychoanalytic Association has established a Subcommittee on Strategic Marketing, hired a public relations consultant and Washington lobbyist, and is con• ducting focus groups in order, according to the Chairman of the Subcommittee, "to try and define the messages we should be giving for public use" (New York Times, December 9, 2000, pp. B7 and B9). 73. For a psychoanalyst's account of this irony, see Alan Stone, "Where Will Psychoanalysis Survive?," Harvard Magazine 99:3 (1997), 35-9. Stone, a former president of the American Psychiatric Association, sees the future of psychoanalysis in "the arts and humanities," and points out that in the Harvard course catalogue for 1997 there are 40 "classes whose descriptions mention either Freud or psycho• analysis. All of them are in the humanities, particularly literature; no course is being given in the psychology department, and next to nothing is offered in the medical school" (38). 74. All citations from Chaucer are to The Riverside Chaucer, 3d. ed., gen ed. Larry D. Benson (Boston, 1987). All further citations will be included in the text by line number; I have on occasion altered the punctuation. 75. Chaucer and the Subject of History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 367-421; the essentials of this reading were first presented in "Chaucerian Confession: Penitential Literature and the Pardoner," Medievalia et Humanistica 7 (1976), 153-73 and, with the added psychoanalytic twist, in a paper at the Medieval Congress at Kalamazoo in 1985. 76. Dinshaw, Chaucer's Sexual Poetics (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989). Dinshaw's chapter has been often reprinted and cited as providing an authoritative account of tale: see, for example, Derek Pearsall, ed., Chaucer to Spenser: A Critical Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), pp. 65-106, and Bruce R. Smith, "Premodern Sexualities," PMLA 115 (2000): 318-29, esp. 324. 77. In this (mistaken) assumption, Dinshaw is relying upon Alfred L. Kellogg and Louis A. Haselmayer, "Chaucer's Satire of the Pardoner," in Alfred L. Kellogg, Chaucer, Langland, Arthur: Essays in Middle English Literature (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1972), pp. 212-44 (p. 233 n. 51). For pardoners and relics, see Siegfried Wenzel, "Chaucer's Pardoner and His Relics," Studies in the Age of Chaucer 11 (1989): 37-41 and n. 152. Unfortunately, Dinshaw does not use Kellogg's excel• lent "An Augustinian Interpretation of Chaucer's Pardoner," Speculum 26 (1951): 465-81, reprinted in Chaucer, Langland, Arthur, pp. 245--68, which provides a good account of the subtle psychologizing available to medieval Christianity. 78. Dinshaw misses a Freudian opportunity here: in The Interpretation of Dreams Freud reads one of his own dreams as showing that he thought that his children wished to turn his sexual organs into relics; see Eysenck, Decline and Fall of the Freudian Empire, p.146. 79. Dinshaw, Chaucer's Sexual Poetics, pp. 161--64, 167-8. 80. See "Fetishism" (1927), SE 21.152-57, and An Outline of Psycho-analysis (1940), SE 23.202-3. Freud argues that the particular object chosen as a fetish depends upon whatever the child "saw at the moment at which he saw the female genitals, or it is something that can suitably serve as a symbolic substitute for the penis" (SE 23.203). Given his vantage point from the ground up, the boy thus usually 210 NOTES

becomes a foot or shoe fetishist, although occasionally he uses hair, since his horror at the sight of the mother's missing penis fixates his gaze on her pubic hair. 81. This argument was first made, in relation to Chaucer's source for the relevant pas• sage in the Roman de la rose, by R. Howard Bloch, Etymologies and Genealogies: A Literary Anthropology

Strahan, 1810), 1.87; see also 1.29 (1275) and 2.27 (1382). In France I have found one case, of the Aulnay brothers who had adulterous liaisons with the daughters• in-law of Philippe IV: S. H. Cutder, The Law of Treason and Treason Trials in Later Medieval France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 118. See also Richard F. Green, "The Pardoner's Pants (and Why They Matter)," Studies in the Age of Chaucer 15 (1993), pp. 131-45 [143-4, n. 26]. Pro£ Green has also directed me to a case reported from Kent in 1314 in which a raped woman is granted the right to herself put out the eyes and cut off the testicles of the man who assaulted her specifically because he was married. If he had been single his punishment would have been to marry her. "By advice of counsel" the woman withdrew her appeal and there is no mention of any punishment: see F. W. Maidand, L. W. V. Harcourt, and W. C. Bolland, eds. and trans., Year Books of Edward II, vol. 5, Selden Society 24 (London B. Quaritch, 1910), pp. 134-5. For a well-known twelfth• century example of extrajudicial castration, see Giles Constable, "Aelred of Rievaulx and the Nun of Watton," in Derek Baker, ed., Medieval Women (Oxford: B. Blackwell, 1978), pp. 205-226. 89. A survey of castration in the Middle Ages which argues for its disappearance as a judicial form of punishment in northern Europe by the thirteenth century is pro• vided by Peter Browe, Zur Geschichte der Entmannung (Breslau: Muller & Seiffert, 1936). Piotr O. Scholz, Entmannte Eros: Eine Kulturgeschichte (Dusseldorf: Markus Weiner, 1997), and Gary Taylor, Castration: An Abbreviated History of Western Manhood (New York: Roudedge, 2000) are of litde use for our topic; see, for example, the review ofScholz's book by Michael Goodich, American History Review 106 (2001): 1750--50. Susan Tuchel, Kastration im Mittelalter (Dusseldorf: Droste, 1998), deals almost exclusively with literary materials. Klaus van Eickels, "Gendered Treason: Castration and Blinding for Treason in Normandy and Anglo-Norman England," Gender and History 16 (2004): 588-602, shows that cas• tration was often used in the eleventh and twelfth centuries to punish members of the nobility who were thought to be treasonous. But scholarship dealing with later medieval England show that this form of punishment had largely if not entirely dis• appeared: see "Gendered Treason," 599, n. 14. 90. Walter Clyde Curry, Chaucer and the Mediaeval Sciences, 2d ed. (New York: Bames and Noble, 1960 [1926]), pp. 54-70. 91. I have been helped to think this issue through by Stephen Barney, some of whose language I have appropriated. 92. The interpretation of a mare as the passive partner in same-sex intercourse seems plau• sible but I cannot support it with specific citations. But mare is used in Middle English to designate a loose woman, and the context here, as well as the commonplace link• age between sodomy and bestiality in medieval discussions, support such an interpre• tation. For sodomy and bestiality, see, for example, Alain de Lille's Uber poenitentialis, which cites the statute of the Council of Ancyra that linked sodomy with bestiality, specifically with intercourse with a "mare, cow, or donkey" (cited by Goodich, Unmentionable Vice, p. 34); the same statute is cited by Bartholomew of Exeter: see Dom Adrian Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter, Bishop and Canonist: A Study in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1937), pp. 235-7. Peter Damien's Book of Gomorrah invokes both sodomy-as-eunuchry and sodomy-as-bestiality by cit• ing Psalm 31(32):9: "Do not be like a horse or a mule, which is without understanding"-a citation that opens onto the larger question of the Pardoner's lit• eralism: Book of Gomorrah: An Eleventh-Century Treatise against Clerical Homosexual 212 NOTES

Practices, trans. Pierre J. Payer (Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1982), p.62. 93. See George B. Stow, "Chronicles versus Records: The Character of Richard II," in J. S. Hamilton and Patricia J. Bradley, eds., Documenting the Past: Essays in Medieval History Presented to George Peddy Cuttino (Woodbridge: Brewer, 1989), pp. 155-76; Nigel Saul, Richard II (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), p. 437; and Chris Given-Wilson, ed. and trans., Chronicles qf the Revolution, 1397-1400: The Reign qf Richard II (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1993), p. 160. 94. For the Twelve Conclusions, see Anne Hudson, Selections from English Wyclijfite Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 25; the Prologue to the Wyclif Bible is discussed by Elizabeth B. Keiser, Courtly Desire and Medieval Homophobia: The Legitimation qf Sexual Pleasure in Cleanness and Its Contexts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), p. 148. 95. See Goodich, The Unmentionable Vice: "In the popular mind sodomy became asso• ciated with the nobility and the clergy, and in northern Europe with Italian usurers and bankers. . ..Homosexuality was regarded primarily as a vice of the church and the nobility" (pp. 86-7). In her recent Getting Medieval, Carolyn Dinshaw argues that late medieval England was ubiquitously homophobic and heterosexualist, but nonetheless acknowledges that accusations of sodomy by Lollards against the enclosed orders and the clergy were "not all that frequent" and that the reverse accusation---orthodox clerics charging Lollards with sodorny--a1so "were not very common" (pp. 59, 66). Her further claim that in calling enclosed religious men and women "private" Lollards were implying illicit goings-on is misleading. The Lollards disliked religious orders because they held themselves apart from the rest of Christians and therefore violated the universal• ity of the Church: Lollard atritudes were determined not by sexual anxieties but byecclesiology. 96. See, for instance, the Parson's Tale, X.91G-11. For reticence in penitential texts, see Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Sodety, p. 399 and passim; and Allen J. Frantzen, "The Disclosure of Sodomy in Cleanness," PMLA 111 (1996): 451-64, who stresses the exceptionality of its open discussion of homosexuality. The cen• sorship of Arab medical texts, and especially those of Avicenna, that discuss homosexuality openly, is described by Danielle Jacquart and Claude Thomasset, Sexuality and Medidne in the Middle Ages, trans. Matthew Adamson (princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), pp. 155-6. 97. F. D. Matthew, ed., The English Works qfWyclifHitherto Unprinted, EETS, o.s. 74 (London: Triibner, 1880), pp. 6-7. This work will subsequently be referred to as Matthew, EWW 98. Matthew, EWW, p. 100; see also Thomas Arnold, ed., Select English Works qfJohn Wyclif, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1869-71; hitherto referred to as SEWW): "and herefore pei fallen into lecherie in dyverse degrees, and in synne a3enst kynde" (3.190). 99. See Boswell, Christianity, Sodal Tolerance, and Homosexuality; Goodich, The Unmentionable Vice; Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Sodety (while Brundage notes the increased legal attention to sodomy in the Mediterranean countries from the eleventh century on, he presents evidence that challenges Boswell's claims that the earlier tolerance was both widespread and substantial.); and John W. Baldwin, The Language qf Sex: Five Voices from Northern France around 1200 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994). NOTES 213

100. Richard M. Wunderli, London Church Courts and Soaety on the Eve of the Reformation (Cambridge: Medieval Academy of America, 1981), pp. 8~. 101. David N. Klausner, ed., Records of Early English Drama: Herefordshire, Woreestershire (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990). The absence of cases of sodomy was communicated to me personally by Pro£ Klausner. 102. Wunderli, London Church Courts, also notes that "we can never know for sure from the silence of the records. Perhaps such acts were considered serious enough to be handled in a higher church court or by the bishop personally" (p. 84). Wunderli concludes, however, that "a lack of defamations for sodomy does, I believe, argue for a probable low incidence of sodomy" (p. 84). 103. The other exception is Cleanness, which survives in a single manuscript and is often thought to be, as in Allen Frantzen's recent reading, addressed to the clergy: see above, n. 96. On the other hand, Elizabeth Keiser argues in Courtly Desire and Medieval Homophobia that the poem was written for an elite gentry audience, for whom the attack on sodomy was understandable within the context of a culture that valued heterosexual pleasure highly and in which "the realm of sensuality and its erotic refinements--still marked as ferninine-are explicidy legitimated as essential components in the male's self-realization through love" (p. 139). Much the same argument can be made, I believe, about Alain de Lille's De planetu natu• rae, where heterosexual generation is also celebrated as a response to the Catharist heresy that Alain attacks in his De fide Catholiea: see Roger French and Andrew Cunningham, Before Sdence: The Invention of the Friars' Natural Philosophy (Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1996), pp. 104-108. 104. According to Anne Hudson, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), " 'Conservative Lollardy' " is sometimes very close to " 'radical orthodoxy' " (p. 279). 105. This large topic cannot be adequately discussed here, but suggestive accounts may be found in Pamela Gradon, "Langland and the Ideology of Dissent," Proceedings of the British Academy 66 (1980), 179-205; Hudson, Premature Reformation, pp. 39Q-4; Alcuin Blarnires, "The Wife of Bath and Lollardy," Medium Aevum 58 (1989): 224-42; and Lynn Staley, "Chaucer and the Postures of Sanctity," in David Aers and Lynn Staley, The Powers of the Holy: Religion, Politics, and Gender in Late Medieval English Culture (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), pp. 179-259. 106. James Henthorn Todd, ed., An Apology for Lollard Doctrines, Camden Society, o.s., 20 (London: J. B. Nichols, 1842), p. 52. The Apology later says that simoniacs "are sellars of dowuis [doves], for pei selle spiritual pingis" (p. 57). 107. Matthew, Eww, p. 66. 108. Lilian M. Swinburn, The Lanteme of Li3t, BETS, O.s. 151 (London: K. Paul, Trench, Triibner, 1917), p. 76. 109. Matthew, Eww, p. 80. 110. Cited by Hudson, Premature Reformation, p. 300; see also Matthew, EWW, p. 82. 111. Gloria Cigman, ed., Lollard Sermons, EETS, O.s. 294 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 113. For more on pardoners as simoniacs, see G. R. Owst, Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1933), p. 373, n. 3, and G. R. Owst, Preaching in Medieval England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926), p. 105. 112. This interpretation is present in William Peraldus, Summae virtutum ac vitiorum, 2 vol. (Antwerp: Philippus Nutius, 1571),2.34 and 2.74 (see John Wyclif, De Simonia, ed. Dr. Herzberg-Frankel and Michael Henry Dziewicki [London: Triibner, 1898], p. 8, n. 24), and is undoubtedly oflongstanding. The connection between 214 NOTES

Wyclifs treatise and the portrait of the Pardoner in the General Prologue was first made by Terrence A. McVeigh, "Chaucer's Portraits of the Pardoner and Summoner and Wyclifs Tractatus de Simonia," Classical Folia 29 (1975): 54-8; see also George). Engelhardt, "The Ecclesiastical Pilgrims of the Canterbury Tales: A Study in Ethology," Mediaeval Studies 37 (1975): 287-315; Melvin Storm, "The Pardoner's Invitation: Quaestor's Bag or Becket's Shrine?" PMLA 77 (1982): 810--818; Eugene Vance, "Chaucer's Pardoner: Relics, Discourse, and Frames of Propriety," New Literary History 20 (1989): 723-45; and Richard K. Emmerson and Ronald B. Herzman, The Apocalyptic Imagination in Medieval Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992), pp. 171-81. 113. Cited by Owst, Literature and Pulpit, p. 244. 114. Matthew, EWW, p. 26; see also Owst, Literature and Pulpit, p. 248 and Wyclif, De Simonia, pp. 8-9. 115. Swinburn, Lanteme, pp. 131-2. 116. Arnold, SEww, 3.143. The relation of the Pardoner to traditional prescriptions for preaching has been explored by Alastair Minnis, "Chaucer's Pardoner and the 'Office of Preacher,' " in Piero Boitani and Anna Torti, eds., Intellectuals and Writers in Fourteenth-Century Europe (Tiibingen: Narr, 1986), pp. 88-119; see also Alan J. Fletcher, "The Preaching of the Pardoner," Studies in the Age cif Chaucer 11 (1989): 15-35, and Gregory W. Gross, "Trade Secrets: Chaucer, the Pardoner, the Critics," Modem Language Studies 25 (1995): 1-36. Minnis touches on "Wycliffite" texts but does not deal with the material described here, while Fletcher dismisses Wycliffite material as irrelevant to the Pardoner's orthodox audience. The connection among sodomy, simony, and preaching is discussed by Monica Brzezinski Potkay, "Cleanness's Fecund and Barren Speech Acts," Studies in the Age cifChaucer 17 (1995): 99-109, (esp. 106-109), although without men• tion of the Pardoner. 117. These passages derive from Matthew, Eww, pp. 124,438, and Anne Hudson, ed., Two Wycliffite Texts: The Sermon cif William Taylor 1406, The Testimony cif William Thorpe 1407, EETS, o.s. 301 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 19. Both of these objections-to using preaching as a prelude to begging and to the use of fables or exempla--are part of the traditional language of antifrater• nalism, and go back at least to William of St. Amour in the mid-thirteenth cen• tury: see Penn Szittya, The Antifratemal Tradition in Medieval Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 53. But as is typical of the anticlericalism of the late fourteenth-century described by Wendy Scase, Piers Plowman and the New Antic/ericalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), these terms come to be applied to many kinds of clerics, including pardoners. 118. Swinburn, Lanteme, p. 55. 119. Matthew, EWW, pp. 105-106. 120. According to Margaret Aston, it is "wholly probable" that the description of the Parson in the General Prologue would have identified him to a contemporary audience as having "Lollard inclinations" (Lollards and Riformers: Images and Literacy in Late Medieval Religion [London: Hambledon Press, 1984], p. 16 and note). 121. On the Pardoner's use of exempla, see Siegfried Wenzel, "Chaucer and the Language of Contemporary Preaching," Studies in Philology 73 (1976): 138-61. 122. Arnold, SEWW, 3.123; emphasis added. 123. Matthew, Eww, p. 10. NOTES 215

124. Matthew, EWW, p. 56. The designation ofineffective preaching as sodomitical is applied in one text even to those who refuse to listen to a sermon with the proper attentiveness: see Cigman, ed., Lollard Sermons, p. 201. 125. Cited from Finnegans Wake by Robert Wilcocks, Maelzel's Chess Player: Sigmund Freud and the Rhetoric of Deceit (Totowa: Rowman and Litdefield, 1994), p. 284. 126. Arnold, SEWW, 3.143-44. 127. Arnold, 3.125, 3.144; Swinburn, Lanteme, pp. 95-6, 133. 128. Swinburn, Lanteme, p. 31. 129. Arnold, SEWW, 1.95-6. 130. I have discussed the exegesis of this metaphor, and its presence in the tale in the oak tree under which the rioters find their deaths, in Chaucer and the Subject of History, pp. 404-5. 131. Matthew, EWW, p. 307. 132. Arnold, SEWW, 3.470; italics added. 133. Apology, p. 58; see also Matthew, EWW p. 167; Arnold, SEWW, 3.471; and Swinburn, Lanteme, pp. 92-3. 134. Matthew, Eww, pp. 130,214. 135. Matthew, EWW, p. 154. For other examples of pardoners and relics, see Owst, Preaching in Medieval England, pp. 108-9, pp. 109-10, and p. 110, n.1; and above, n.77. 136. See Hudson, Premature Riformation, pp. 304-5; J. F. Davis, "Lollards, Reformers and St. Thomas of Canterbury," University of Birmingham HistoricaiJoumal9 (1963): 1-15; and Margaret Aston, Lollards and Riformers, pp. 89-90. There is even evi• dence that Lollards themselves engaged in their own form of relic-collecting: when a Lollard was burned as a heretic in the early fifteenth century, his ashes were gath• ered by the faithful and preserved (Hudson, Premature Riformation, p. 172). 137. John Wyclif, De Mandatis divinis, ed.Johann Loserth and F. D. Matthew (London: Triibner, 1922), p. 162. 138. Todd, Apology, pp. 87-8. 139. Swinburn, Lanteme, p. 41. 140. Cigman, Lollard Sermons, p. 114. 141. A scriptural source for this connection between idolatry and sexual deviance is Romans 1.21-27. 142. Swinburn, Lanteme, pp. 120-21. 143. For an instance of this common theme, see Matthew, Eww, p. 340. 144. Refornllsts counter contemporary criticisms that they know only "pe litteral sense of Scripture, pat li3dy makep men erre" not by arguing that the literal sense is sufficient, but that they know the spiritual sense as well, as their sermons--addressed to "gostli men"--demonstrate (Lol/ard Sermons, pp. 51, 74). 145. Matthew, EWW, p. 160. 146. Matthew, Eww, p. 339. For the theology ofpenance in the fourteenth century, and the rarity of discussions of attrition, see Chaucer and the Subjed of History, pp. 374-86. 147. Chaucer and Medieval Estates Satire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), pp. 149,208-12. 148. George Kane and E. Talbot Donaldson, eds., Piers Plowman: The B Version (London: Athlone Press, 1975), pp. 346--47. 149. This and the next four paragraphs condense an account of the Tale I first offered in Chaucer and the Subject of History, pp. 412-19. In the interests of brevity, I have omitted here the sources of my citations, which are available in the book. 216 NOTES

150. This particular reading of the Old Man's speech-less the literary history of the Judas legend-was first provided by Robert P. Miller, "Chaucer's Pardoner, the Scriptural Eunuch, and the Pardoner's Tale," Speculum 30 (1955): 180-99. 151. I am indebted to a Yale undergraduate, Andrew Hongo, and his teacher David Quint, for bringing this allusion to my notice. Lawrence Besserman, Chaucer and the Bible: A Critical Review of Research, Indexes, and Bibliography (New York: Garland, 1988), does indicate the possibility of this allusion, but adds a question mark. The usual source for this element of the scene is taken to be an elegy by Maximianus. See Riverside Chaucer, p. 909, note to lines 727-36. 152. Augustine, InJoannis evangelium tractatus CXXIV (PL 35.1484). See also Bede, who follows Augustine in seeing this passage as referring to heretics and schismatics, and for whom the mother to be reentered is "Ecclesia mater, quae generat novit" (PL 94.198); John Scotus Erigena, who stresses the relation of the visible to the invisi• ble, the letter to the spirit (PL 122.315-18); and Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica (PL 198.1560), who emphasizes Nicodemus's status as a leamed man. 153. The only other vernacular text that I know in which an allusion to John 3.1-12 occurs is the Chevalier de la cha"ete by Chretien de Troyes. Two young knights warn Lancelot that to cross the sword bridge is no more possible "than for a man to enter the womb of his mother and be reborn" ("ne que li hom porroit antrer / el vantre sa mere et renestre"): Mario Roques, ed., Le Chevalier de la Cha"ete, CFMA 83 (Paris: H. Champion, 1963), lines 3056-57, p. 93. Given the religious implications of Lancelot's quest into "the land from which, once they have entered there, neither clerk nor noble ever returns" (1904-906), the notion of spiritual rebirth has an evident appropriateness. The allusion disappears in the Prose Lancelot: see Norris J. Lacy, ed., Lance/ot-Grail: The Old French Arthurian Vu(g-ate and Post- Vu(g-ate in Translation, vol. 3 (New York: Garland, 1995), pp. 14-20. 154. The word is derived from the Portuguese word feitifo, a fifteenth-century term used in the exploration narratives of the fifteenth century where it designated a kind of magic practiced both by Africans and by the Portuguese themselves. For instance, Francisco Alvares in his Verdadeira InfoTmafao das Terras do Preste Joiio das indias (Lisbon: Publicar,:oes Europa-America, 1989), p. 78, describes how the Portuguese were credited by the Ethiopians with ridding the country of locusts, bringing forth from clerics in other regions the following explanation to the Ethiopians: But they [the Portuguese] are sorcerers [feitifeiros] and it was through sorcery [feitifos] that they drove the locusts out; and because of the magic [feitifarias] that they practice, they don't fear lions or other animals. The original meaning of fetishism, then, is as a form of magic, so that its original, late medieval meaning is sufficient to legitimize its application to magic-working relics quite apart from Freudian theorizing. I am indebted to Prof. Josiah Blackmore of the University of Toronto for this citation. 155. See above, n. 82. 156. Margaret Aston, England's Iconoclasts, vol. 1: Laws against Images (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), p. 402. 157. See G. J. C. Snoek, Medieval Piety.from Relics to the Eucharist: A Process of Mutual Interaction (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995). 158. Snoek, Medieval Piety.from Relics to the Eucharist, p. 28. 159. Snoek, Medieval Piety.from Relics to the Eucharist, p. 13. NOTES 217

160. Caroline Walker Bynum, The Resu"ection oj the Body in Western Christianity, 200- 1336 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995). The importance of the res• urrection of the body as a warrant of eternal life is vividly illustrated by the medieval habit of burning heretics, as is explained by R. C. Finucane, "Sacred Corpse, Profane Carrion: Social Ideals and Death Rituals in the Later Middle Ages," in Joachim Whaley, ed., Mi"ors oj Mortality: Studies in the Sodal History oj Death (London: Europa, 1981), pp. 40-60. 161. Ellert Dahl, "Heavenly Images: The Statue of St. Foy of Conques and the Signification of the Medieval 'Cult-Image' in the West," Acta ad archaeologiam et Artium historiam pertinentia 8 (Rome, 1979): 175-92. 162. Leo Steinberg, The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983). 163. Chaucer quotes this line in the Parson's Tale: "Who shal delivere me fro the pris• oun of my caytyfbody?" (X.344). 164. Steven Pinker, How the Mind Works (New York: Norton, 1997), pp. 329-33. 165. For an example of such a procedure in regard to the Pardoner's Prologue and Tale, see Paul Strohm, "Chaucer's Lollard Joke: History and the Textual Unconscious," Studies in the Age oj Chaucer 17 (1995): 23--42, an article from which several of the phrases in the previous two sentences are derived. 166. Christopher Norris, What's Wrong with Postmodernism: Critical Theory and the Ends oJPhiiosophy (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); Christopher Norris, Reclaiming Truth: Contribution to a Critique oj Cultural Relativism (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1996); Satya P. Mohanty, Literary Theory and the Claims oj History: Postmodernism, Objectivity, Multicultural Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); David Simpson, The Academic Postmodern and the Rule oJLiterature: A Report on Half-Knowledge (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Susan Haack, Evidence and Inquiry: Towards Reconstruction in Epistemology (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993); Susan Haack, Manifesto oj a Passionate Moderate: Unfashionable Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). 167. Newsweek, January 30,1956, p. 56.

"What Man Artow?"; Authorial Self-Definition in The Tale of Sir Thopas and The Tale of Melibee 1. Kate Mertes, The English Noble Household, 1250-1600 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988), pp.26-29. 2. Jill Mann, Chaucer and Medieval Estates Satire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), p. 202. 3. If there is a contemporary precedent for this moment of vocational interrogation, it occurs in passus 5 of the C text oj Piers Plowman. There the dreamer is "aratede" by Reason for his useless way of life but defends himself, irresolutely, in terms not of his "makyng" but rather of his vocation as an itinerant beadsman. Langland returns to this problem throughout the poem, his failure to resolve the issue paral• leling Chaucer's own difficulties with authorial self-definition. For a detailed account of this moment in Piers Plowman, see Anne Middleton, "William Langland's Kynde Name," in Lee Patterson, ed., Literary Practice and Sodal Change in Britain, 1350-1530 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 15-82. 218 NOTES

4. The terms of this opposition, and their centrality to Chaucer's conception of writ• ing, have been made clear in an important article by Glending Olson, "Making and Poetry in the Age of Chaucer," Comparative Literature 31 (1979): 272-90. See also Anne Middleton, "Chaucer's 'New Men' and the Good of Literature in the Canterbury Tales" in Edward Said, ed., Literature and Soaety, English Institute Essays, 1978 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980), pp. 15-56; Anne Middleton, "The Idea of Public Poetry in the Reign of Richard II," Speculum 53 (1978): 94-114; Winthrop Wetherbee, Chaucer and the Poets: An Essay on "Troilus and Criseyde" (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), pp. 17-29. Also important for understanding the anomaly of Chaucer's cultural position is A. C. Spearing, Medieval to Renaissance in English Poetry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 1-58. 5. Middleton, "Chaucer's 'New Men,' " p. 32. 6. See John Stevens, Music and Poetry in the Early Tudor Court (London: Methuen, 1961), pp. 147-232; Glending Olson, "Toward a Poetics of the Late Medieval Court Lyric," in Lois Ebin, ed., Vernacular Poetics in the Middle Ages (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1984), pp. 227-48. 7. "Social distinctions which had in practice been a part of the English scene for a long time became [in the fourteenth century] more rigidly defined, more blatandy advertised, and more jealously guarded. There is certainly much evidence to sub• stantiate the view that the later fourteenth- and fifteenth-century peerage was more aware of its exclusivity than had been the case in the thirteenth century." Chris Given-Wilson, The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages (London: Roudedge and Kegan Paul, 1987), p. 57. 8. For a contrary view, see Wetherbee, Chaucer and the Poets, and Alastair Minnis, Chaucer and Pagan Antiquity (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1982). I have defended the account of Chaucer's classicism I offer here at greater length in Chaucer and the Subject ifHistory (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991). 9. The arguments given by J. S. P. Tadock, in The Development and Chronology if Chaucer's Works Chaucer Society, 2d ser., vol. 37 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench and Triibner, 1907), for a date in 1387 remain persuasive (pp. 142-50). 10. Wilhelm Cloetta, Beitriige zur Litteraturgeschichte des Mitte/alters und der Renaissance vol. I, Komodie und Tragodie im Mittelalter (Halle: Niemeyer, 1890), p. 28; subse• quent page references are included in the text. 11. That when used generically the Middle English word "storie" means "history" is demonstrated by Paul Strohm, "Storie, SpeUe, Geste, Romaunce, Tragedie: Generic Distinctions in Middle English Troy Narratives," Speculum 46 (1971): 348-59. 12. These definitions come from, respectively, Diomedes, Isidore, and Lactantius Placidus; all are cited from Cloetta, Komodie und Tragodie, pp. 19,21,30. 13. The discussion of comedy in the Speculum historiale, not original with Vincent but reproduced by him, runs as follows: Comoedia interpretatur uillanus cantus. Comeoediarum usus hinc inoleuit: Mos erat antiquorum ut post collectas de adiacentibus uillis fruges in aliquem locum capacissimum confluerent et ibi quosdam uersus de communi statu uitae suae rusticiter composites in festiuis diebus recitive arent. Ex qua consuetudine apud Graecos et Latinos usus inoleuit ut de uulgari materia uulgari sermone carmina facerent. Et sic quod uulgare erat, paulatim, quibusdam facetiis et artificiali genere loquendi representatum, uili et humili materia in artem redactum est. Unde NOTES 219

Horarius [Ep. 2,1, 145-46]: "Fescennina per hunc inuenta licentia morem / Uersibus altemis opprobria rustica fudit." This discussion is cited by Cloetta, Komodie undTragodie, p. 34. For comedy as a "cannen aptum comestioni," see Cloetta, Komodie undTragodie, pp. 46-47, where Cloetta gives instances of the medieval derivation of comoedia from comedere. This social definition is also important to Dante: in the Letter to Can Grande 10, he derives comedy "from comus, 'a village,' and oda, which is, 'song;' whence comedy is, as it were, 'rustic song.' " In Inf 20.113, Virgil refers to "l'alta mia tragedii," and in canto 21.2, Dante counters by calling his own poem "la mia comedia": canto 20 deals with the classical world of soothsayers (there are only two medieval sinners present here, while the test derive from the world of classical epic), but canto 21 initiates the travelers' extended sojourn among the slangy, vulgar devils of the cir• cle of the barrators, a world wholly foreign to Virgil, who is continually misled by his own exalted sense of decorum. 14. Carl Lindahl, "The Festive Fonn of the Canterbury Tales" EIB (1985): 31-74. 15. H. Marshall Leicester, Jr., "The Art of Impersonation: A General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales" PMLA 95 (1980): 8-22. 16. Paul Strohm, "Fonn and Social Statement in Confessto Amantis and The Canterbury Tales," Studies in the Age 0/ Chaucer 1 (1979): 17-40. 17. When the Miller interrupts the Knight with his fabliau story of"quiting," he in effect transforms the Tales as a whole into a fabliau. As Alfred David has suggested, the placing and effect of the Miller's Tale implies that "the whole pilgrimage had to be invented for the sake of the fabliaux" (The Strumpet Muse [Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1976], p. 106). 18. Patterson, Chaucer and the Subject 0/ History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 244-321. 19. Robert A. Pratt, "The Order of the Canterbury Tales" PMLA 66 (1951): 114-67. 20. Richard Firth Green, Poets and Princepleasers: Literature and the English Court in the Late Middle Ages (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), p. 143. 21. To divide literary discourse into simply "sentence" and "solaas"--as do the Thopas and Mellibee-is to leave no room for the special qualities of Chaucerian poetry, qualities that we now recognize as defining "literature." As Spearing has pointed out, "In England, the very concept of literature did not yet exist, and writing was seen as being no more than instrumental, a vehicle for instruction or entertain• ment" (Medieval to Renaissance, p. 13). 22. On the decline of the minstrel and his replacement by the court poet, see E. K. Chambers, The Mediaeval Stage (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1903), 1.42-86; Arthur K. Moore, "Sir Thopas as Criticism of Fourteenth-century Minstrelsy," Journal 0/ English and Germanic Philology 53 (1954): 532-45; Green, Poets and Princepleasers, pp. 101-34. 23. See especially John Burrow, Ricardian Poetry (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1971), pp. 12-46, for an excellent discussion of the minstrelism of Chaucer's style, and its difference from Gower's Augustanism. See also John Burrow, "Bards, Minstrels, and Men of Letters," in David Daiches and Anthony Thorlby, eds., The Mediaeval World (London: Aldus Books, 1973), pp. 347-70. Another important dis• cussion of Chaucer's stylistic debt to the English romance is D. S. Brewer, "The Relationship of Chaucer to the English and European Traditions," in D. S. Brewer, ed., Chaucer and Chaucerians (University: University of Alabama Press, 1966), pp. 1-38. See also Alan T. Gaylord's two illuminating articles, "Chaucer's Dainty 'Dogerel': The 'Elvyssh' Prosody 0/ Sir Thopas," Studies in the Age 0/ Chaucer 220 NOTES

1 (1979): 84-104; and "The Moment of Sir Thopas: Toward a New Look at Chaucer's Language," Chaucer Review 16 (1981-82): 311-29. 24. Burrow, Ricardian Poetry, p. 21; Brewer, ed., Chaucer and Chaucerians, p. 4. Derek Pearsall, Old English and Middle English Poetry (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1977), disagrees with this assessment of the Thopas's representativeness: The attempt to see in Sir Thopas the root stock of Chaucer's poetic style, to see in the poverty of his poetic inheritance and the incapacity of English for a seri• ous high style comparable with Dante's the explanation of Chaucer's persistent deflection into ironic and dramatic modes, seems a perverse application of Auerbach's techniques. (p. 199) Pearsall's objection seems to be based both on his sense of Chaucer's scorn of the tail-rhyme romance--as he says, in another context, "The tradition [of the tail-rhyme romance] is centred in the east-midlands but shifts northwards towards the end of the century, closely pursued by Chaucer's ridicule" ("The Development of Middle English Romance," Mediaeval Studies 21 [1965], 109)-and on his claim that Chaucer was quite capable of forging a serious English style without recourse to such debased productions as the tail-rhyme romance. But neither of these £acts (if they are facts) undermines Burrow's and Brewer's well-supported observations that Chaucer's habitual style draws upon features of language and stance that derive from a minstrel tradition-a tradition that Sir Thopas simultaneously mocks and embraces (it is, after all, Chaucer's tale). 25. As Burrow says, Not only in the burlesque of Thopas, but in the other verse tales also, Chaucer exploits the vigorous manner of the minstrels and their frank way with an audi• ence in order to achieve a lively representation of the pilgrims telling their sto• ries on the Canterbury road ....Chaucer did not have to invent this face-to-face story-telling manner. It is convincing, as no merely invented manner can be, because minstrel poetry was still in his day a living reality but a reality that existed in non-noble contexts. (Ricardian Poetry, p. 36) 26. For the social opposition that underwrites these two locales, see Stephen Knight, Geiffrey Chaucer (London: Methuen, 1986), pp. 4-5. 27. John Burrow, "Sir Thopas: An Agony in Three Firs," Review rfEnglish Studies, n.s., 22 (1971): 34-58; reprinted in Essays in Medieval Literature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), pp. 61--65. 28. See Laura Hibbard Loomis, in W. F. Bryan and Germaine Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues rf Chaucer's "Canterbury Tales" (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941), p. 503. 29. Charles Owen, "Thy Drasty Rymyng... ," Studies in Philology 63 (1966): 539. 30. Tom Peete Cross, "The Celtic Elements in the Lays of Lanval and Graelant," Modern Philology 12 (1914-15): 585--644, provides a thorough survey of the motif of the fairy lover; but of all the instances he gives, only three-all Celtic tales that survive only in late-medieval Welsh versions-represent the earthly lover as falling in love with the fairy in a dream (see p. 398 n. 4). The Seven Sages of Rome does include one tale in which lovers dream of each other and so fall in love, but neither is a fairy; and of the twelve extant versions of the tale, only this one, and one other derived directly from it, include this detail. See Killis Campbell, ed., The Seven Sages rf Rome (Boston: Ginn, 1907), pp. cx-cxi. See also Lucy Paton, Studies in the Fairy Mythology rf Arthurian Romance (Boston: Ginn, 1906), p. 29 n. 1. The motif of falling in love with a £airy lover in a dream is so rare, in fact, that NOTES 221

it does not appear in Stith Thompson's six-volume Motif-Index oj Folk-Literature (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1956), 3.55-65; and I know of no instances in medieval romance, including (I am informed by Jane Burns and John Baldwin) the French Prose Lancelot. That Chaucer criticism has not fully appreci• ated the originality of this detail probably derives from its use by Spenser in Fairie Queene 1.9.13-15 to motivate Arthur's love for Gloriana-a use that derives direcdy from the Thopas. In Keats' La Belle Dame sans Merci- a tide taken from a fifteenth-century English translation of Alain Chartier's French poem that was included in eighteenth-century editions of Chaucer's works, but a poem neither written by Chaucer nor having anything to do with either dreams or fairies-the lover does not fall in love in a dream but only afterward has a dream in which he is informed by the fairy lover's other victims of the misery that awaits him. Alan Gaylord, "The 'Miracle' of Sir Thopas," Studies in the Age oj Chaucer 6 (1984): 65-84, experdy surveys the relation of Sir Thopas to the English romances men• tioned in the poem and also designates Thomas oj Ercledoune as most similar. But Gaylord does not remark on the uniqueness of Thopas in having its hero fall in love in a dream. 31. For Sir Launfal's self-designation as a "lay," see line 4; A. J. Bliss, ed., Sir Launfal (London: Nelson, 1960), p. 53. Chaucer's understanding of the term is well dis• cussed by Kathryn Hume, "Why Chaucer Calls the Franklin's Tale a Breton Lai," Philological Quarterly 51(1972): 365-79. 32. Gaylord has nicely described the artistic powers that the Thopas celebrates: for him the Tale is a "fantasia, built on association rather than allusion, with humor more reflexive than referential, displaying for our entertainment not a craft based on poverty-stricken copying but an art built on extravagant and elaborate invention" ("The Moment of Sir Thopas," 319). 33. The phrase "smal and fair of face" makes most sense if it modifies the "popet" and not the "womman"; moreover, it would then seem to lead the Host into his remarking on the poet's "elvyssh" countenance. 34. These particular phrases are used by, respectively, C. David Benson, "Their Telling Difference: Chaucer the Pilgrim and His Two Contrasting Tales," Chaucer Review 18 (1983-84), 72; Walter Scheps, "Sir Thopas: The Bourgeois Knight, the Minstrel and the Critics," Tennessee Studies in Literature 11 (1966): 33; and Gaylord, "Chaucer's Dainty 'Dogerel,' " 88. 35. Horn Child, like Child Thopas, is described as "whit so pe flur, / Rose red was his colur"; see Loomis in Bryan and Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues, p. 503. 36. Loomis in Bryan and Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues, pp. 506-507. 37. Laura H. Loomis, "Sir Thopas and David and Goliath," Modem Language Notes (1936): 311-313; Bryan and Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues, pp. 53{}-33. 38. This is literally true of Guy of Warwick, Horn Child, Beves of Hamptoun, and Perceval; the ME Ypotis records the instruction of the emperor Hadrian by the boy Epictetus, a narrative that also survives in a number of other Latin and vernacular versions: see Walter Suchier, L'Enfant Sage: Das Gespriich des Kaisers Hadrian mit dem klugen Kinde Epitus, Gesellschaft fUr Romanische Literatur, vol. 24 (Dresden: Gedruckt fUr die Gesellschaft fur Romanische Literatur, 1910); Pleyndamour has not been identified. For suggestive com• ments on the relevance of Ypotis to Thopas, see Gaylord, " 'Miracle' of Sir Thopas," 74. 222 NOTES

39. The possibility that Sir Thopas was a child playing at being a knight was first suggested to me by Alexandra Johnston, of Victoria College, University of Toronto, who in turn derived it from A. C. Cawley. An account of medieval boys dressing up as knights can be found in the Scottish poem Ratis Raving, which illustrates childhood (here defined as the years from three to seven) with an account of a boy using ragweed ("bunweed") as a spear and another plant ("seg") as a sword, making a "curnly lady of a clout" (line 1136) and then falling in love with it: he "luf[s] the pepane [i.e., poppin or poppet] paramouris" (line 1139); see Ratis Raving and Other Early Scots Poems on Morals, Scottish Text Society, 3d ser., vol. 11 (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1939). Also relevant is the fol• lowing account from Roger Vaultier, Le folklore pendant la guerre de Cent Ans d'apres les lettres de remission du Tresor des Chartes (Paris: Librairie Guenegaud, 1965): En 1392, a Longpre-en-Vimeu, des enfants "eussent jouste sur aasnes ou chevaulx sans selle en faisant targes de vens a venners blez," et une pereche a la main. Cette scene, mit curieux, figure sur la partie superieure du manteau d'une salle du palais Jacques-Coeur, aBourges. (p. 195) For further examples, see Urban Tigner Holmes, Daily Living in the Twelfth Century (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1952), p. 205; Ilene Forsyth, "Children in Early Medieval Art: Ninth Through Twelfth Centuries," Journal of Psycho history 4 (1976-77), 51; Meradith Tilbury McMunn, "Children and Literature in Medieval France," Children's Literature 4 (1975), 57 n. 17. 40. Ann S. Haskell, "Sir Thopas: The Puppet's Puppet," Chaucer Review 9 (1974-75): 253-61. 41. Tail-rhyme romances do include lists of herbs similar to those of lines 760-65, but in every case they grow within a garden or are the attributes of a magical (and benign) landscape; see Loomis in Bryan and Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues, pp.552-4. 42. Irving Linn, "The Arming of Sir Thopas," Modem Language Notes 51 (1936): 300-311, showed that these were the only items in the account of the arming that were not characteristic of other romance scenes. 43. See Carl HafI"ter, "The Changling: History and Psychodynamics of Artitudes to Handicapped Children in European Folklore," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 4 (1968): 55-61. Another way in which children could become elves is described in Thomas Elyot's sixteenth-century dictionary, in his definition oflamia (a word that the Catholicon anglicum glosses eife led. Henry B. Wheadey, EETS, O.S., vol. 75 (London: Triibner, 1881), p. 113]): "Lamia, be women, whyche behol• dynge chyldren, or gyuyng to theym gyftes, doo alter the fourme of them, whiche children be afterwarde called elfes, or taken with the fayrye." Cited by Nicholas Kiessling, The Incubus in English Literature: Provenance and Progeny (Pullman: Washington State University Press, 1977), p. 69. The word "elf' is used in Middle English to designate the whole genus of otherworldly creatures; there is no distinc• tion that I have been able to observe berween, for instance, elves and fairies. The most recent and complete discussion of the topic is by Laurence Harf-Lancner, Les fees au Moyen Age (Paris: Champion, 1984). Since this essay was first published the topic has been further explored by Richard Firth Green, "Changing Chaucer," Studies in the Age of Chaucer 25 (2003): 27-52. 44. Gerald of Wales, Itinerarium Kambriae 1.8, trans. Lewis Thorpe (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1978), pp. 133-4. NOTES 223

45. For references, see Katherine Briggs, The Fairies in Tradition and Literature (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1967), pp. 7-8. 46. S. Lee, ed., The Boke

56. Plato, Laws 803c-804b, trans., A. E. Taylor, in Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns, eds., The Collected Dialogues rif Plato (New York: Pantheon Books, 1963), p. 1375. A medieval analogue to Plato's account-but one that is also significandy more limited in its conception-can be found in the well-known letter of Bernard of Clairvaux in which he expatiates on the theme that "humil• iation is the way to humility" by reference to the text "I will both play and will be yet more vile" (2 Kings 6.22) by which David explained his dancing before the ark: Yes, I will play this foolish game that I may be ridiculed. It is a good folly [bonus ludus] at which Michal is angry and God is pleased. A good folly which affords a ridiculous spectacle, indeed, to men, but to angels an admirable one. Yes, I repeat; an excellent folly, by which we are exposed to disgrace from the rich and disdain from the proud. For, in truth, what do we appear to people of the world to do except indulge in folly, since what they seek with eagerness in this world we, on the contrary, shun, and what they avoid we eagerly seek? Upon the eyes of all we produce the effect ofjugglers and tumblers, who stand or walk on their hands, contrary to human nature, with their heads downward and feet in the air. But our foolish game has nothing boyish in it, nothing of the spectacle at the theater, which represents low actions, and with effeminate and corrupt gestures and bendings provoke the passions. (Life and Works of Saint Bernard, ed. John Mabillon, trans. Samuel J. Eales [London: John Hodges, 1889], 1.314) For the original, see Migne, PL 182.217. 57. Derek Pearsall, "The Troilus Frontispiece and Chaucer's Audience," Year's Work in English Studies 1 (1977): 68-74; Paul Strohm, "Chaucer's Audience," Literature and History 5 (1977): 26-41. For a sharply revisionary account of the Troilus fron• tispiece, see Laura Kendrick, "The Troilus Frontispiece and the Dramatization of Chaucer's Troilus," Chaucer Review 22 (1987-88): 81-93. 58. Tadock, Development and Chronology, p. 189. But for all his historicist commitment, Tadock's impatient "defense" of the Melibee in fact witnesses to his inability to solve the very problem of historical understanding that he raises: "Though the say• ings of dead wise-acres in Melibeus seems to us unspeakably trite and dry, all the lit• erature of the Middle Ages proves that they took a different view of such things" (p. 189). E. Talbot Donaldson, Chaucer's Poetry: An Anthology for the Modern Reader, 2d ed. (New York: Ronald Press, 1975), offers a similarly weary admission of defeat before the Melibee, which he characterizes as "a very popular [story] in the Middle Ages when readers did not entirely distinguish between pleasure in litera• ture and pleasure in being edified" (p. 1101). 59. W. W. Lawrence, "The Tale ofMelibeus," in Essays and Studies in Honor of Carleton Brown (New York: New York University Press, 1940), p. 102. 60. Paul G. Ruggiers, "Serious Chaucer: The Tale cif Melibee and the Parson's Tale," in Edward Vasta and Zacharias R. Thundy, eds., Chaucerian Problems and Perspectives: Essays Presented to Paul E. Beichner, G.S.G. (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1979), p. 86. 61. Paul Olson, "The Canterbury Tales" and the Good Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 123. 62. David Wallace, Chaucerian Polity: Absolutist Lineages and Associational Forms in England and Italy (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), p. 229-a book NOTES 225

published after this chapter originally appeared. Wallace prefers to read the Tale as if its ultimate source, Albertano of Brescia's Liber consolationis et consilii, provided its controlling context, ignoring its immediate and direct source, Reynaud de Louens' translation and adaptation of Albertano's treatise. And in the interest of his hard• ridden thesis about Chaucer's Italianate character, and his desire to read the work as primarily about gender (female patience confronts male anger), he chooses to overlook the evidence of genre that the Tale--and its sources-provide. Unfortunately, as Burke Severs showed over 60 years ago, "there is no evidence" to support the idea that Chaucer worked with Albertano's treatise, or even knew it at the time of writing the Melibee. fu Severs said, Had Chaucer had access to the Latin text, he could have rectified certain errors which marred the French manuscript from which he worked. . ..This we may state confidendy because Chaucer's translation is guilty of the same errors and omissions which we find in some of the French manuscripts ....From [his] source manuscript Chaucer's translation rarely departs. (pp. 563-64) This elementary fact renders Wallace's argument moot. 63. See the excellent articles by Charles A. Owen, "The Tale of Melibee," Chaucer Review 7 (1972-73): 267-80; and Paul Strohm, "The Allegory of the Tale of Melibee," Chaucer Review 2 (1967): 32-42. Donald Howard, The Idea of the "Canterbury Tales" (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), also has appo• site remarks on this supposed problem (pp. 311-12). 64. See Diane Bomstein's two articles, "Chaucer's Tale of Melibee as an Example of the Style Clergial," Chaucer Review 12 (1977-78): 236-54; and "French Influence on Fifteenth-century English Prose as Exemplified by the Translation of Christine de Pisan's Livre du Corps de Polide," Mediaeval Studies 39 (1977): 369-86. It must be acknowledged, however, that, according to Jens Rasmussen, La prose narrative franfaise du XVe siecle: Etude esthetique et stylistique (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1958), from whose discussion Bornstein derives her definition of the style clergial, it is in fact a specifically fifteenth-century phenomenon; Rasmussen also points out that the substitution of doublets for single words (synonymy, to use the rhetorical term), while encouraged by the style clergial, is characteristic of medieval translation per se (pp. 26, 47). Nonetheless, efforts to show that Chaucer's translation is delib• erately flaccid, such as those by Dolores Palomo, "What Chaucer Really Did to Le Livre de Melibee," Philological Quarterly 53 (1974): 304-320, and Helen Cooper, The Stmcture of the "Canterbury Tales" (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1984), pp. 171-76, are to my mind wholly unpersuasive. For another account of the prose of the Melibee, see Margaret Schlauch, "The Art of Chaucer's Prose," in D. S. Brewer, ed., Chaucer and Chaucerians (University: University ofAlabama Press, 1966), pp.163-66. 65. For the first of these proposals, see Leslie J. Hotson, "The Tale of Melibeus and John of Gaunt," Studies in Philology 18 (1921): 429-52; for the second, William Askins, "The Tale of Melibee and the Crisis at Westminster, November, 1387," Studies in the Age of Chaucer, Proceedings, no. 2, 1986, Fifth International Congress, March 20-23, 1986 (Knoxville: New Chaucer Society, 1987), pp. 103--12. For the other two, see Gardiner Stillwell, "The Political Meaning of Chaucer's Tale of Melibee, " Speculum 19 (1944): 433-44. As Stillwell righdy says, "Analogy hunting in the Melibee could go on forever. And most of it would be legitimate, for the tale is a good allegory, in that its generalities are capable of wide application in particular cases" (444). 226 NOTES

For an argument that such generality is deliberate on Chaucer's part, see John Barnie, War in Medieval Society: Social Values and the Hundred Years War 1337-99 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1974), pp. 132-3. 66. Howard, Idea, p. 315. 67. Howard, Idea, pp. 308-309; Ruggiers, "Serious Chaucer," p. 93; Christian Zacher, Curiosity and Pilgrimage: The Literature r:if Discovery in Fourteenth-Century England (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976), pp. 116-118. 68. D. W. Robertson, A Preface to Chaucer (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), p. 369; Richard L. Hollinan, "Chaucer's Melibee and the Tales of Sondry Folk," Classica et Mediaevalia 30 (1969): 377; Bernard F. Huppe, A Reading r:if the Canterbury Tales (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1964), p. 236. 69. For Howard's comment, see Idea, p. 313; the other two statements are made by, respectively, J. D. Burnley, Chaucer's Language and the Philosophers' Tradition, Chaucer Studies, vol. 2 (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1979), p. 45; Green, Poets and Princepleasers, p. 143. Wallace also reads the Tale with a weighty urgency. 70. Howard, Idea, p. 309. For bibliography on the Fiirstenspiegel, see below, note 74. 71. J. Burke Severs, "The Tale r:if Melibee, " in Bryan and Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues, p. 568; subsequent page references are included in the text. See also on Louens, Severs, "The Source of Chaucer's Melibeus" PMLA 50 (1935): 92-9; M. A. Vayssiere, "Renaut de Louens, poete franc-comtois du XIVe siecle," L'Annee dominicaine (1873): 141-53; and especially, M[arioJ R[oquesJ, "Traductions fran<;:aises des traites moraux d' Albertano de Brescia," Histoire litteraire de la France (Paris: Imprimerie Narionale, 1938), 37.488-506. Roques suggests that Renaud wrote his work in 1336-37 for Huguette de Saint-Croix and her fourteen- or fifteen-year-old oldest son, Beraud (b. 1322): "En 1336-37 il etaitjustement a rage ou les conseils de Prudence et l'exemple de Melibee pouvaient utilement lui etre presentes" (p. 499). Albertano wrote the original treatise in 1246 for his youngest son. 72. Severs, in Bryan and Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues, p. 581, n. to lines 381-3. That this proverb would in fact have been understood as referring to Richard II's minority is demonstrated by its appearance, with that reference, in Piers Plowman B.Prol.195a. 73. The evidence is presented by Albert H. Hartung, "A Study of the Textual Affiliations of Chaucer's Melibeus Considered in Its Relation to the French Source" (Ph.D. diss., Lehigh University, 1957). The relevance of his findings to the interpretation of the Tale has been discussed by Dolores Palomo, "What Chaucer Really Did to Le Livre de Melibee," pp. 313-13, whose account of Hartung's argu• ment I am here following. As Palomo also points out, Manly and Rickert had pre• viously proposed a two-version account of the Melibee. Palomo sensibly proposes that Chaucer's curious comments in the Prologue to the Melibee, to the effect that the version we are about to hear contains more proverbs than other versions we may be familiar with, are explicable in terms of an earlier, condensed version that is here expanded to its full length. Her further argument, however, that the expan• sion is in the direction of parody, seems to me unconvincing. A full discussion of the question of dating has been provided by Lloyd J. Matthews, "The Date of Chaucer's Melibee and the Stages of the Tale's Incorporation in the Canterbury Tales," Chaucer Review 20 (1983-86): 221-34, who also relies in part on Hartung's work. Matthews shows that the scholarly consensus is for an early date; he chooses 1373, although his reason for excluding a date shortly after 1377 (which seems NOTES 227

more likely to me) depends on the negative evidence that Chaucer does not include in his tale the allegorical representation of Prudence that he derived from Dante's Purgatorio and included in TC 5.744-9. But since neither Albertano nor Louens includes such representation, its absence from Chaucer's version hardly seems meaningful. 74. The essential survey of this tradition remains Wilhelm Berges, Die Furstenspiegel des hohen und spiiten Mittetalters, Schriften des Reichsinstituts fur altere deutsche Geschichts kunde, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, vol. 2 (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1938). There are also important general comments in the brief introduction by Jean-Philippe Genet to his edition of Four English Political Tracts of the Later Middle Ages, Camden 4th ser., vol. 18 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1977), pp. ix-xix. See also Josef Roeder, Das Furstenbild in den mittelalterlichen Furstenspiegeln aufjanzo• sischem Boden (Ernsdetten: Lechte, 1933); Walter Ullmann, Law and Politics in the Middle Ages (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1975), pp. 227-306; Dora M. Bell, L'Ideal ethique de la Royaute en France au Moyen Age (Geneva: Droz, 1962). Lester Kruger Born, "The Perfect Prince: A Study in Thirteenth- and Fourteenth-Century Ideals," Speculum 3 (1928): 470-504, is unreliable. For Ramon Lull, see Berges, Furstenspiegel, pp. 335-6; the description of the purpose ofhis proverb collections is cited from A. Morel-Fatio, "Proverbes rimes de Raimond Lull," Romania 11 (1882), 189: "Quare, Domine, [the book] erit bonum quod infantes hunc adiscant ad hoc ut regnare sciant." 75. The problem of generic definition must be confronted anew in each individual case, as Genet suggests: An enormous bulk of [political] literature lies beyond the borders of the Furstensptegel genre. Each work, in fact, must be regarded as the product of an intricate network of influences, among which the traditions proper to the Miroir play only a part, even if, in certain cases, this was a predominant one. (Four English Political Tracts, pp. xv-xvi). 76. Other critics for whom the naming of the child is important, although with sharply different interpretive results, include Olson, Canterbury Tales and the Good Society, pp. 111-23; Zacharias Thundy, "Chaucer's Quest for Wisdom in The Canterbury Tales". Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 77 (1976): 594-8. Wallace, Chaucerian Polity, begins his chapter by "resisting the traditional impulse to fit Albertano into .. . Furstenspiegel traditions" (p. 216). No one, to my knowledge, has in fact fitted Albertano's treatise into those traditions, but Reynaud's transla• tion-which is Chaucer's only source (see above, note 62)-is specifically designed as a Furstenspiegel. Wallace provides no evidence for his central claim that "Albertano's text and Albertano's Brescia continue to peer through [Reynaud's translation], imperfectly assimilated to the northern European Furstenspiegel tradi• tion" (p. 217). 77. De Trinitate 12.14,14.1; in On the Holy Trinity, trans. Arthur West Haddan, in Philip Schaff, ed., Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, vol. 3 [Buffalo: Christian Literature Co., 1887), pp. 163-4, 184. Augustine deploys the same distinction in a non-Christian context in the Contra academicos 1.7.19 et passim. 78. Alain de Lille, Anticlaudianus, trans. James J. Sheridan (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1973), pp. 169, 125, 83. When, in the making of the new man, "Phronesis [prudentia's Greek name], lending her aid, rains down all the gifts of Sophia," she is working through her handmaids, the Seven Liberal Arts, who bring the gifts of Sophia (pp. 180-1). It is quite possible that Albertano's conception 228 NOTES

of Prudence was influenced by Alain's: while both female pedagogues owe some• thing to Boethius's Philosophy, Alain's Prudence speaks "honeyed words" (p. 58), which is perhaps the source of Albertano's account of his Prudence's words as, in Chaucer's translation, "honycombes, for they yeven swetnesse to the soule and hoolsomnesse to the body" (1113). 79. Aristode's distinction was repeated throughout the classical period, as, for instance, by Cicero in De offidis: Furthermore, wisdom is the leader of all the virtues. The Greeks call it sophia. (Do not confuse this with another kind of wisdom, which the Greeks call phrone• sis, that is, simply the practical knowledge that some things should be done and other things avoided.) But the wisdom that I have just called the "leader" is the knowledge of things divine and things human. (1.43.153) Cicero, De offidis, trans. Harry G. Edinger (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1974), p. 70. For the importance of De offidis to the Middle Ages, see N. E. Nelson, "Cicero's De Qffidis in Christian Thought: 300-1300," in Essays and Studies in English and Comparative Literature, University of Michigan Publications, Language and Literature, vol. 10 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1933), pp.59-160. 80. Thomas Aquinas, In decem libros Ethicorum Aristotelis ad Nicomachum Expositio, ed. Raymund M. Spiazzi, O.P. (Turin: Marietti, 1949): "Prudentia non prin• cipatur sapientiae, neque id quod est deterius principatur meliori" (art. 1290, p. 347). The translation is by C.1. Litzinger, O.P. (Chicago: Regnery, 1964), 2.604. 81. Oportet autem esse unam solam sapientiam, quia ad earn pertinet considerare quae sunt communia omnibus entibus. Unde relinquitur, quod politica, quae est gubernativa humaniae multitudinis, non potest esse sapientia simpliciter; et multo minus prudentia communitet dicta, quae est gubernativa unius (art. 1188, p. 326; trans. Litzinger, 2.570); "Prudentia est circa bona humana sapientia autem circa ea quae suot homine meliora" (art. 1191, p. 326; trans. Litzinger, 2.570). 82. For the importance of prudentia, see, for example, Giraldus Cambrensis, De prindpis instructione liber, ed. George F. Warner, in Opera, vol. 8, Rerum Britannicarum Medii Aevi Scriptores, vol. 21 (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1891), 1.11 (pp. 39-43); Aegidius Colonna, De regimine prindpum (Venice: Bernardus Vercelenses, 1502), 1.2.6--9 (unpaginated); Vincent of Beauvais, De morali prindpis institutione, 2.12 (no modem edition has been published; see the summary in Astrik L. Gabriel, The Educational Ideas cj Vincent cjBeauvais [Notre Dame: Mediaeval Institute, 1956], p. 45; and Robert J. Steiner, " 'A Mirror for Princes' by Vincent of Beauvais," in L. S. Domonkos and R. J. Steiner, eds., Studium generale: Studies Qffered to Astrik L. Gabriel, Texts and Studies in the History of Mediaeval Education, no. 11 [Notre Dame: Mediaeval Institute, 1967]) and the anonymous Avis aux Roys, probably writ• ten for Charles V, described by Bell, L'ldeal Ethique, pp. 64--5. According to Berges: Begrifllicher werden spater in der Zeit des lateinischen Aristotelismus "sapientia" und 'prudentia' dahin unterschieden, dass die "sapientia" eine "virtus intellectu• alis" sei, welche um die Wahrheit der ersten und hochsten Prinzipien in allem Sein ringe, wahrend die Klugheit die Richdinien des praktischen Handelns und die Mittel und Wege zur Erreichung der gesetzten Zwecke suche; zwischen Weisheit und Klugheit bestehe das gleiche Verhaltnis wie zwischen Architekt und technischem Bauleiter. (Furstenspiegel, p. 189) NOTES 229

Berges cites John of Limoges, Morale Somnium Pharaonis 1255-60 and Engelbert of Admont, Speculum virtutem 129(}-92 (p. 189 n. 3). 83. De eruditione prindpum is printed in Thomas Aquinas, Opera omnia (Parma: Fiaccadori, 1865), 16:390-476. On Peraldus's authorship, see Antoine Dondaine, "Guillaume Peyraut: Vie et oeuvres," Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 18 (1948): 162-236; Arpad Steiner, "New Light on Guillaume Perrault," Speculum 17 (1942): 519-48. According to Berges, Fiirstenspiegel, p. 309, this work was translated into French twice in the fourteenth century, once by Jean de Vignai for Philip of Valois (1328-50), and again by Henri de Trevou for Charles V. 84. William Peraldus, De eruditione prindpum 1.2 (p. 392b). This definition appears both in De offidis (see above, note 79) and in De inventione 2.53.160: "Prudentia est rerum bonarum et malarum neutrarumque scientia" (ed. H. M. Hubbell [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1949], p. 326). 85. For Albertano, see Thor Sundby, ed., Albertani Brixiensis Liber consolationis et consilii (Havniae [Copenhagen]: A. F. Host, 1873), p. 20; Aquinas, Expositio 1196, p. 329. 86. Peraldus, De eruditione prindpum 1.2 (p. 392b). Peraldus adds: Si lucratus est princeps Scripturam salubrem, libenter debet legere: si non est, praedicationem libenter debet audire: in quo quidem principes multum reprehensibiles sunt, qui raro, vel nunquam praedicationem audire volunt, qui in vanum videntur accepisse animas suas; de refectione corporis nirniam solici• tudinern habentes, refectionem vero animae omnino negligentes ....Debet principes, si potest, pro curare ut secum habet sapientes, quorum sapientia et doctrina proficiat. (p. 393b) And he then cites Provo 1.5: "Audiens sapiens sapientior erit, et intelligens guber• nacula possidebit" (p. 393b). 87. Written in 1277-79 for the dauphin Philip the Fair, Aegidius's work was translated into French, Italian, Castilian, Catalan, Portuguese, German, Swedish, Hebrew, Dutch, and English-into the last by (perhaps) John Trevisa, and later (in part) by Thomas Hoccleve in The Regement of Princes. 88. Aegidius, De regimine prindpum, 1.1.12: Felicitas ergo, ut dicitur in Ethicam, est operatio animae secundum virtutem perfectam: cum igitur perfecta virtus secundum philosophum in vita politica sit prudentia, et in vita contemplativa sit perfecta virtus sapientia sive metaphysica . . . .Ut appareat quo deceat regiam maiestatem ponere suam felicitatem in actu prudentiae. 89. Henri de Gauchi, Li Livres du gouvernement des rois, ed. Samuel Paul Molenaer (New York: Macmillan, 1899), 1.1.12: Le philosophe dit, que il sont II souverains biens en ceste mortel vie. L'un si est, fere les euvres de vertu, et l'autre si est, conoistre deu selon cen que nos Ie poon conoistre, et conoistre les natures de ces choses. Et ces II choses sont les beneurtez a cui toutes les euvres humaines doivent estre ordonees. A ces II biens aquerre devon nos principaument entendre, et c'est 1'entencion du philosophe. (p.24) 90. A third instance is the Fiirstenspiegel written for the young Edward III in 1326-27 by Walter Milemete. The work is entided De nobilitatibus, sapientiis, et prudentiis regum, and Milemete defines the sapienda regis with a traditional definition of prudentia: "Preterita rememorat; presencia deliberat; et futura antequam ueniat longe considerat" (Stanley Joe Bird, ed. and trans., "A Speculum Prindpis for Edward III, [M.A. thesis. University of North Carolina, 1979] p. 43). 230 NOTES

91. There is, of course, a long pre-Albertano tradition of discussions of prudence and its place among the virtues; see o. Lottin, "Les debuts de traite de la prudence au moyen-age," Recherches de theologie andenne et medievale 4 (1932): 270-93; R. Garrigou-Lagrange, "La Prudence: sa place dans l'organisme des vertus," Revue Thomiste 31 (1926): 37-51; W. Gerhard, "The Intellectual Virtue of Prudence," Thomist 8 (1945): 413-56. 92. Sundby, ed., Liberconsolationis, chaps. 6-10, pp. 20-9. 93. For example, Sundby, ed., Liber consolation is, p. 28, line 12; p. 29, line 11. In the Melibee Chaucer twice ascribes "sapience" to Prudence (lines 993, 1114); sig• nificantly, in both instances he is following Renaud's mistranslation of Albertano's prudentia: for Renaud, see Severs, "The Tale of Melibee," p. 569, line 48, and p. 577, line 260; for Albertano, Sundby, ed., Liber consolationis, p. 4, line 14; p. 19, line 20. One of the manuscripts of Renaud's translation. B.N. MS fro 1468, enti• tles the work "Le Roman de Sapience." 94. See, in Chaucer's version, which here follows Renaud in accurately reflecting Albertano, lines 1035 and 1043. Albertano throughout stresses the importance of taking the advice of the elderly; for example, "De senibus denique ideo men• tionem feci, quia, ut ait sanctus Job [12:12], 'in antiquis est sapientia, et in longo tempore prudentia" , (Sundby, ed., Liber consolationis, p. 44, lines 13-15). 95. Sundby, ed., Liber consolationis, p. 27: "Solet enim plus prodesse, si pauca sapien• tiae praecepta memoria teneas, et ilia in promptu et in usu tibi sint, quam si multa quidem didiccris, et ilia memonae non commendaveris." The original citation, from Seneca's De bentificiis (7.1. 3) reads: "Solet plus prodesse, si pauca praecepta sapientiae teneas, sed ilia in promptu tibi et in usu sint, quam si multa quidem didiceris, sed ilia non habeas ad manum" (italics added). 96. ThatJohn's Policraticus was an influential text in the fourteenth century is pointed out by Genet; like so many other treatises, it too was translated for Charles V (by Denis Foulchat), a translation that survives in at least four manuscripts (Four English Political Tracts, p. xii n. 17). 97. Policratici sive de nugis curialium et vestigiis philosophorum Libri VIII, ed. Clement C. Webb, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1909): "'Vsus me genuit, peperit Memoria; / Sophiam me uocant Graii, uos Sapientiam.' Et haec item: Ego odi homines stultos et ignaua opera et philosophicas sententias" (4.6 [1.257]). The translation is from The Statesman's Book ofJohn of Salisbury, trans. John Dickinson (New York: Knopf, 1927), p. 30. 98. For a list of the differences between Albertano and Renaud, see Severs, "The Tale of Melibee," p. 561 n. 2. 99. Aquinas, Opera omnia, vol. 16 (Parma: Fiaccadori, 1863), pp. 91. See Berges, Furstenspiegel, pp. 317-19. 100. The work has been edited by Arpad Steiner (Cambridge: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1938). Steiner points out that there is a fifteenth-century manuscript of a French translation of Vincent's work (p. xxx), probably done in the late four• teenth century by Jean Golein. 101. Nicholas Orme, English Schools in the Middle Ages (London: Methuen, 1973), pp. 102-106. 102. Christine's collections are published in Maurice Roy, ed., Oeuvres poetiques de Christine de Pisan, Societe des anciens textes fran~ais, vol. 3 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1896), pp. 27-57. For Earl Rivers's translation, see Edith Yenal, Christine de Pisan: A Bibliography (Metuchen: Scarecrow Press, 1982), p. 89. For Ramun Lull, see above, note 74. NOTES 231

103. For these texts, see Curt Biihler, ed., The Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, EETS, o.s., vol. 211 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1941). 104. Mary Bateson, ed., George Ashby's Poems, EETS, e.s., vol. 76 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, 1899); for the citation, see p. 13. 105. Charlotte d'Evelyn, ed., Peter Idley's Instructions to His Son, Modern Language Association of America, Monograph Series, vol. 6 (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1935), pp. 13-19. 106. On Idle's sources, see Charlotte d'Evelyn, ed., Peter Idley's Instructions to His Son, pp. 36-7; and on his ignorance of Renaud's version, p. 44 n. 10. 107. Despite the use of rhyme royal (used also by Ashby), none ofIdle's translations from Albertano shows a Chaucerian influence. 108. See Thomas Jambeck and Karen Jambeck, "Chaucer's Treatise on the Astrolabe: A Handbook for the Medieval Child," Children's Literature 3 (1974): 117-22. 109. See Daniel S. Silvia, "Some Fifteenth-century Manuscripts of the Canterbury Tales," in Beryl Rowland, ed., Chaucer and Middle English Studies in Honor of Rossell Hope Robbins (London: Allen and Unwin, 1974), pp. 153-61. 110. I have not examined these manuscripts but have derived my information from catalogue entries. For a census of manuscripts of Renaud I have relied upon Severs, "The Source of Chaucer's Melibeus," which is unfortunately marred by a number of omissions and inaccuracies, upon Roques, "Traductions fran~aises" (note 71), and upon several corrections provided by Prof Gaylord. The conclu• sions that I have drawn about manuscript provenance derive from an examination of the catalogue descriptions of26 manuscripts, as follows: B.N. fro 578, 580, 813, 1090,1165,1468,1540,1555,1746,1972,2240,12436,15105, 17272, 19123, 20042, 25547, n.a. 6639, n.a. 10554; Bibliotheque de l'Arsenal 2691, 3356; Bibliotheque Royale de Belgique 9237 ( = 2297), 10404 ( = 2082); B.L. MS Reg. 19 C VII, MS Reg. 19 C XI; Bibliotheque de Beauvais 9 ( = 2807). 111. See Yenal, Christine de Pisan, pp. 46-7. It should be pointed out that Les trois vertus is, according to Yenal, directed at ladies of all ages. 112. The six manuscripts that locate the Melibee most securely within this modest ped• agogic context are BN fro 1165, 1555, 1746, 19123, and 25547 and Bibl. roy. Belgique 10404; it is this last manuscript that describes the Melibee as "escrite de la sainte escripture." 113. This description of the Tale as asserting an ideal is given by Benson, "Their Telling Difference," 72. 114. I have pursued this argument in relentless detail in "The Parson's Tale and the Quitting of the Canterbury Tales," Traditio 34 (1978): 331-80. 115. Wallace, Chaucerian Polity, p. 222. 116. Is poetry to be rejected because it uses elegant and potentially distracting figures of speech? So does the Bible. Does poetry make use of fables? So does the Bible. Is poetry obscure? So is the Bible. These are the central arguments that constituted what Ernst Robert Curtius, in European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Harper, 1963), has called a "Biblical poetics" (p. 216). A full version of these arguments is presented by Boccaccio in bks. 14 and 15 of his Genealogy of the Pagan Gods; see Boccaccio on Poetry, trans. Charles G. Osgood (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1956). The specific analogy with the harmonization of the Gospels is apparently original with Chaucer. Although Robert Hanning has discovered another example of this argument, both its context (the introduction to a saint' s life) and its apparent singularity militate against its relevance to Chaucer: see "Roasting a Friar, Mis-taking a Wife, and Other Acts of Textual 232 NOTES

Harassment in Chaucer's 'Canterbury Tales'" Studies in the Age of Chaucer 1 (1985): 8-9. 117. Robertson, Preface to Chaucer, pp. 367-9. 118. There is hardly any difference between "this murye tale" and its source, to which I take it Chaucer refers in the phrase "this tretys lyte." Indeed, it is no doubt this identity that accounts for the use of the identical demonstrative pronoun and the ambiguity this has engendered. For a survey, with another suggestion, of the con• troversy that has surrounded these phrases, see Thomas Farrell, "Chaucer's Litde Treatise, the Melibee," Chaucer Review 20 (1985-86): 61-7. 119. Chaucer's "enforcen" translates two different verbs that Renaud uses to describe the old man's attempt to enforce and Prudence's: the old man seeks to "confer• mer son dit par raison" (Severs, "The Tale of Melibee," p. 572, line 133), while Prudence's efforts are described with the verb "efforcer" (Severs, "The Tale of Melibee," p. 593, line 668). The Tadock and Kennedy Concordance shows that "enforcen" enters Chaucer's lexicon almost entirely in the context of translation from the French: of the 41 uses of the word and its cognates in his work, all but five are from the Melibee, Boece, or the Romaunt: one in the Wife of Bath's Prologue (line 340, in a passage heavily influenced by Deschamps's Miroir de mariage), one in Troilus (4.1016, in the midst ofTroilus's predestination soliloquy, which of course derives from Boethius), two in the Parson's Tale (line 730, the remedy against Accidia, and line 832, in the remedy against Gluttony), and the final one in the passage from the Thopas-Melibee Link that I have just cited. This evidence suggests that the usage in the link is a deliberate prolepsis of the word's appearance in the Melibee and that Chaucer sought by it to emphasize the analo• gies he was drawing among the poet, the interrupted old man, and Prudence. 120. In the French, Melibee is not "overcome" but "enclinee" (Severs, "The Tale of Melibee," p. 593, line 2618). 121. See above, note 52. 122. In his introductory comments to Melibee, the Menagier stresses the self-control and discretion of Prudence: she first masters her own grief and then corrects Melibeus in private rather than (as would the ill-behaved wife) in public. See Georgine E. Brereton and Janet M. Ferrier, eds., Le Menagier de Paris (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), pp. 112-113. 123. C£ Severs, "The Tale ofMelibee," p. 612, lines 1118-23. 124. As I discovered after writing this chapter, Judith Ferster also explores, though in somewhat different terms, the contradictions implicit in Prudence's pedagogy and the role of Harry's misunderstanding in making them visible (Chaucer on Interpretation [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983], pp. 19-22, 148-9). 125. As we might expect of a poet of habitual deferral, both proverbs appear elsewhere in Chaucer's work: the first is used by that magister sententiarum Pandarus (TC 1.956), the other appears in the Parson's discussion of pre confessional preparation (1003). Tadock thought that because the first of these proverbs has a metrical form it proved that the Melibee was composed after Troilus. But in fact most proverbs have such a form, which may indeed be one of the genre's defining features; see G. B. Milner, "What Is a Proverb?" New Sonety 332 (February 6, 1969): 199-202. 126. Guillaume de Tournai, De instructione puerorum, ed. James A. Corbett, Texts and Studies in the History of Mediaeval Education, vol. 3 (Notre Dame: Mediaeval Institute, 1933): one of the reasons for teaching youths is "ut tol• latur pronitas ad malum, que in iuvenibus maxime reperitur" (p. 14). See also NOTES 233

Vincent of Beauvais, De eruditione filiorum nobilium: "Anima siquidem infantis carni recenter infusa ex eius corrupcione contrahit et caliginem ignorancie quantum ad intellectum et putredinem concupiscencie quantum ad affectum, ideoque rudis efficitur et ad intelligendum et ad bene agendum" (Steiner, ed., pp. 5-6). Both Guillaume and Vincent go on to cite Augustine's disgusted account in The City of God (22.22) of the cupidity visible even in the nursing child. 127. Alfred Henry Huth, ed., The Mirour if Mans Saluacione (London: (Roxburghe Club), 1888), pp. 38-9. This is an early-fifteenth-century translation of the pseudo-Bonaventuran Speculum humanae salvationis, a work of the first quarter of the fourteenth century. For other examples of the child as an embodiment of sapientia, see]. A. Burrow, The Ages ifMan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 107. 128. See above, n. 20. 129. D. S. Brewer, "Children in Chaucer," Review ifEnglish Literature 5 (1964): 52-60 (parsT, CIT, PhyT, MLT, MkT, PrT); F. Xavier Baron, "Children and Violence in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales," Jounal ifPsychohistory 7 (1979-80): 77-103 (MLT, CIT, PhyT, PrT, Mel, MkT); Charles A. Owen, '''A Certein Nombre of Conclusiouns': The Nature and Nurture of Children in Chaucer," Chaucer Review 16 (1981-82): 60-75 (Astr, SqT, PhyT, ManT, MkT, PrT); and, Jill Mann, "Parents and Children in the Canterbury Tales," in Piero Boitani and Anna Torti, eds., Literature in Fourteenth-Century England (Tiibingen: Gunter Narr Verlag 1983), pp. 163-83 (MkT, MLT, PhyT, PrT, CIT). 130. The citation from Gregory's Dialogi is from E. R. Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard Trask (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963), p. 100. For full discussion of the topos, see Burrow, Ages of Man, pp. 96-123; Donald Weinstein and Rudolph M. Bell, Saints and Society: The Two Worlds if Western Christendom, 1000-1700 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), pp. 19-47; and Michael Goodich, Vita peifecta: The Ideal of Sainthood in the Thirteenth Century (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1982), pp. 82-99. 131. Burrow, Ages ifMan, pp. 122-123. 132. Burrow, Ages ifMan, p. 122; for another, excellent account of this dimension of the clergeon's representation, see Owen, "'A Certein Nombre of Conclusiouns,' " pp. 71-3. 133. For this use of the child as a topos in the fabliau, see Beatrix Vadin, "L'absence de representation de l'enfant et/ou du sentiment de l'enfance dans la litterature medievale," in Exclus et systemes d'exclusion dans la litterature et la civilisation medievales (Aix-en-Provence: Edition CUERMA, 1978), pp. 373-4. 134. Peter Travis, "The Nun's Priest's Tale as Grammar-School Primer," in Paul Strohm and Thomas]. Heffernan, eds., Studies in the Age if Chaucer, Proceedings, no. 1, 1984: Reconstructing Chaucer (Knoxville: New Chaucer Society, 1985), pp.81-91. 135. Other tales to which this theme is especially relevant include the Merchant's Tale ("Whan tendre youthe hath wedded stoupyng age, I Ther is swich myrthe that it may nat be writen" [lines 1738-9]) and the Manciple's Tale, which is, as Charles Owen has said, "a reflection of children's literature all too successful in one sense, a total £ailure in another" (' "A Certein Nombre ofConclusiouns,' " 68). On the carnivalesque nature of the Canterbury Tales, see Lindahl, "Festive Form" (see above, note 14); and John M. Ganim, "Carnival Voices and the Envoy to the Clerk's Tale," Chaucer Review 22 (1987-88), 112-27. 136. Jacques Derrida, "Limited Inc. abc," Glyph 2 (1977): 236. 234 NOTES

137. M. C. Seymour et aI., eds., On the Properties of Things:John Trevisa's Translation of Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De proprietatibus rerum (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), 1.300. 138. For numerous instances, see Weinstein and Bell, Saints and Society and Goodich, Vita peifecta. See also the account of the life of Peter of Luxembourg in Richard Kieckhefer, Unquiet Souls: Fourteenth-Century Saints and Their Religious Milieu (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), pp. 38-43. 139. Decima L. Douie and Hugh Farmer, ed. and trans., Magna vita Sancti Hugonis (London: Nelson, 1961), 1.5-6. 140. The literature on medieval childhood, as both social institution and topic ofliter• ary and visual representation, is vast. In addition to work cited elsewhere, I have found the following helpful: David Herlihy, "Medieval Children," in Bede Karl Luckner and Kenneth Roy Philp, eds., Essays on Medieval Civilization (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978), pp. 109-41; Barbara A. Hanawalt, "Conception Through Infancy in Medieval English Historical and Folklore Sources," Folklore Forum 13 (1980): 127-57, and The Ties that Bound: Peasant Families in Medieval England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 156-87; Klaus Arnold, Kind und Gesellschaji in Mittelalter und Renaissance (Paderborn: Schoningh, 1980)• which includes a full bibliography; L'Enfant au Moyen-Age, Senefiance, vol. 9 (Aix-en-Provence: Imprimerie de l'Universite de Provence, 1980); Leah Sinanoglou Marcus, Childhood and Cultural Despair: A Theme and Variations in Seventeenth-Century Literature (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1978). Unfortunately, a great deal of recent work has narrowed its effect to counter the ill-considered claim by Philippe Aries that "there was no place for childhood in the medieval world" (Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life, trans. Robert Baldick [New York: Vintage Books, 1962], p. 33). Although it is easy enough to demonstrate that parents have always cared about their children, the Gallic extravagance of Aries's statement has proved so tempting a target that many scholars have been content to allow their evidence to speak only to refutation. A careful study of the cultural uses of the idea of childhood in the Middle Ages, along the lines of that pursued by Marcus for the seventeenth century, remains to be written. 141. Ella Keats Whiting, ed., The Poems ofJohn Audelay, EETS, O.S., vol. 184 (London: Oxford University Press), p. 197. 142. Migne PL 114.146; commenting on Matt. 18:4. 143. Forsyth, "Children in Early Medieval Art," 57-8. A late medieval English instance of an infant soul issuing from the mouth of the dying can be found in the margins of a fifteenth-century manuscript (B.L. Add. 37049) of a poem on the seven ages printed by R. H. Bowers, "A Medieval Analogue to As You Like It II.vii.137-166," Shakespeare Quarterly 3 (1952): 109-114. 144. See Girvan, ed., Ratis Raving, citing Jacques Quetif and Jacques Echard, eds., Scriptores ordinis praedicatorum, vol. 1 (Paris: Ballard, 1719), p. 169. The same sense of old age and death as the return to an innocent childhood informs Walter Daniel's account of Ailred's miraculous corpse: "His flesh was clearer than glass, whiter than snow, as though his members were those of a boy five years old, without a trace of stain, but altogether sweet, and composed and pleasant" (Vita Ailredi Abbatis Rievalli, trans. Maurice Powicke [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978], p. 62). As Burrow notes, however, the celebration of the infantia spiritualis of old age is unusual in hagiography: Hagiographers rarely have occasion to sing the praises of infant innocence; and there is little sign in their work of the ideal which Christ's words so NOTES 235

clearly suggest-an infantia spiritualis attained in later life by downward transcendence. It is the virtues of old age which furnish the chief goals of transcendence in these writings: maturitas, gravitas, and above all, sapientia. (Ages of Man, p. 107) 145. "Cato's Distichs," 4.18, in FJ. Fumivall, ed., Minor Poems cifthe Vernon MS, pt. 2, EETS, O.s., vol. 117 (London: Kegan Paul, 1901), p. 600. 146. Cited by Anne Hunsaker Hawkins, The Autobiographies cif Augustine, Bunyan, and Merton (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1985), p. 72. 147. For the first citation, see Furnivall, ed., Minor Poems, p. 480; for the second, Hardin Craig, ed., Two Coventry Corpus Christi Plays, 2d ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1957), p. 61. 148. Bonney, "Enfance divine et enfance hurnaine," in L'Enfant au Moyen-Age, pp.9-23. 149. Richard C. Trexler, "Ritual in Florence: Adolescence and Salvation in the Renaissance," in Charles Trinkaus and Heiko Oberman, eds., The Pursuit cif Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion, Papers from the University of Michigan Conference Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought (Lei den: Brill, 1974), p. 232. 150. See, e.g., the many instances discussed by Andre Varagnac, Civilisation tradi• tionelle et genres de vie (Paris: Michel, 1948), pp. 113-52. The role of youth abbeys has been studied by Natalie Davis, Soaety and Culture in Early Modem France (London: Duckworth, 1975), pp. 104-23. Davis points out that "every• thing I shall say about the villages .. .I have confirmed in hundreds of royal par• dons from the later Middle Ages" discussed by Roger Vaultier (p. 104; see above, note 39). 151. An example is the widespread story of the child who offered his bread to a statue or picture of the infant Jesus; the representation ofJesus then spoke to him, say• ing that he would not eat with the child here but that within three days the child would eat with Jesus in heaven, and within three days the child was dead. See Nicole Bozon, Les contes moralises, ed. Lucy Toulmin Smith and Paul Meyer, SATF, vol. 29 (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1889), pp. 140-1 and nn. pp. 279-80. For another text that reads the instinctive generosity of the child as Christlike, see G. R. Owst, Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England, 2d ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1961), p. 34. 152. Not that they are not on occasion aware of the cost of this severity. For example, the biographer of Hugh ofLincoln tells how Hugh used to recall that his father "fre• quendy, when my young companions were at their usual sports [rebuked) me mildly and with paternal kindness, saying, 'My dear son, do not be infected by the foolish and aimless levity of your comrades.' He would add, 'Litde Hugh, litde Hugh, I am educating you for Christ, play is not for you.' " The diminutive ("Hugonette") with which he addresses his son, indicates his awareness of the value of the very childhood that is here being simultaneously confirmed and confiscated. And in later years Hugh himself seems to have understood this: as he poignandy said, in a statement full of ambivalence, "Truly, .. .I never tasted the joys of this world. I never knew or leamt how to play" (Douie and Farmer, ed. and trans, Vita, pp. 6-8). Similarly, while Guibert de Nogent was alert to what he calls "the vices which commonly spring up in youth," he also realized that his own early ttaining was too harsh: While others of my age wandered everywhere at will and were unchecked in the indulgence of such inclinations as were natural in their age, I, hedged in with constant restraints and dressed in my clerical garb, would sit and 236 NOTES

look at the troops of players like a beast awaiting sacrifice. Even on Sundays and saints' days I had to submit to the severity of school exercises. At hardly any time, and never for a whole day, was I allowed to take a holiday Oohn F. Benton, ed. and trans., Self and Society in Medieval France [New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1970], p. 14). 153. See Luke Dernaitre, "The Idea of Childhood and Child Care in the Medical Writings of the Middle Ages," Journal cif Psychohistory 4 (1976-77): 461-90. 154. For an inventory of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century representations of chil• dren's games, see Sandra Hindman, "Pieter Bruegel's Children's Games, Folly, and Chance," Art Bulletin 63 (1981): 447-3. Hindman reads these pictures as expressing a moralistic critique of childishness, but for an important correction, see Edward Snow, " 'Meaning' in Bruegel's 'Children's Games': On the Limitations of the Iconographic Approach to Bruegel," Representations 1, no. 2 (1983): 27-60. 155. William Fitzstephen, Vita Sancti Thomae, in J. C. Robinson, ed., Materials for the History cifThomas Becket, Rolls Series, vol. 67 (London: Longman, 1877),3.9. 156. Augustine, Confessions 8.12, trans. Ryan, p. 202. 157. See Dana C. Munro, "The Children's Crusade," American Historical Review 19 (1914): 516-524. Similar journeys by children took place in 1237 and 1458. 158. Leah Sinanogiou [Marcus], "The Christ Child as Sacrifice: A Medieval Tradition and the Corpus Christi Plays," Speculum 48 (1973), 309. 159. See Franyois Berier, "L'Humaniste, Ie pretre et l'enfant mort: Le sermon De sanctis innocentibus de Nicolas de Clamanges," in L'Enfant au Moyen-Age, pp. 125-40. Berier compares Clarnanges's sermon to those of the earlier Middle Ages, which for the most part avoid "Ie pittoresque et Ie pathetique" (p. 133). 160. Hanawalt has pointed out that lullabies show that the child was immediately integrated into the vale of tears with the rest of the fam• ily, not isolated into a separate spatial and emotional realm as is the American child. The child became an immediate part of the common emotional and economic familial unit sharing their worries and concerns about the outside world. ("Conception Through Infancy," 146). 161. On the bourgeois commitment to the child, see Herlihy, "Medieval Children"; Sylvia Thrupp, The Merchant Class cif Medieval London (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1948), pp. 153-69; Christian Bec, Les marchands ecrivains: Affaires et humanisme a Florence, 1376-1434 (The Hague: Mouton, 1967), pp. 286-99; David Nicholas, The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children, and the Family in Medieval Ghent (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1985), pp. 109-53. Despite its immoderation, Jacques Le Goff's dictum nonetheless contains a good deal of truth: "L'enfant est un pro• duit de la ville et de la bourgeoisie" (La civilisation de l'Occident medievale [Paris: Arthaud, 1965], p. 354). 162. Jacques Derrida, Writing and Difference, trans. Alan Bass (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 295; italics in the original.

"The Living Witnesses of Our Redemption": Martyrdom and Imitation in the Prioress's Tale

1. All citations from Chaucer are from Larry D. Benson, gen. ed., The Riverside Chaucer, 3rd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987). I have occassionally adjusted the punctuation. NOTES 237

2. According to Carleton Brown, "The Prioress's Tale," in W. F. Bryan and Germaine Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues cif Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941), pp. 447-85, there are 32 other ver• sions of the story in existence (none of which seems to be Chaucer's exact source, if he had one). A thirty-third version is identified by Santiago Gonzalez Fernandez-Corugedo, "A Marian Miracle in England and Spain: Alfonso X's 'Cantigas de Santa Maria' no. 6 and Chaucer's 'The Prioress's Tale'," in Luis A. Lazaro Lafuente, Jose Simon, and Ricardo]. Sola Buil, eds., Medieval Studies: Proceedings cif the IIIrd International Conference cif the Spanish Society for Medieval English Language and Literature (Madrid: Universidad de Alcala de Henares, 1996), pp.151-75. 3. All biblical citations are from the Douay-Rheims version. The Vulgate reads: Et vidi: et ecce Agnus stabat supra montem Sion, et cum eo centum quadrag• inta quatuor millia, habentes nomen eius, et nomen Patris eius scriptum in frontibus suis. Et audivi vocem de caelo, tanquam vocem aquarum multarum, et tanquam vocem tonitrui magni: et vocem, quam audivi, sicut citharoedo• rum citharizantium in citharis suis. Et cantabant quasi canticum novum ante sedem, et ante quatuor animalia, et seniores: et nemo poterat dicere canticum, nisi illa centum quadraginta quatuor millia, qui empti sunt de terra. Hi sunt, qui cum mulieribus non sunt coinquinati: virgines enim sunt. Hi sequuntur Agnum quocumque ierit. Hi empti sunt ex hominibus primitiae Deo, et Agno: et in ore eorum non est inventum mendacium: sine macula enim sunt thronum Dei. The relevance of the liturgy to the Tale was first explained by Marie Padgett Hamilton, "Echoes of Childermas in the Tale of the Prioress," Modern Language Review 34 (1939): 1-8. 4. Magna et rnirabilia sunt opera tua, Domine Deus omnipotens: iustae et verae sunt viae tuae, Rex saeculorum. Quis non timebit te Domine, et magnificabit nomen tuum? quia solus pius es: quoniam ornnes gentes venient, et adorabunt in conspectu tuo, quoniam iudicia tua manifesta sunt. 5. On the exclamatio as a feature of both Chaucerian and medieval Marian poetry gen• erally, see Patrick S. Diehl, The Medieval Religious Lyric (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 151-2. 6. In addition to the work of Hamilton (see above, n. 3), in Chaucer's Nuns and Other Essays (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1925), Sister Madeleva showed that the Prologue is heavily indebted to the Litde Office of the Virgin (pp. 30-3). 7. For the Boy Bishop ceremonies, see C. H. Evelyn-White, "The Boy Bishop (Episcopus Puerorum) of Medieval England," Journal cif the British Archaeological Association, NS 11 (1905): 30-48, 231-56; S. E. Rigold, "The St. Nicholas Tokens or 'Boy Bishop' Tokens," Proceedings cifthe Suffolk Institute of Archaeology 34 (1978): 87-101; and for the details of the service,]. M.]. Fletcher, The Boy• Bishop at Salisbury and Elsewhere (Salisbury: Brown and Co., 1921) and the refer• ences cited there, especially Christopher Wordsworth, Ceremonies and Processions of the Cathedral Church cif Salisbury (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1901), pp. 52fT. and Francis Procter and Christopher Wordsworth, eds., Breviarum ad usum insignis Sarum, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1882), cols. ccxxix-ccxlv. The Marian antiphons are identified by]. G. Davies, ed., A New Dictionary cif Liturgy and Worship (London: SCM Press, 1986), p.26. 8. For the citation, see Wordswotth, Ceremonies and Processions, p. 53. The popularity• and solemnity--of the ceremony in England is stressed by the writers cited in the 238 NOTES

previous note, and even in the classic account by E. K. Chambers, The Mediaeval Stage, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1903), 1.336-71, which tends to focus on the misbehavior recorded in continental episcopal registers. For the pop• ularity of the Boy Bishop ceremony in nunneries, see Eileen Power, Medieval English Nunneries, c. 1275 to 1535 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922), p.312. 9. That medieval typological exegesis was just as ahistorical as it was allegorical (pace Auerbach et al.) is decisively argued by David Aers, Piers Plowman and Christian Allegory (London: Arnold, 1975), pp. 1-70. A subtle and learned exegetical reading of the tale has been provided by Sherman Hawkins, "Chaucer's Prioress and the Sacrifice of Praise," Journal of English and German Philology 63 (1964): 599-624. Hawkins' reading has been criticized by Louise O. Fradenburg, "Criticism, Anti• Semitism, and the Prioress's Tale," Exemplaria 1 (1989): 69-115 because it colludes with the Prioress's avoidance of the historical realities of antisemitism. In this she is certainly correct-as this chapter will argue in detail-yet she overlooks the fact that Hawkins' kind of typological reading is not only ubiquitous throughout the late Middle Ages but actively solicited by the Tale. It is, in other words, not simply a politically unacceptable reading to be rejected but part of the meaning of the Tale. 10. In "The Christ Child as Sacrifice: A Medieval Tradition and the Corpus Christi Plays," Speculum 48 (1973): 491-509, Leah Sinanoglou provides a wealth of instances from largely late medieval English sources of the representation of Christ as a sacrificial child. In discussing the Corpus Christi plays, she points out that in the Plays of the Holy Innocents so prominent in every cycle, ... the audience witnessed the pitiful sight of infants put to the sword. Didactic writers empha• sized that the Innocents died for the sake of the Christ Child-that he [to quote Caxton's Golden Legend] "was slain in every each of them"; and the bloody spec• tacle of their death may well have recalled the child-host image for medieval viewers versed in Corpus Christi sermons. (501) 11. The most recent proponent of this interpretation of the "greyn" is Kathleen M. Oliver, "Singing Bread, Manna, and the Clergeon's 'Greyn,' " Chaucer Review 31 (1996-97): 357-64. While a connection with the eucharistic wafer is unavoidable, it also seems true that the "greyn" represents more than one thing, including the martyr himself: see Sister Nicholas Maltman, O. P., "The Divine Granary, or the End of the Prioress's 'Greyn,' " Chaucer Review 17 (1982-83): 163-70 and Isamu Saito, " 'Greyn' of Martyrdom in Chaucer's Prioress's Tale," in Takashi Suzuki and Tsuyoshi Mukai, eds., Arthurian and Other Studies Presented to Sunichi Noguchi (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1993), pp. 31-8. 12. There is, it should be noted, one gesture toward conversion in the course of the Tale. When the provost hears of the miracle of the clergeon, he "herieth Crist that is of hevene kyng, / And eek his mooder, honour of mankynde" (618-619). Insofar as we are to think of the secular power in this country as non-Christian, this would seem to indicate that the miracle has at least some conversionary impact. But in comparison to the effects wrought by Constance, Griselda, and Cecilia, this impact is minimal. 13. Among the few critics who have discussed the links between the Shipman's and Prioress's Tale, the most perceptive are Hawkins, "Chaucer's Prioress," 621 and Jerome Mandel, Geoffrey Chaucer: Building the Fragments of the Canterbury Tales (Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1992), pp. 172-4. See also Ann NOTES 239

W. Astell, Chaucer and the Universe cifLearning (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996), pp. 184-8. For the aristocratic nature of rhyme royal, see Martin Stevens, "The Royal Stanza in Early English Literature," PMLA 94 (1979): 62-76, and for its affec• tive function, Robert O. Payne, The Key cifRemembrance: A Study cifChaucer's Poetics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963), pp. 163-70. As Payne says of the Prioress's Tale, it is "an effort ...to write a purely affective narrative in which irony, characterization, and complexity of action all give way to a very rigidly controlled styl• istic artifice" (p. 169). On the same topic, see as well the shrewd comments of Alfred David, "An ABC to the Style of the Prioress," in Mary J. Carruthers and Elizabeth D. Kirk, eds., Acts cif Interpretation: The Text in its Contexts 700-1600: Essays in Medieval and Renaissance Literature in Honor cif E. Talbot Donaldson (Norman: Pilgrim Books, 1982), pp. 147-57 and Barbara Nolan, "Chaucer's Tales of Transcendence: Rhyme Royal and Christian Prayer in the Canterbury Tales," in C. David Benson and Elizabeth Robertson, eds., Chaucer's Religious Tales (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1990), pp.21-38. 14. I am excluding here the general analogy between the Nun's Priest and "his" nuns and Chauntecleer and his sister hens: for a discussion, see Lawrence L. Besserman, "Chaucerian Wordplay: The Nun's Priest and his 'Womman Divyne,' " Chaucer Review 12 (1977-78): 68-73. 15. The analogies between the clergeon and Kenelm are summarized by Beverly Boyd, ed., Prioress's Tale, vol. 2, pt. 20: The Canterbury Tales: A Variorum Edition (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), p. 6: Kenelm is seven years old; he is murdered with an antiphon upon his lips; his corpse is concealed in a deep pit but discovered by a miracle and then carried into an abbey; and the king's sister, who contrived his murder, dies miserably. 16. Eileen Power, Medieval English Nunneries, pp. 62-4. 17. The papal attacks on the ritual murder charge have been briefly surveyed by R. J. Schoeck, "Chaucer's Prioress: Mercy and the Tender Heart," The Bridge: A Yearbook cif Judaeo-Christian Studies 2 (1956): 239-55; for a fuller account, with translations of the relevant documents, see Solomon Grayzel' The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century, vol. 1, 2d ed. (New York: Hermon Press, 1966), and Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century, vol. 2, ed. Kenneth Stow (New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary, 1989). For the civil authori• ties, see Robert Chazan, ed., Church, State, andJew in the Middle Ages (New York: Behrman House, 1980), pp. 123-8 et passim. I shall return to this difficult topic later in the chapter. 18. For a full and convincing account of the stylistic and religious differences between the Tales of the Prioress and the Second Nun, see C. David Benson, Chaucer's Drama cif Style: Poetic Variety and Contrast in the Canterbury Tales (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), pp. 131-46. 19. For a full reading of the Tale along these lines, see Corey J. Marvin, " 'I Will Thee Not Forsake': The Kristevan Maternal Space in Chaucer's Prioress's Tale and John of Garland's Stella Maris," Exemplaria 8 (1996): 35-58. 20. The Anglo-Norman ballad of "Hughes de Lincoln," upon which Chaucer almost certainly drew, contains unmistakable suggestions of a special closeness between mother and son, a closeness that has been seen as involving incest: see Brian Bebbington, "Little Sir Hugh: An Analysis," UNISA English Studies 9 (1971): 3-36; reprinted in Alan Dundes, ed., The Blood Libel Legend: A Casebook in Antisemitic Folklore (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 72-90. The ballad is 240 NOTES

available only in nineteenth-century editions, either the editio princeps by Francisque Michel, ed., Hughes de Lincoln (Paris: Silvestre, 1834), or Abraham Hume, Sir Hugh I!f Lincoln; or, an Examination I!f a Curious Tradition respecting the Jews, with a Notice of Popular Poetry Connected with It (London: John Russell Smith, 1849). 21. I have discussed this theme in detail in the previous chapter. 22. J. A. Burrow, The Ages I!f Man: A Study in Medieval Writing and Thought (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 74. It is probable that Chaucer decided on the age of the clergeon independendy, since the only other version of the story with this detail is in Middle English and is of a later date: see Margaret H. Stader, "The Analogues of Chaucer's Prioress' Tale: The Relation of Group C to Group A," PMLA 65 (1950), 898, n. 7. The difference between a reading school and a song school, and the fate of the professional chorister (decried by contemporaries), is well described by Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran, The Growth I!f English Schooling 134(}-1548: Learning, Literacy, and Laicization in Pre-Riformation York Diocese (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), pp. 24, 54-61. Moran cites Erasmus's critique: "Boys are kept in the English Benedictine Colleges solely and simply to sing morning hymns to the Virgin" (54). The clergeon's education is also discussed by Bruce Holsinger, "Pedagogy, Violence, and the Subject of Music: Chaucer's Prioress's Tale and the Ideologies of 'Song,' " New Medieval Literatures 1 (1997): 157-92, who sees the violence of the Tale as displaced from the violence typical of medieval pedagogy. 23. Chaucer's strategy here suggests that Lacan's claims about language and the law of the father are less original than one is often led to think. 24. Sister Madeleva, Chaucer's Nuns and Other Essays, pp. 37-8. 25. Alfred David, The Strumpet Muse (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977), pp. 209-210. 26. David, The Strumpet Muse, p. 209. 27. Alan Gaylord, "The Unconquered Tale of the Prioress," Papers I!f the Michigan Academy I!f Science, Arts and Letters 47 (1962), 634; Hawkins, "Chaucer's Prioress and the Sacrifice of Praise, " 601. 28. For the connection between infancy and speechlessness established by the Latin etymol• ogy, see Isidore ofSeville, Etymologiae, ed. Jose Oroz Reta and Manuel Marcos Casquero (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1982): "Infans dicitur homo primae aetatis; dictus autem intms quia adhuc fui nescit, id est loqui non potest" (XI, 2, 9). 29. This point is well made by Hawkins, "Chaucer's Prioress and the Sacrifice of Praise," from whom this phrase from the collect for the Mass is cited (601). 30. The connection between the Virgin and miraculous speech is drawn by several other Middle English miracles of the Virgin. One recounts how the Virgin cured the cancerous throat of an otherwise speechless monk with her milk, others tell the story of a monk who could learn only the Ave maria or of a priest who could celebrate no mass but that of Our Lady, of how lilies grew in the mouths of the corpses of dead clerks devoted to the Virgin, and of how a monk's Ave marias were transformed into rose petals as they issued from his mouth. See Beverly Boyd, The Middle English Miracles I!fthe Vitgin (San Marino: Huntington Library, 1964), pp. 123--124, 134, 141. 31. For a somewhat similar account of the style of the Prioress's Tale, see Richard H. Osberg, "A Voice for the Prioress: The Context of English Devotional Prose," Studies in the Age I!f Chaucer 18 (1996): 25-54. According to Osberg, Chaucer has given the Prioress a voice that some clerical English authors adopted when addressing a female audience largely untrained in the Latin tradi• tion and particularly when impersonating the lyrical prayers and devotions of such an audience. The voice thought appropriate for addressing religious NOTES 241

women-rhythmical and alliterative, highly descriptive and concrete, creating strong affective responses-becomes the voice in which the Prioress answers back. (33-4) However, I differ from Osberg's view that the Prioress is in any sense "answering back" rather than simply adopting this male-defined feminine language, and from his claim that there is nothing childish about the Prioress's language. The oft-noted repetition of the diminutives alone (e.g., "This litel child, his litel book lemynge" [516]) would seem to foreground her childishness. 32. On "greyn" here as nucleus or kernel, see Hawkins, "Chaucer's Prioress and the Sacrifice of Praise," 615-618. 33. See, for example, the notes to line 662 of the Tale in the Riverside Chaucer, p. 916 and Boyd's Variorum edition, pp. 160-1. 34. Piero Boitani, The Tragic and the Sublime in Medieval Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 177-222; Beverly Boyd, "Chaucer's Moments in the 'Kneeling World,' " in Anne Clark Bartlett, et al., eds., Vox Mystica: Essays on Medieval Mystidsm in Honor oj Professor Valerie M. Lagorio (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1995), pp. 99-105. Quite apart from Speght's uncor• roborated claim that the ABC was written for Blanche, duchess of Lancaster, the poem seems to me clearly a rosary poem, especially when seen in manuscript with each stanza headed with an illuminated initial. These initials are versions of the green "gaudes" that mark out the beads of the Prioress's rosary into decades of Ave Marias: see the note to line 159 of the General Prologue in the Riverside Chaucer, p. 805. As a rosary poem, the ABC is almost certainly written for a woman. 35. Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, MS 95, described by M. R.James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1895), pp. 76-109. 36. Benedicta Ward, Miracles and the Medieval Mind: Theory, Record and Event 1000-1215, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987), pp. 142, 146, 156. In "The Miracles of Our Lady: Context and Interpretation," in Derek Pearsall, ed., Studies in the Vernon Manuscript (Cambridge: Brewer, 1990), pp. 115-36, Carol Meale provides a list of vernacular Mariales held by English monasteries (pp. 125-6). Paul Strohm's claim that the genre of the Miracle of the Virgin was "almost exclusively the province of lay audiences and an object of popular circulation rather than reclusive or contemplative devotion" (Sodal Chaucer [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989], p. 70) must therefore be rejected. 37. Peter Whiteford, ed., The Myracles of Oure Lady (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1990), p. 8; Meale, "The Miracles of Our Lady," p. 135. 38. My comments on the genre of the Miracles of the Virgin are based on a reading of the following texts: Adgar, Le gradel, ed. Pierre Kunstrnann (Ottawa: Editions de l'Universite d'Ottawa, 1982); C. C. S. Bland, trans., Uohannes Herolt's] Miracles of the Blessed Virgin (London: G. Routledge, 1928); Caesarius of Heisterbach, The Dialogue on Miracles, trans. H. von E. Scott and C. C. S. Bland, vol. 1 (London: G. Routledge, 1929); Gautier de Coiney, Les Miracles de Nostre Dame par Gautier de Coincy, ed. V. Frederich Koenig, 4 vols. (Geneva: Droz, 1955-70); Nigel of Canterbury, Miracles oj the Virgin Mary in Verse, ed. Jan Ziolkowski (Toronto: Centre for Medieval Studies, 1986); Peter Whiteford, ed., The Myracles oj Oure Lady (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1990); and the excellent summaries of the 187 Middle English miracles so far identified provided by Thomas D. Cooke, "Miracles of the Virgin" (3.1), in "Tales," in Albert E. Hartung, gen. ed., A Manual of the 242 NOTES

Writings in Middle English 1050-1500, vol. 9 (New Haven: Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1993), pp. 3177-258, 3501-51. 39. Brigitte Cazelles, La Faiblesse chez Gautier de Coincy (Saratoga: Anma Libri, 1978). 40. Ward, Miracles and the Medieval Mind, p. 163. 41. This group includes the miracles written by Thomas Hoccleve, "Prologue and A Miracle of the Blessed Virgin," in Israel Gollancz, ed., Hoccleve's Works, II: The Minor Poems, EETS, es, 73 (London: Oxford University Press, 1925), pp. 16 ff.; and by John Lydgate, "The Legend of Dan Joos," in H. N. MacCracken, ed., The Minor Poems of John Lydgate, Pt. 1, EETS, es, 107 (London: Oxford University Press, 1911), pp. 311-315. 42. Religion and the Decline of Magic (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971), p. 76; cited by Gail McMurray Gibson, The Theater of Devotion: East Anglian Drama and Society in the Late Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), p. 41. 43. For Wyclif's hatred of the Sarum ordinal, see Archdale A. King, Liturgies of the Past (London: Longmans, 1959), p. 283; the citation is from Anne Hudson, The Premature Reformation: Wycliffite Texts and Lallard History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), p. 311. For an example of extreme formalism in prayers to Mary, see Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England 1400-1580 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 262. 44. Power, Medieval English Nunneries, p. 313, translating Chambers, The Mediaeval Stage, 1.361, n. 1. 45. I am adapting this term from Richard Pfaffs definition of what he calls "the liturgi• cal person," by which he means "the sensibility of one whose life patterns are rooted in liturgical observance and who at the same time either studies the liturgy or makes active choices about it, or both;" see Richard W. Pfaff, Liturgical Calendars, Saints, and Services in Medieval England (Aldershot: Ashgate/Variorum, 1998), p. 3. For the Prioress's Prologue and Tale as themselves a kind of song, see Marie Borroff, "Loves Hete in the Prioress's Prologue and Tale," in Robert R. Edwards and Stephen Spector, eds., The Olde Daunce: Love, Friendship, Sex, and Marriage in the Medieval World (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), pp. 229-35. 46. For a somewhat similar reading of the Prioress, see Robert Hanning, "From EVA to AVE to Eglentyne and Alisoun: Chaucer's Insight into the Roles Women Play," Signs 2 (1977): 580-99. I have offered a fuller account of the Prioress's portrait in these terms in Chaucer and the Subject of History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), pp. 29-30. 47. Critics who argue that the Miracle of the Virgin is by definition an antisemitic genre include Robert Worth Frank, Jr., "Miracles of the Virgin, Medieval Anti• Semitism, and the Prioress's Tale," in Larry D. Benson and Siegfried Wenzel, eds., The Wisdom of Poetry: Essays in Early English Literature in Honor of Morton W. Bloomfield (Kalamazoo: Western Michigan University, 1982), pp. 177-88,290--7; Denise L. Despres, "Cultic Anti-Judaism and Chaucer's 'Litel Clergeon,' " Modem Philology 91 (1994): 413-27; William Chester Jordan, "Marian Devotion and the Talmud Trial of 1240," in Bernard Lewis and Friedrich Niewohner, eds., Religionsgesprache im Mittelalter (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1992), pp. 61-76; and Anna Sapir Abulafia, "Twelfth-Century Humanism and the Jews," in Ora Limor and Guy G. Strousma, eds., Contra Iudaeos: Ancient and Medieval Polemics between Christians and Jews (Tiibingen: Mohr, 1996), pp. 161-75. This is not to say that there is no connection between Marianism and antisemitism in the medieval Christian consciousness. As Jordan points out, for instance, many of the alleged instances of ritual murder were said to have taken place on one of the feast days NOTES 243

dedicated to the Virgin: William Chester Jordan, The French Monarchy and the Jews: From Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1989), p. 18. 48. The Toledot Yesu, a highly influential Jewish life ofJesus written about 200, claims not only that Jesus's birth was illegitimate but that he was conceived during the period of his mother's uncleanness: see Anna Sapir Abulafia, "Invectives against Christianity in the Hebrew Chronicles of the First Crusade," in Peter W. Edbury, ed., Crusade and Settlement: Papers Read at the First Conference if the Society for the Study if the Crusades and the Latin East and presented to R. C. Smail (Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press, 1985), pp. 66-72. For a full account of the Jewish sense of the absurdity of the Christian doctrine of the virgin birth, and of the mis• translations of the Hebrew Bible on which its "prefigurations" were based, see David Berger, ed. and trans., The Jewish-Christian Debate in the High Middle Ages: A Critical Edition if the Nizzahon Vetus (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979). Andrew of St. Victor, one of the most accomplished Hebraists among the twelfth-century exegetes, in fact came to accept that Isaiah 7.14 in fact read "a young woman [Hebrewalmah] shall conceive and bear a son" not "a virgin shall conceive," much to the outrage of his fellow Victorine, Richard. See Jeremy Cohen, "Scholarship and Intolerance in the Medieval Academy: The Study and Evaluation of Judaism in Medieval Christendom," American Historical Review 91 (1986): 592-613; reprinted in Jeremy Cohen, ed., Essential Papers on Judaism and Christianity in Conflict (New York: New York University Press, 1991), pp. 310--41, and Beryl Smalley, The Study if the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame: Notre Dame University Press, 1964), pp. 112-95. See also Daniel J. Lasker, Jewish Philosophical Polemics against Christianity in the Middle Ages (New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1977), pp. 153-9. 49. This argument is well pursued by Denise L. Despres, "Mary of the Eucharist: Cultic Anti-Judaism in Some Fourteenth-Century English Devotional Manuscripts," in Jeremy Cohen, ed., From Witness to Witchcraft:Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought, W olfenbiitteler Mittelalter-Studien (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996). pp. 88-112. 50. Any discussion of Jewish-Christian relations in the Middle Ages must decide whether to describe anti-Jewish practices as anti-Judaic (or anti-Jewish) or antise• mitic, that is, whether they are based on religious differences or whether they define Jews as a different species or "race" from the members of the dominant cul• ture, even as less than human. While strict accuracy would mean using one term or the other depending on the context, and while there are plenty of exceptions, it is generally agreed that in the period from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries Christian attitudes moved from anti-Judiasm to antisemitism (for a summary account, see Robert Chazan, "The Deteriorating Image of the J ews-Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries," in Scott L. Waugh and Peter D. Diehl, eds., Christendom and Its Discontents: Exclusion, Persecution and Rebellion, tOOO-1500 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996], pp. 220-33), and that there is an unmistakable connection between late medieval and twentieth-century antisemitism: see, for example, Robert Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes and Modem Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997); Gavin I. Langmuir, Toward a Definition if Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 55-133; Gavin I. Langmuir, History, Religion, and Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 275-305; Kenneth R. Stow, Alienated Minority: The Jews if Medieval Latin Europe (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 231-80; 244 NOTES

and Joshua Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews (Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1961). For these reasons I have chosen to use the term "antisemitic" throughout this essay despite its occasional inappropriateness. 51. Gilbert Dahan, "LesJuifS dans les miracles de Gautier de Coincy," Archivesjuives 16 (1980): 41-8, 59-68. 52. A. I. Bagby, Jr., "The Jew in the Cintigas of Alfonso X, El Sabio," Speculum 46 (1971): 670-88. 53. Whiteford, The Myracles of Oure Lady, p. 20. In "Miracles of the Virgin, Medieval Anti-Semitism, and the Prioress's Tale," Frank comments on "the persistent pres• ence of antisemitism" in the Miracles (p. 178): "antisemitic tales are a common• place in the genre, a standard, constituent element" (p. 179). But he then points out that the percentage of antisemitic tales in the collections he studied is actually only about 7\1, percent (p. 292, n. 8). 54. Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews; the scriptural source for this opinion is John 8.44. 55. See John A. Yunck, "'Lucre ofvileynye': Chaucer's Prioress and the Canonists," Notes and Queries 205 (1960): 165-7. 56. See Gilbert Dahan, Les intellectuels chretiens et les juifs au moyen dge (Paris: Editions du CerE, 1990). For the Jewishness of the Holy Innocents in the mystery plays, and Herod's designation as a worshiper of Mahound, see, for example, Donald C. Baker, John L. Murphy, and Louis B. Hall, eds., The Late Medieval Religious Plays of Bodleian MSS Digby 133 and Museo 160, EETS, os 283 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), pp. 102, 108; and A. C. Cawley, ed., The Waktifield Pageants in the Towneley Cycle (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1958), p. 75. This is not to say that the mystery plays as a whole are not a potent source of antisemitic propaganda: for an overview, see Stephen Spector, "Anti-Semitism and the English Mystery Plays," in Clifford Davidson, C. J. Gianakaris, and John H. Stroup, eds., The Drama of the Middle Ages: Comparative and Critical Essays (New York: AMS Press, 1982), pp. 328-41. 57. Philip S. Alexander, "Madame Eglentyne, Geoffrey Chaucer and the Problem of Medieval Anti-Semitism," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 74 (1992): 109-120, esp. pp. 119-120. Alexander concludes that to justifY the Tale through hermeneu• tic subdety is "fundamentally dishonest. . ..The only course of action left open is to ensure that when the Prioress's Tale is expounded, the basic facts of antisemitism are expounded as well" (120). This is excellent pedagogical advice, but the ques• tion of Chaucer's relation to the Tale remains open. For other discussions of the morality of the Tale which argue for Chaucer's culpability, see Robert Adams, "Chaucer's 'Newe Rachel' and the Theological Roots of Medieval Anti• Semitism," Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 77 (1995): 9-18; John Archer, "The Structure of Antisemitism in the Prioress's Tale," Chaucer Review 19 (1984-85): 46--54; Albert B. Friedman, "The Prioress's Tale and Chaucer's Antisemitism," Chaucer Review 9 (1974-75): 118-29; Emily Stark Zitter, "Antisemitism in Chaucer's Prioress's Tale," Chaucer Review 25 (1990-91): 277-84; and Despres, "Cultic Anti-Judaism and Chaucer's 'Litel Clergeon.' " 58. The other is the so-called "Jewish Boy ofBourges," on which more later. 59. See, for example, Lisa J. Kiser, Truth and Textuality in Chaucer's Poetry (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1991), pp. 25-41. I have discussed the problem of origins and originality in Troilus and Criseyde in Chaucer and the Subject of History, pp.84-164. NOTES 245

60. For the idea of "inward acculturation"-the absorption by an oppressed minority of the values of the dominant culture-see Ivan Marcus, "Jews and Christians Imagining the Other in Medieval Europe," Prooftexts 15 (1995): 209-26. 61. The best account of these events can be found in two books by Robert Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), and In the Year 1096: The First Crusade and the Jews (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1996). 62. For the latest contribution to this interesting issue, see Jeremy Cohen, "The 'Persecutions of 1096'-From Martyrdom to Martyrology: The Sociocultural Context of the Hebrew Crusade Chronicles," Zion 59 (1994): 169-208 (in Hebrew, with English summary). The fullest account by a Christian is provided by Albert of Aix (Aachen), the relevant portions of whose chronicle are available in translation in Edward Peters, ed., The First Crusade, 2d. ed. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), pp. 102-104. 63. The real author of the chronicle is unknown. 64. Shlomo Eidelberg, trans. and ed., TheJews and the Crusaders: The Hebrew Chronicles 0/" the First and Second Crusades (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1977), pp.35-6. 65. Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade: "The major instance of more radical behavior-the self-destruction of some of the anti-Roman rebels culminating in the mass suicide at Masada-was deliberately omitted from the historical tradition of rabbinic Judaism" (p. 220). Josephus' account of Masada was available to Jews in a tenth-century Hebrew translation ascribed to Joseph ben Gorion and with a title subsequently transliterated as Yosippon, Yosifon or Jossipon. In this version the Jews do not commit suicide but march off to die fighting. For a modern Hebrew edi• tion, see David Flusser, ed., Sefer Yosifon, 2 vols. Gerusalem: Mosad Byalik, 1978-80). 66. Other important precedents were the "ten martyrs" (see Jewish Encyclopedia [New York: Funk and Wagnells, 1907]), s.v. "martyrs"; and the four captives dis• cussed by Gerson D. Cohen, "The Story of the Four Captives," Proceedings 0/" the American Academy for Jewish Research 29 (1960): 55-131. 67. See W. H. C. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church: A Study of a Conflict from the Maccabees to Donatus (Oxford: Blackwell, 1965), pp. 22-57; T. W. Manson, "Martyrs and Martyrdom," Bulletin o/"theJohn Rylands Library 39 (1956-57): 463-84; and Arthur]. Droge and James D. Tabor, A Noble Death: Suidde and Martyrdom among Christians and Jews in Antiquity (San Francisco: Harper, 1992). 68. For a balanced survey of the various interpretations of the akedah, see Louis A. Berman, The Akedah: The Binding o/"Isaac (Northvale:]. Aronson, 1997) and Jon D. Levenson, The Death and Resurrection 0/" the Beloved Son: The Transformation 0/" Child Sacrifice in Judaism and Christianity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993). Other relevant discussions are Moshe Moskowitz, "Towards a Rehumanization of the Akedah and Other Sacrifices," Judaism 37 (1988): 288-94; Aharon R. E. Agus, The Binding 0/" Isaac and Messiah: Law, Martyrdom and Deliverance in Early Rabbinic Religiosity (Albany: State University of New York, 1988); and Frederic Manns, The Sacrifice 0/" Isaac in the Three Monotheistic Religions (Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press, 1995). 69. Norton World Masterpieces, 7th ed. (New York: Norton, 1999), 1:1203-6. 70. Shalom Spiegel, The Last Trial: On the Legends and Lare 0/" the Command to Abraham to Offer Isaac as a Sacrifice (The Akedah), trans. Judah Goldin (New York: 246 NOTES

Pantheon Books, 1967). As the author of the so-called Chronicle of Solomon bar Simson says: May the blood of His devoted ones stand us in good stead and be an atonement for us and for our posterity after us, and our children's children eternally, like the 'Akedah of our Father Isaac when our Father Abraham bound him upon the altar. (p. 49) 71. Chazan, EuropeanJewry and the First Crusade, p. 132. 72. This interaction has only begun to be described: see the works by Robert Chazan cited throughout this essay and especially the work of Ivan Marcus: ''Jews and Christians Imagining the Other;" "From Politics to Martyrdom: Shifting Paradigms in the Hebrew Narratives of the 1096 Crusade Riots," Prooftexts 2 (1982): 40-52; "Une communaute pieuse et Ie doute: mourir pour la Sanctification du Nom (Qiddouch ha-Chem) en Achkenaz (Europe du nord) et l'histoire de rabbi Arnnon de Mayence," Annales: Historie, Sdences Sodales 5 (1994): 1031-47; and Rituals ofChildhood:Jewish Culture and Acculturation in the Middle Ages (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996). 73. For a brief account of kiddush Ha-Shem, see The Jewish Encyclopedia, s. v., and sub "martyrdom. " 74. Herbert G. May and Bruce M. Metzger, eds., The New Oxford Annotated Bible with the Apocrypha (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977). 75. Levenson, Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son, p. 213. 76. Chazan, EuropeanJewry and the First Crusade, p. 221. 77. Stow, Alienated Minority, p. 117. 78. T. Carmi, ed. and trans., The Penguin Book of Hebrew Verse (Harrnondsworth: Penguin Books, 1981), p. 375. 79. Gerson D. Cohen, "Messianic Postures of Ashkenazim and Sephardim," in Max Kreutzberger, ed., Studies of the Leo Baeck Institute (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1967), pp. 149-50. 80. Jacob Katz, Exclusiveness and Tolerance: Studies inJewish-Gentile Relations in Medieval and Modem Times (New York: Oxford University Press, 1961), p. 87. 81. Marcus, Rituals of Childhood, p. 7. Nor is this the only Jewish imitation of Christian religious practices. The Memorbuchs that were compiled with the names of the mar• tyrs were Jewish versions of Christian martyrologies; the piyyut or liturgical prayers for the martyrs paralleled the liturgical feasts of the Christian saints. And as Marcus has also shown, A Jewish awareness of the newly important eucharistic wafer is obliquely reflected in a new Jewish children's initiatory rite of passage, from the late twelfth and early thirteenth century, in which small boys were brought to a Hebrew teacher and given cakes to eat baked with milk and honey and on which Hebrew alphabets and Torah phrases were inscribed. The similarity of Christians eating a wafer as the body of God who is associated in the Book of Revelations with the Greek alphabet-"I am the alpha and the omega" (Rev. 1:8,21:6, 22:13)-and a Jewish child eating alphabet Torah cakes in order to be initiated into Torah study is highly suggestive. ("Jews and Christians Imagining the Other in Medieval Europe," 222) Similarly, Jewish rnillenarianists copied Christian prophecies virtually verbatim: see David B. Ruderman, "Hope Against Hope: Jewish and Christian Messianic Expectations in the Late Middle Ages," in Aaron Mirsky, ed., Exile and Diaspora: Studies NOTES 247

in the History ifthe Jewish People Presented to Prcif'. Haim Beinart (Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1991), pp. 185-202. 82. In his Vita of William of Norwich, Thomas of Monmouth has the Jews saying insolently to the Christians, You ought to be very much obliged to us, for we have made a saint and martyr for you. Verily we have done you a great deal of good, and a good which you retort upon us as a crime. Aye! we have done for you what you could not do for yourselves. (Thomas of Monmouth, The Life and Miracles if St. William if Norwich, ed. and trans., Augustus Jessopp and Montague Rhodes James [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1896], p. 95) See also the letter sent by the Jews of Paris to Louis VII, in which they refer to Richard of Pontoise, a reputed victim of ritual murder in 1163, as having been beatified (Chazan, ed. and trans., Church, State, and Jew, p. 115). For the notion of communities tied together through violence, whether real or imagined, see David Nirenberg, Communities if Violence: Persecution if Minorities in the Middle Ages (princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996). 83. Alan Mintz, Hurban: Responses to Catastrophe in Hebrew Literature (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984): Here lies the importance of the events of 1096: not the fact that a new form of collective behavior entered Jewish history, but the transformation of the act, which could have remained an anomaly, into a new ideal, a norm of response to catastrophe in the imagination of Ashkenaz over the next eight hundred years, and this quite independent of the degree to which the suicides were actually imi• tated in deed. (p. 89) See also Cohen, "Messianic Postures of Ashkenazim and Sephardim," pp. 115-56. For an alternative view, see Chazan, In the Year 1096, pp. 107-26. 84. Chazan, Church, State, andJew in the Middle Ages, pp. 301-303. For a discussion, see Robert Chazan, "The Blois Incident of 1171: A Study in Jewish Intercommunal Organization," Proceedings if the American Academy for Jewish Research 36 (1968): 13-31. 85. For example, during the massacres occasioned by the plague in 1348-49 the Jews of Worms and Oppenheim set fire to their district and perished in the flames: Leon Poliakov, The History if Anti-Semitism, vol 1: From the Time of Christ to the Court Jews, trans. Richard Howard (New York: Vanguard Press, 1965), p. 111. For other examples ofJews burning themselves to death, occasionally in their syn• agogues, see Paul E. Grosser and Edwin G. Halperin, Anti-Semitism, Causes and Effects: An Analysis if 1900 Years ifAnti-Semitic Attitudes and Practices, 2d ed. (New York: Philosophical Library, 1983), pp. 105, 117, 130-31, and 139. When the Crusaders captured Jerusalem in 1099 they herded much of the Jewish population into the Great Synagogue and set it afire: see Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951), 1.287. But this event, recorded by Muslim chroniclers, seems not to have been widely reported in the West. 86. Robert Chazan, "Ephraim ben Jacob's Compilation of Twelfth-Century Persecutions," Jewish Quarterly Review 84 (1994), 401; Cecil Roth, A History if the Jews in England, 3rd. ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), pp. 18-25. 87. The events at York have been described in detail by R. Barrie Dobson, The Jews of Medieval York and the Massacre of March 1190 (York: St. Anthony's 248 NOTES

Press, 1974), although without attention to the meaning of the kiddush Ha• shem. 88. Translated by Roth, History of the Jews of England, p. 272. 89. Poliakov, History of Anti-Semitism, p. 134. 90. Robert Chazan, "The Timebound and the Timeless: MedievalJewish Narration of Events," History and Memory 6 (1994), 28. 91. Richard Howlett, ed., Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard [, Rolls Series 82, vol. 1 (London: Stationery Office, 1884), pp. 312-322; transla• tions in the text are by , trans., The Church Historians of England (London: Seeleys, 1858), vol. 4, pt. I, pp. 565-71. 92. Jonathan Riley-Smith, "The First Crusade and the Persecution of the Jews," Studies in Church History 21 (1984),56. 93. Flavius Josephus, The Great RomanJewish War: A.D. 66-70 (New York: Harper and Row, 1960), pp. 266-73. In his Chronica gives a much abbreviated and £lady disinterested account of the affair, although he also recog• nizes that the rabbi's advice is motivated by a desire to avoid apostasy: see Henry T. Riley, trans., Annals ofRoger de Hoveden (Felinfach: Llanerch Publishers, 1997), vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 137. 94. For the Yosippon, the Hebrew version ofJosephus, see above, n. 65. 95. Mary Minty, "Kiddush ha-Shem in German-Christian Eyes in the Middle Ages," Zion 59 (1994): 209-66 (in Hebrew). For a sermon preached around 1400 that provides an antisemitic interpretation of the Slaughter of the Innocents, see Fraw;:ois Berier, "L'Humaniste, Ie pretre et l'enfant mort: Ie ser• mon De sanctis innocentibus de Nicolas de Clamages," in L'Enfant au Moyen-Age, Senefiance 9 (Aix-en-Provence: Imprimerie de l'Universite de Provence, 1980), pp. 125-40. 96. Minty's instance of an exemplum influenced by the kiddush Ha-shem is that of "the Jewish boy ofBourges." For a discussion of this exemplum, see below, pp. 150-51. 97. Although William apparendy died in 1144, it was not until the later years of the decade--probably, indeed, after 1150-that his cult began to become popular, as Gavin Langmuir has shown, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism, pp. 209-36. It is no coincidence that the ritual murder charge at Bury St. Edmunds was made in 1181, after the anti-Jewish massacres of 1179-80. 98. Carmi, trans., Penguin Book of Hebrew Verse, p. 373. 99. Cecil Roth, "A Hebrew Elegy on the York Martyrs of 1190," in Transactions of theJewish Historical Sodety of England 16 (1945-51): 213-220. 100. Ephraim Kanarfogel, "Attitudes Toward Childhood and Children in Medieval Jewish Society," in David R. Blumenthal, ed., Approaches to Judaism in Medieval Times, 2 vols. (Chico, Calif: Scholars Press, 1985), 2.1-15; Magdalene Schultz, "The Blood Libel: A Motif in the History of Childhood," Journal of Psychohistory 14 (1986): 1-24; reprinted in Dundes, ed., The Blood Libel Legend, pp. 273-303; and Marcus, Rituals of Childhood, passim. 101. For a specific example of a Jewish child kidnapped during the massacre at Rouen, and then hidden from his surviving parents in a monastery, as well as comments on this as a general Christian practice, see Norman Golb, "New Light on the Persecution of French Jews at the Time of the First Crusade," Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 34 (1966), 20-21, 22. 102. It should be added here that another element of the Christian fear of Jews-the ubiquitous notion that Jews were inveterate and perfidious haters of Christ and NOTES 249

Christianity-was also inflamed by the massacres. Having committed these atrocities against their Jewish neighbors, what Christian could avoid the thought that Jews wished revenge? Nor were they entirely wrong, as many Hebrew poems witness. An example are these verses composed by R. Menachem ben Jacob ben Solomon ben Menachem about the events of 1096 and edited and translated by Solomon Schechter, "A Hebrew Elegy," Transactions oftheJewish Historical Sodety of England 1 (1893-94): 8-14: Exalted One! Thus render retribution to his successors; Pay them sevenfold; aye, He pulled them out for the slaughter; Fulfil the petition and desire of those who hope in thee. Let the righteous rejoice to have seen the vengeance. Bring signal salvation unto thy people, For the love of their martyrs, forgive their transgres• sion; Cause rejoicing and delight to the portion of thy lot. Let (Israel) bathe his feet in the blood of wickedness. Then shall I rejoice in thee, 0 my Creator. To thee will I sing praises, my Rock and my Redeemer, With musical instruments will I crown my praise of thee, 0 God, who granteth me revenge. See also, Carmi, trans., Penguin Book of Hebrew Verse, pp. 374--5. 103. The Fleury Plays are edited in Karl Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933). A facsimile of the manuscript, with tran• scription and annotation, is provided by Giampiero Tintori, ed., Sacre rappresen• tazioni nel manoscritti 201 della Bibliotheque munidpale d'OrIeans (Cremona: Athenaeum Cremonese, 1958). The translations provided in Fletcher Collins, Jr., Medieval Church Music-dramas: A Repertory of Complete Plays (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976) are not reliable. That Blois rather than Fleury is the place of composition has been strongly argued by Solange Corbin, "Le manuscript 201 d'Orleans: Drames liturgiques dits de Fleury," Romania 74 (1953): 1--43, although the claims of Fleury have been presented by Fletcher Collins, Jr., "The Home of the Fleury Playbook," in Thomas P. Campbell and Clifford Davidson, eds., The Fleury Playbook: Essays and Studies, Early Drama, Art, and Music Monograph Series, 7 (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1985), pp. 26--34. V. A. Kolve, "Ganymede/Son of Getron: Medieval Monasticism and the Drama of Same-Sex Desire," Speculum 73 (1998): 1014--67, claims that "Collins effectively dismandes the claims made by Solange Corbin" (1029, n. 40), which is in my opinion far from the case. In addition to Solange's detailed argu• ments (most of which are in fact ignored by Collins), there are four other factors that argue for a cathedral school in the Loire valley as the source of the plays. Unlike most music dramas, that are found in service books and a specific liturgi• cal context, the Playbook represents, uniquely, as Clifford Flanigan points out, "a self-contained collection of plays" whose heterogeneity "can be explained only by positing a [compiler] who had come to an understanding of drama as a per• formed art [that could be] independent of ritual" (c. Clifford Flanigan, "The Fleury Playbook, the Traditions of Medieval Latin Drama, and Modern Scholarship," in Campbell and Davidson, eds., The Fleury Playbook, pp. 1-25). Second, of the ten plays in the Playbook, the first four are about St. Nicholas and the next two deal with Herod and the Slaughter of the Innocents. It was on the Feast of St. Nicholas (December 6) that the students at a grammar or song school chose their boy bishop, who then presided over the festivities of the Feast of Holy Innocents on December 28. The topic of these six plays, then, argue for a scholas• tic context. Third, the Latin of some of the most important passages is (as we shall see) ostentatiously learned-exacdy the sort that would be studied in a cathedral 250 NOTES

school. And finally, as we shall also see in detail, one of the plays-De Sanlto Nicolao et de Judeo (edited by Young, Drama of the Medieval Church, 2.344-8)-not only refers to Jews but specifically to the massacre at Blois in 1171, a massacre that was obviously known at Orleans (only some 50 kilometers up the Loire) and recorded in detail by the large Jewish community there. These details support the hypothesis, then, that the Fleury Playbook derives from a scholastic and secular environment rather than a monastic and liturgical one. The plays should be located in the same context as the elegiac comedies-witty rewritings of Terence--composed in the same geographical area earlier in the century by authors such as Vital of Blois, William of Blois, Arnulf of Orleans, Matthew of Vendome (who taught at Orleans) and other, anonymous authors of the earlier twelfth century. Another creator of the tradition within which the St. Nicholas plays stand is Hilarius of Orleans, a student of Abelard. Hilarius wrote the St. Nicholas play that is the primary source for the Fleury "St. Nicholas and the Jew," and in addition sophisticated homoerotic verse addressed to young men-an intriguing precedent for the Fleury play discussed by Kolve, the Filius Getronis. In sum, the so-called Fleury St. Nicholas plays should be understood less in relation to cultic celebration than to the set of interests that are at once specific to the aca• demic environment of schoolboys yet also derived from the wider social world with which the medieval school interacted. Indeed, the enclosed world of the reformed monasticism of the late twelfth century is a far less likely environment from which these plays emerged than the vibrant and exploratory world of the twelfth-century schools. 104. Hilarius Aurelianensis, Versus et Ludi, Epistolae, Ludus Danielis Belouacensis, ed. Walther BuIst and M. L. BuIst-Thiele (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1989), pp. 43-46; Wace, La Vie de Saint Nicolas: Poeme religieux du Xlle siecle, ed. Einar Ronsjo (Lund: Haken Ohlsson, 1942), lines 660, 723, pp. 139, 141; Jehan Bodel, LeJeu de Saint Nicolas, ed. Albert Henry, 2d. ed. (Brussels: Presses Universitaires de Bruxelles, 1965), line 9, p. 60. 105. The original, in difficult dactylic hexameters, is as follows: Vah! perii! nichil est reliqui michi! cur esse cepi? Cur, mater, cur, seue pater, fore me tribuisti? Heu! quid proferri michi profuitaut generari? Cur, Natura parens, consistere me statuebas, Que luctus michi, que gemitus hos prospiciebas? Quod querar in tantam mihi crimen obesse ruinam? Qui modo diues eram, uix aut nullius egebam. Pollens argento, preciosis uestibus, auro, Sum miser, idque mei moles est pauperiei. Nam latet ex habitu me post modo quo fruar usu. Quod leuius ferrem, si ferre prius didicissem. Sed, ni decipior, ego sane desipiebam. Sic ego, quod nomen Nicholai mane colebam. Quidni noxa? Fides nocuit michi Christicolarum, Que probat, et sine sic te, Nicholae, uigere? Id michi tristandi causam dedit et lacrimandi. Nec solus £lebo, nec inultus, credo, dolebo: Tu meritis subdare probris tondere £lagellis. Sed fessus cedam, noctis tibi tempora credam. NOTES 251

Quod nisi mane mea repares tibi credita causa, Primo flagellabo te, postque flagella cremabo. Young, ed., Drama of the Medieval Church, 2.346-47. I am indebted to my learned colleague Traugott Lawler for untangling this passage for me. 106. See above, n. 84. 107. Chazan, ed., Church, State, andjew in the Middle Ages, pp. 301-303. 108. For complaints about Jewish chanting, see Jordan, French Monarchy and the jews, p. 17; for a specific example ofJews chanting while being burned, see the account of the massacre at Mainz in 1096 in Eidelberg, ed., Thejews and the Crusaders, p.l09. 109. Clyde W. Brockett, "Modal and Motivic Coherence in the Music of the Music• Dramas in the Fleury Playbook," in Campbell and Davidson, eds., The Fleury Playbook, pp. 44-45. 110. "Der Planctusjudei und der Gesangjiidischer Martyrer in Blois anno 1171," in Pierre Gallais and Yves-Jean Riou, eds., Melanges cfferts aRene Crozet, 2 vols. (Poitiers: Societe d'Etudes Medievale, 1966),2.881-85. The substitution of the Jew for the barbarus is discussed by neither Corbin nor Collins, but Gilbert Dahan argues that it is further evidence for locating the composition of the play at Blois: see Gilbert Dahan, "Le judeus du Jeu de saint Nicolas dit de Fleury: Contibution a l'etude de l'image dujuif dans la litterature medievale," Cahiers de civilisation medievale 16 (1973): 221-26 and Gilbert Dahan, "LesJuifs dans Ie theatre religieux en France du XIIe au XIVe siecles," Archivesjuives 13 (1977): 1-10. 111. Joseph H. Hertz, ed. and trans., Siddur: The Authorized Daily Prayer Book (New York: Bloch, 1948), pp. 208-11. 112. That there was a sizable Jewish community at Laon is shown by its inclusion among those who acceded to regulations promulgated by rabbinical synods held in Troyes between 1150 and 1160: see Norman Golb, Lesjuifs de Rouen an moyen age (Rouen: Publications ofthe University ofRouen, 1985), p. 160. For the presence ofan obses• sion withJews at Laon, one need look no further than the autobiography ofGuibert de Nogent. Since the violence of 1096 was especially marked at Rouen, Laon's loca• tion between there and the cities of the Rhineland massacres would have made it likely that knowledge of these events was common in the city-if, indeed, Laon was itself spared in 1096. As for Limoges, there was enough of a Jewish community there in the late eleventh century for the well-known scholar Joseph ben Samuel Bonfils to settle and work in the city; the Jews of Limoges suffered from crusader violence in the thirteenth century, and Norman Golb, "New Light on the Persecution of French Jews at the Time of the First Crusade," has shown that Jewish communities in south• ern France also suffered in 1096. Freising has no record ofJewish massacres, but its proximity to the Rhineland cities and to those of Franconia, like Wiirzburg, that suf• fered in 1146 as well as 1096, makes it likely that the massacres would have been known to the monastic community there. Furthermore, Freising is very close to Augsburg, where members of the Second Crusade were prevented from attacking the Jewish community only by the intervention of the mayor and council. One can assume that other, smaller communities in the neighborhood were not so fortunate. 113. Citations are from the most accomplished of these dramas, that in the Fleury Playbook, and are cited from Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church, 2.102-124. 114. Karl Young, Ordo Rachelis, University of Wisconsin Studies in Language and Literature, 4 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1919). 252 NOTES

115. The notion that these plays, because part of a liturgical ritual, are transcendental actions that lack the inunediacy of human emotion has been promoted by many scholars: on the Rachel plays, see, for example, Robert Guiette, "Retlexions sur Ie drame liturgique," in Gallais and Riou, eds., Melanges offerts aRene Crozet, 1.197-202. For Guiette, Rachel is to be understood as really being Mary, and in the plays "tout est dignite, grandeur et hannonie" (1.201): the drama has "la car• actere hieratique des attitudes et jusqu'a une certaine inunobilite sculpturale en meme temps que sacrale" (1.202). John Stevens began by arguing that Rachel is not a real Jewish mother but "a 'type' of the Church, Ecclesia, weeping for all her martyred sons," then moved to the recognition that the music for Rachel's laments is not in fact derived from liturgical traditions but from that of the planctus, which is designed to have a powerfully human emotional impact, and finally has provided a detailed account of what he called "Dramatic emotion: 'mourning Rachel.' " See John Stevens, "Music in Some Early Medieval Plays," in Francis Warner, ed., Studies in the Arts, Proceedings of the St. Peter's College Literary Society (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1968), p. 26; John Stevens, "Medieval Drama," in Stanley Sadie, ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musidans, 20 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1980), 12.37; and John Stevens, Words and Music in the Middle Ages: Song, Narrative, Dance, and Drama, 1050-1350 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 351-71. 116. The tale has been discussed in relation to host desecration narratives by Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on LAte Medieval Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999), pp. 7-39. 117. According to Cooke in the Manual of the Writings in Middle English, there are 33 versions of this tale in 68 manuscripts (10.3225); to Cooke's bibliography ofschol• arship on the tale (pp. 3529--30) should be added the most recent contribution, Heike A. Bunneister, Der 'Judenknabe:" Studien und texte zu einem mittelalterlichen Marienmirakel in deutscher Oberliiferung (Goppingen: Kiinunerle Verlag, 1998). 118. Sigebert of Gembloux, Chronica, ed. D. L. C. Bethmann in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores, vol. 6 (Hannover, 1844), pp. 317, 367-8. 119. The idea that Jewish behavior influenced either Christian antisemitic stereotypes or acts of persecution is, unsurprisingly, controversial. For some contributions to the debate set off by Israel J. Yuval, "Vengeance and Damnation, Blood and Defamation: From Jewish Martyrdom to Blood Libel Accusations," Zion 58 (1993): 33-90 (in Hebrew, with English summary), see the articles (in Hebrew, with English summaries) in Zion 59 (1994) by Jeremy Cohen, Ezra Fleischner, Mordechai Breuer, Abraham Grossman, and Gerd Mentgen, with Yuval's extended reply, which provides much insight into the meaning of kiddush Ha-shem both to Jews and Christians. 120. For the different versions of the Tale, see Carleton Brown, A Study of the Miracle of Our LAdy Told by Chaucer's Prioress, Chaucer Society Publications, Second Series, no. 45 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, 1910) and Brown, "The Prioress's Tale," in Bryan and Dempster, eds., Sources and Analogues, pp. 447-85 (the line from the Gaude Maria is translated from this chapter, p. 448, n. 1). The composition of the tale is certainly twelfth century, but it does not appear among the English works that are the first instances of collections of Marian miracles: see R. W. Southern, "The English Origins of the Miracles of the Virgin," Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies 4 (1958): 176-216. The oldest surviving version appears to be in a Latin manuscript compiled in northern France (now BN 18134): see NOTES 253

Adolfo Mussafia, "Uber die von Gautier de Coincy benutzen Quellen," Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der WlSsenschcift in Wien, philosophische-historische Classe 44 (1896): 1-58, especially 54-6. 121. This argument is repeated throughout the Hebrew crusade chronicles, where the Jews persistendy refuse to accept a faith that deifies "the bastard son of a prosti• tute:" see Eidelberg, ed.,jews and the Crusades, passim. 122. Of the 33 other versions of the Tale, in only seven is the boy killed by having his throat slit, and of those seven, five are categorized by Brown, A Study of the Miracle of Our Lady, as instances of the earliest version (A) while the Prioress's Tale is located in the later, C group. 123. In "Chaucer's 'Newe Rachel' and the Theological Roots of Medieval Anti-Semitism," Robert Adams searches in vain in the exegetical tradition for evidence that in this context Rachel could be considered anything other than as a prefiguration of Mary, and concludes that one can have no confidence that Chaucer recognized the irony. But the evidence from the liturgical drama shows that indeed Christians did recognize Rachel as a Jewish mother lamenting for a Jewish child slaughtered by a gentile, and as already mentioned, these dramas were performed in nunneries in England during Chaucer's lifetime. 124. Chazan, Europeanjewry, p. 319, n. 53. 125. I do not mean to suggest that the question of "authorial intention" is not a genuine theoretical problem: on the contrary, I have tried to think through some of its diffi• culties in Negotiating the Past: The Historical Understanding of Medieval Literature (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), pp. 41-74. I simply mean that we cannot sweep aside the problem in the name of some theoretical regulation like "the intentional fallacy," as is pointed out by Annabel Patterson in "Intention," in Frank Lentricchia and Thomas McLaughlin, eds., Critical Terms in Literary Study, 2d. ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), pp. 135-46. Nor can we resort to cur• rendy fashionable terms like "textual unconscious," or simply replace the author's name with the phrase "the text": these are mere lexical maneuvers that only beg the question. If we are truly to understand a literary work we must at least try to deter• mine, among other thingI, the meaning its author wanted his audience to grasp. 126. For the most complete account, with an extensive bibliography, see Jean-Noel Biraben, Les hommes et la peste en Frances et dans les pays europeens et mMiterraneens, 2 vols. (paris: Mouton, 1975-76), 1.57-71. 127. Martin M. Crow and Clair C. Olson, eds., Chaucer Life-Records (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966), pp. 64-5. 128. For the war and English involvement, see P. E. Russell, The English Intervention in Spain and Portugal in the Reigns of Edward III and Richard II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955), pp. 84-148; for evidence that Chaucer's trip was undertaken to per• suade, in the event successfully, the Englishman Hugh de Calvely and his troops to abandon Henry and to join the Black Prince in supporting Pedro, see Jesus L. Serrano, "The Chaucers in Spain: From the Wedding to the Funeral," available at http://www.arrakis.es/-jlserrano. I am indebted to Dr. Serrano of the University of Cordoba for directing me to his website. 129. Cuvelier, La chanson de Bertrand du Guesclin, ed. Jean-Claude Faucon, 3 vols. (Toulouse: Editons du Sud, 1990-91),3.122-25. 130. The chronicle report is by Samuel C;:ar~a and is printed (in Hebrew) in Fritz Baer, Diejuden im Christlichen Spanien, vol. 1, pt. 2 (Berlin: Schocken, 1936), pp. 200-201. I am indebted to Ivan Marcus for translating this document for me. 254 NOTES

131. Abraham Halkin, trans., Crisis and Leadership: Epistles of Maimonides, ed. David Hartman (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1985), pp. 13-90. For discussion, see Cohen, "Messianic Postures of Ashkenazim and Sephardim," pp.148ff 132. Russell, English Intervention, p. 533. 133. See, for example, Jose Hinojosa Montalvo, TheJews of the Kingdom ofValenciafrom Persecution to Expulsion, 1391-1492 (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1993), p. 35; and the let• ter from Rabbi Hasdai Crescas of Sa rag ossa to the Jewish community of Toulouse written October 19, 1391, which describes the ritual slaughters as kiddush Ha• shem: Franz Kobler, ed., A Treasury ofJewish Letters, 2 vols. (London: Farrar, Straus and Young, 1952), 1.272-5. For discussion, with further evidence of kiddush Ha• shem in 1391, see Marc Saperstein, "A Sermon on the Akedah from the Generation of the Expulsion and Its Implications for 1391," in Mirsky, ed., Exile and Diaspora, pp. 185-202; and H. J. Zimmels, Ashkenazim and Sephardim: Their Relations, Differences, and Problems as Reflected in the Rabbinical Responsa (London: Oxford University Press, 1958), pp. 262-6. 134. Of the 10 versions of the Tale that belong to the later C group, only 2 have the child killed by having his throat slit: one is set in Toledo, and the other is the Prioress's Tale; see above, note 122. 135. Elisa Narin van Court, " 'The Siege of Jerusalem' and Augustinian Historians: Writing about Jews in Fourteenth-Century England," Chaucer Review 29 (1994-95),222. Van Court draws attention to the discussion ofJews and Judaism in Langland, Gower, the Corpus Christi plays, the two siege narratives, Mirk's Festial (which contains narratives ofJewish conversion), and the late fourteenth• century manuscript that contains the only surviving copy of Peter of Comwall's Disputation with Symon the Jew. See also van Court's "The Hermeneutics of Supercession: The Revision of the Jews from the B to the C Text of Piers Plowman," Yearbook of Langland Studies 10 (1996): 43-87; and Richard Rex, The Sins of Madame Eglentyne and Other Essays on Chaucer (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1995), pp. 13-26. 136. Joe Hillaby, "The Ritual-Child-Murder Accusation: Its Dissemination and Harold of Gloucester," Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England 34 (1994-96): 69-109. 137. Langmuir, Toward a Dif/nition of Antisemitism, pp. 236-62. 138. H. M. Colvin, gen. ed., The History of the King's Works (London: Stationery Office, 1963), p. 485. 139. Stow, Alienated Minority, p. 115. 140. Christopher Tyerman, England and the Crusades, 1095-1588 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 231. 141. Roger Kohn, Les juifs de la France du Nord dans la seconde moitie du XIVe siecle (Louvain: E. Peeters, 1988), pp. 261-3. 142. For the English interest in crusading, see J. J. N. Palmer, England, France and Christendom, 1377-99 (London: Roudedge and Kegan Paul, 1972), pp. 180-210, and Tyerman, England and the Crusades, pp. 288-301. 143. William Barber, trans., "The History of the Monastery of St. Peter of Gloucester," in David Welander, The History, Art and Architecture of Gloucester Cathedral (phoenix Mill: Alan Sutton, 1991), pp. 597-639. 144. Paul Olson, The Canterbury Tales and the Good Society (princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 136. NOTES 255

145. Andrew Sharf, "An Annenian King at the Court of Richard II," in Pinhas Artzi, ed., Bar-nan Studies in History (Rarnat-Gan, Israel: Bar-Ban University Press, 1978), pp. 115-28. 146. Philippe de Mezieres, Letter to King Richard II, trans. G. W. Coopland (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1976). 147. For this aspect of Richard's piety, and a discussion of the Wilton Diptych, see Nigel Saul, Richard II (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 303-8, and Di1lian Gordon, Making and Meaning: The Wilton Diptych (London: National Gallery, 1993), pp. 59-60. 148. This event has given rise to the idea that the Prioress's Tale was written as a com• memoration for it: Sumner Ferris, "Chaucer at Lincoln (1387): The Prioress's Tale as a Political Poem," Chaucer Review 15 (1980-81): 295-321. 149. For the traditional identification of England as the dos Mariae, see Duffy, Stripping of the Altars, p. 256. 150. Michael Adler, Jews of Medieval England (London: Jewish Historical Society of England, 1939), pp. 322-23. 151. There was at least one precedent for Richard's presence at the baptism of this convert: King Louis IX of France was present ...when 'a Jew of great renown' was baptized. This happened just before his departure in 1270 to his second and last crusade. Louis insisted that the envoys of the King of Tunisia, then in Paris, be present at the ceremony. See Joseph Shatzmiller, "Jewish Converts to Christianity in Medieval Europe," in Michael Goodich, Sophia Menache and Sylvia Schein, eds., Cross Cultural Convergences in the Crusader Period: Essays Presented to Aryeh Grabois on his Sixty• Fifth Birthday (New York: Peter Lang, 1995), p. 304. 152. Calendar of the Plea Rolls of the Exchequer of the Jews, 3 vols. (London: Stationery Office, 1905-29): 3.311-312. The nakedness was presumably designed to show that Sampson was circumcised; the bearing of the dead animal may represent a Christian misunderstanding of Jewish butchering practices. 153. For the institution of compulsory sermons in England, see Roth, History oftheJews in England, pp. 78-9. Conversionary sermons had been made compulsory in Spain in 1240, and in other European countries soon after: see Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: A Study in the Development of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982). 154. For such responses, see Robert Chazan, Daggers of Faith: Thirteenth-Century Christian Missionizing andJewish Response (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). 155. Berger, A Critical Edition of the Nizzahon Vetus, pp. 33-4. This point is made by Jordan, "Marian Devotion and the Talmud Trial of 1240," p. 64. 156. James c. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985). 157. In the opinion of Albert Friedman, repeated in different words by numerous other critics, "The only way Chaucer could be wholly acquitted [of the charge of furthering anti-Semitism] would be to prove that Chaucer's tale is a bold and obvious satire of anti-Semitism and unequivocally felt as such by his audience, which certainly it is not" ("The Prioress's Tale and Chaucer's Anti-Semitism," 119). 256 NOTES

Perpetual Motion: Alchemy and the Technology of the Self 1. The Ellesmere manuscript rubricated the text as a Prologue (554-719) followed by a two-part Tale, Prima Pars (72{}-971) and Pars Secunda (972-1481). It is printed this way by Skeat, Robinson, and Larry C. Benson, gen. ed. Riverside Chaucer (Boston: Houghton Miffiin, 1987). Yet many editors have found this disposition unsatisfactory, including Skeat (The Works ifGec!ffrey Chaucer [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1900], 5.421). A number of critics have pointed out that the Yeoman's three-part performance struc• turally mimics those of the Wife of Bath and Pardoner: a dramatic Introduction (554-719), a confessional Prologue (72{}-971), and an illustrative Tale (972-1481): see Judith Sherer Herz, "The Canon's Yeoman's Prologue and Tale," Modern Philology 58 (1961),233, n. 4; Samuel McCracken, "Confessional Prologue and the Topography of the Canon's Yeoman," Modem Philology 68 (1971): 289-91; Derek Pearsall, The Canterbury Tales (London: Unwin, 1985), 107-8; and Robert Cook, "The Canon's Yeoman and His Tale," Chaucer Review 22 (1987-88): 28-40. In Chaucer's Poetry: An Anthology for the Modern Reader (New York: Ronald Press, 1958), E. Talbot Donaldson printed the text as Introduction, Prologue and Tale, and I shall follow that pattern. 2. Charles Muscatine, Chaucer and the French Tradition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957), pp. 213-21. 3. Joseph Grennen, Jargon Transmuted: Alchemy in Chaucer's Canon's Yeoman's Tale Fordham University, 1960; "The Canon's Yeoman and the Cosmic Furnace: Language and Meaning in the 'Canon's Yeoman's Tale,' " Criticism 4 (1962): 225-40; "Chaucer's 'Secree of Secrees': An Alchemical 'Topic,' " Philological Quarterly 42 (1963): 562-66; "Chaucer's Characterization of the Canon and His Yeoman," Journal if the History of Ideas 25 (1964): 279-84; "The Canon's Yeoman's Alchemical 'Mass,''' Studies in Philology 62 (1965): 546-60; "Chaucer and the Commonplaces of Alchemy," Classica et Mediaevalia 26 (1965): 306-33; and "Saint Cecilia's 'Chemical Wedding': The Unity of the Canterbury Tales, Fragment VIII," Journal if English and Germanic Philology 65 (1966): 466-81. 4. This in opposition to Pauline Aiken, "Vincent of Beauvais and Chaucer's Knowledge of Alchemy," Studies in Philology 41 (1944): 371-89, who argued that Chaucer's knowledge was restricted to the elementary account provided by one of Vincent of Beauvais's encyclopedias. For a similarly low opinion of Chaucer's alchemical knowledge, see Dorothee Finkelstein, "The Code of Chaucer's 'Secree of Secrees': Arabic Alchemical Terminology in 'The Canon's Yeoman's Tale,' " Archiv for das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 207 (1970): 26{}-76. Edgar Duncan had earlier argued that Chaucer understood the details of alchemical processes in "The Yeoman's Canon's 'Silver Citrinacioun'," Modern Philology 37 (1939-40): 241-62, although the complexity of Duncan's account makes it difficult to believe that Chaucer was as fully informed as he assumes. Grennen's well-taken point, however, is that Chaucer understood the characteristic forms of the discourse of alchemy if not its practice. 5. In "Chaucer and the Commonplaces of Alchemy," Grennen says, I doubt that there is a single feature of the Canon's Yeoman's Prologue, or of the first section of the tale (Prima Pars), which can not be seen as an imaginative re• shaping of the details of alchemical theory and experiment as these were set down in written treatises. (308) NOTES 257

A similar point was also made by Edgar H. Duncan, "The Literature of Alchemy and Chaucer's Canon's Yeoman's Tale: Framework, Theme, and Characters," Speculum 43 (1968): 633-56. 6. Grennen, "Saint Cecilia's 'Chemical Wedding,' " 466-7. 7. For these and other comparisons, see Grennen's articles and John Gardner, "The Canon's Yeoman's Prologue and Tale: An Interpretation," Philological Quarterly 46 (1967): 1-17; Bruce L. Grenberg, "The Canon's Yeoman's Tale: Boethian Wisdom and the Alchemists," Chaucer Review 1 (1966-67): 37-54; K. Michael Olmert, "The Canon's Yeoman's Tale: An Interpretation," Annuale Medievale 8 (1967): 70-94; Glending Olson, "Chaucer, Dante, and the Structure of Fragment VIII (G) of the Canterbury Tales," Chaucer Review 16 (1981-82): 222-36; Bruce A. Rosenberg, "The Contrary Tales of the Second Nun and the Canon's Yeoman," Chaucer Review 2 (1967-68): 278-91; Bruce A. Rosenberg, "Swindling Alchemist, Antichrist." Centennial Review 6 (1962): 566-80; John Scattergood, "Chaucer in the Suburbs," in Myra Stokes and T. L. Burton, eds., Medieval Literature and Antiquities: Studies in Honour if Basil Cottle (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1987), pp. 145--62. 8. Grennen, "Saint Cecilia's 'Chemical Wedding,'" 472-73; see also Traugott Lawler, The One and the Many in "The Canterbury Tales" (Hamden: Archon Books, 1980), pp. 125-46. As Grennen says in "Chaucer and the Commonplaces of Alchemy," To say that the word "multiply" is an important word in alchemy is to understate the case. There is hardly a treatise in which it does not figure prominently, and it is frequently made the discriminant by which an alchemical author may evalu• ate the performance of other workers in alchemy (that is, by defining the sense in which they may be said to be "multipliers"). (320-21) The history of the term shows that it means two completely opposite things: (1) to intensify a substance through sublimation; and (2) to proliferate needlessly and con• fusingly the materials or, especially, words used in the alchemical work. It signifies, then, an intensification into singularity, purity, and esence (identity) and a prolifer• ation into multiplicity and heterogeneity (difference). 9. James Dean, "Dismantling the Canterbury Book," PMU 100 (1984), 751. 10. A. V. C. Schmidt, ed., The General Prologue to the "Canterbury Tales" and the Canon's Yeoman's Prologue and Tale. (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1976), pp.38-9. 11. Stephen Knight, Geoffrey Chaucer (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985), p. 150; Britton J. Harwood, "Chaucer and the Silence of History: Situating the Canon's Yeoman's Tale," PMU 102 (1987): 338-50. Sheila Delany also reads the tale as a "vitriolic attack" on a modernizing alchemy: "Run Silent, Run Deep: Heresy and Alchemy as Medieval Versions of Utopia," in her Medieval Literary Politics: Shapes of Ideology (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990), p. 16. 12. There are partial exceptions to this critical consensus. Scattergood says that the tales of both the Second Nun and the Canon's Yeoman are about the confrontation between unorthodox belief and authority: "new ideologies constantly present a challenge to the establishment" ("Chaucer in the Suburbs," 160); and David Raybin, " 'And Pave It Al of Silver and of Gold': The Humane Artistry of the Canon's Yeoman's Tale," in Susanna Greer Fein, David Raybin and Peter C. Braeger, eds., Rebels and Rivals: The Contestative Spirit in "The Canterbury Tales" 258 NOTES

(Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1991), pp. 189-212, draws an anal• ogy between the alchemist and the poet as artists. 13. A comprehensive survey of the widely varying medieval attitudes toward alchemy is provided by Will H. L. Ogrinc, "Western Society and Alchemy, 1200-1500," Journal cif Medieval History 6 (1980): 103-32. Ogrinc mentions documents of 1329 and 1350 revealing Edward Ill's interest in alchemy (118-119), and the 1374 case of William Shuchirch, a canon in the royal chapel of Windsor, that gave rise to J. M. Manly's speculations about Chaucer's personal involvement (Some New Light on Chaucer (New York: Henry Holt, 1926), pp. 235-52). However extensive this royal interest may have been, it ceased in 1403 when Henry IV issued a proclama• tion banning alchemy, doubtless because of a fear of counterfeiting. But Henry VI patronized alchemists in 1452 and again in 1456-57 in the hope of easing his money troubles (see Ralph Griffiths, The Reign cif Henry VI: The Exercise cif Royal Authority, 1422-1461 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), pp. 386, 787-8), and both George Ripley's The Compound cif Alchemy (1470-71) and Thomas Norton's Ordinal cif Alchemy (1477) were dedicated to Edward IV. As for Chaucer's contemporary poets, Langland linked alchemy with necromancy and arts of "gynful speche" (see B.I0.213-219, in William Langland, Piers Plowman: The B Text, ed. George Kane and E. Talbot Donaldson [London: Athlone Press, 1975], p. 419), while for Gower alchemy was legitimate---"This craft is wroght be weie of kinde" (4.2508)-but difficult (ConJessio amantis, 4.2457-2632). 14. The title "yeoman" is not unambiguous. In a rural context it designated a non• gentil landholder (Christopher Dyer, Standards cif Living in the Later Middle Ages [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989], p. 14), while in the city it referred to a lesser member of a company, craft, or mistery (including an apprentice) who was not entitled to wear its livery (see Sylvia Thrupp, The Merchant Class cif Medieval London [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1977], pp. 12-14,28-29). In these contexts it was also a catchall term for a man of middling status (Dyer, p. 15; Thrupp, pp. 217-218). But it also designated, as in the case of the Knight's Yeoman in the General Prologue, a personal servant (see Benson's note in The Riverside Chaucer, p. 802): it was the English term that translated the valettus of the noble household (Kate Mertes, The English Noble Household 125{}-1600 [Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988], p. 26). Here the term doubtless means "servant," but we are also encouraged to think of apprenticeship when the Yeoman says that he has dwelt with the Canon for "seven yeer" (720), the minimum term for apprentices (A. H. Thomas, ed., Calendar cif Plea and Memoranda Rolls, 1364-1381 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1929], p. xxxiii). When he goes on to complain that despite this service "of[the Canon's] science am I never the neer" (703), he echoes the frequent complaints by apprentices of the failure of their masters to teach them their craft: see, for example, the cases cited in A. H. Thomas, ed., Calendar oj Select Pleas and Memoranda cif the City cif London, 1381-1412 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1932), pp. 120-21, 135, 145, 167, 180, 193, 199,253,274,284, 293, 303, and 311. My thanks to Caroline Barron for bringing these sources to my attention. 15. See the note to this passage by John Reidy in the Riverside Chaucer, p. 949. 16. The contemporary fear of vagabondage and of "an unduly mobile" working class has been well described in relation to Chaucer's Miller, and with reference to pre• vious discussions, by Ralph Hanna III, "Pilate's Voice/Shirley's Case," Studies in the Age cifChaucer 91 (1992),796-7. NOTES 259

17. H. Marshall Leicester, The Disenchanted Self: Representing the Subject in the Canterbury Tales (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), p. 15. 18. See the notes by Florence H. Ridley in The Riverside Chaucer, pp. 942-3. 19. For the sources of the tale see Sherry Reames, "A Recent Discovery Concerning the Sources of Chaucer's Second Nun's Tale," Modem Philology 87 (1990): 337--61, and the previous studies by Reames cited there. 20. On the theme of conversion by reading, see Pierre Courcelle, Recherches sur les Confessions de saint Augustin (paris: E. Broccard, 1950). Recent studies of medieval reading include Susan Noakes, Timely Reading: Between Exegesis and Interpretation (Ithaca: Comell University Press, 1988), and Robert S. Sturges, Medieval Interpretation: Models rif Reading in Literary Narrative, 1100-1500 (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991). 21. As has been noted by, for instance, Grennen, "Chaucer's Characterization," 280. 22. For this strategy in the General Prologue, see Donaldson, Chaucer's Poetry, pp. 1038-41. 23. Indeed, this account is almost a parody of the General Prologue, since the narrator fig• ures out the Canon's identity only in slow motion, a dim-wittedness all the more marked because the Canon's dress would have made him instantly recognizable: see Marie P. Hamilton, "The Clerical Status of Chaucer's Alchemist," Speculum 16 (1941): 103--108. 24. Again, critics have long noted the tight parallels among the three texts-parallels obscured by Ellesmere's misleading rubrics of prima pars and pars secunda--although they have rarely seen this continuity of interest as allowing the Yeoman or his tale to function as anything other than negative examples: see above, n. 1. It should also be pointed out that, at least in the Ellesmere order, all three of these confessional performances are preceded by hagiographical narratives that celebrate female virtue: the Wife of Bath by the Man of Law, the Pardoner by the Physician, and the Canon's Yeoman by the Second Nun. The Canon Yeoman's Prologue and Tale may seem like an interruption, but a place has already been prepared for them: they are at once unexpected and inevitable. 25. See above, n. 8. 26. See the comment by Peter Brown, "Is the Canon's Yeoman's Tale Apocryphal?" English Studies 64 (1983): The worst £mlt of pars secunda is pointless repetition, almost as if it were written as an exercise in creating a Chaucerian tale out of the material available in the prologue and prima pars. The narrator is right when he says 'it dulleth me to ryrne' (1093). (487) 27. For the source of this dialogue, see Edgar H. Duncan, "Chaucer and 'Arnold of the Newe Toun,' " Modem Language Notes 58 (1942): 31-3, and Dorothee Finkelstein, "The Code of Chaucer's 'Secree ofSecrees.' " 28. Derridean supplementation is most explicitly prefigured in alchemical discourse by "multiplication," which as we have seen signifies both an uncontrollable expansion and a purification that grasps the essence or, in alchemical terms, the quintessence. 29. Indeed, the tale's penultimate line-"Thogh that he multiplie terme ofhis lyve"-is ambiguous: it can mean "even though he practices alchemy for his whole life," or, by referring to the idea of the quintessence, "even though he increases the length of his life." That the ambiguity turns on a pun on the word "multiplie" is almost inevitable. 30. For similar accounts of the spiritual and physical changes of the alchemist, see Noel Brann, "Alchemy and Melancholy in Medieval and Renaissance Thought: A Query into the Mystical Basis of their Relationship," Ambix 30 (1985): 127-48. 260 NOTES

31. David C. Lindberg, The Beginnings of Western Sdence: The European Sdentific Tradition in Philosophical, Religious, and Institutional Context, 600 B.C. to A.D. 1450 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 287. 32. The primary texts are available in two collections: Lazarus Zetzner, ed., Theatrum chemicum, 6 vols (Strasbourg: Zetzner, 1659-61), and Jean Jacques Manget, ed., Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa, 2 vols. (Geneva, 1702; reprinted Bologna: A. Forni, 1976). As we will see, alchemical texts present enormous difficulties-in their huge number, their language, their uncertain literary relationships, their authorship, and, above all, their meaning. Fortunately, despite Lindberg's caveat, there have been major advances in the study of this material in recent years, including a number of annotated translations. I have also relied on the excellent new work of Chiara Crisciani, Robert Halleux, William Newman, and Barbara Obrist. Their writings are cited in subsequent notes. 33. This passage from the Greek Book of Crates is the epigraph to Maurice P. Crosland, Historical Studies in the Language of Chemistry (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962). As Crosland says, "There would be some justification for the view that alchemical literature was a conspiracy between successive generations of writers to use a maximum number of words to give a minimum of information" (p. 36)--a view shared by many alchemical writers themselves. 34. Lee Stavenhagen, ed. and trans., A Testament of Alchemy: Being the Revelation of Morienus to Khalid ibn Yazid (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1974): "nichil aliud deduxit huius operis magistros in errorem nisi nominum multitudo" (p. 16); Robert Halleux, "Albert Ie Grand et l'alchimie," Revue des sdences philosophiques et theologiques 66 (1982): "celare intentionem earum per verba metaphorica, quae nunquam fuit consuetudo philosophiae" (cited from De mineral• ibus 3, I, 7 [po 73 n. 122]); Wilfred R. Theissen, ed. and trans., ''John Dastin's Letter on the Philosopher's Stone," Ambix 33 (1986): "Verum, cum satis labo• raverim ut scirem in ea semitam veritatis, non inveni verba nisi tipica et quod est alienationi similius" (79, 83); F. Sherwood Taylor, "The Argument ofMorien and Merlin: An English Alchemical Poem," Chymia 1 (1948), 27 (line 47). 35. Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Sdence, vol. 3 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1934), p. 93. 36. See Dorothea Waley Singer, ed., Catalogue of Latin and Vernacular Alchemical Manuscripts in Great Britain and Ireland Dating from Bifore the XVI century, 3 vols. (Brussels: Maurice Lambertin for the Union Academique Internationale, 1928-31), items 386-413 for texts entitled Synonyma alchemica, and items 415-438A for trea• tises that list the names and symbols of the planets and metals as keys with which to decode alchemical treatises. 37. The text is found in Bodleian Library MS Ashmole 1408, 135-50; the citation is derived from Robert M. Schuler's fascinating article, "The Renaissance Chaucer as Alchemist," Viator 15 (1984), 318. 38. In Prol. G to the Legend of Good Women, line 86; that the phrase "naked text" prob• ably means "without gloss" is suggested by Romaunt of the Rose, line 6556; see also A Treatise on the Astrolabe, Prol. 26. 39. For medieval instances of the argument that the figurative writing used by alchemy is necessary in order to make clear what would otherwise be obscure, see the citations from the works of Petrus Bonus and Arnold of Villanova in Barbara Obrist, Les debuts de l'imagerie alchimique (XIve_xV' siMes) (Paris: Le Sycomore, 1982), pp. 50-1. NOTES 261

40. Arthur Edward Waite, ed., The Turba Philosophorum (London: George Redway, 1896; repro New York: Samuel Weiser, 1973), p. 44. The Turba was written in Arabic around 900 and appeared in Latin at the beginning of the fourteenth century. 41. Petrus Bonus, The New Pearl if Great Price, trans. Arthur Edward Waite (London: Vincent Stuart, 1894), p. 149. 42. For 600 names, see Crosland, Historical Studies, p. 24 n. 24; for 10,000, see Robert HaIleux, Les textes alchimiques (Tumhout: Brepols, 1979), p. 116. 43. Petrus Bonus, New Pearl, 149. 44. Cited by F. Sherwood Taylor, The Alchemists: Founders of Modem Chemistry (New York, Schuman, 1949), p. 60. The Visions are translated by Taylor in Ambix 1 (1937): 88-92. 45. Cited by Taylor, Alchemists, p. 89. 46. Cited by Taylor, Alchemists, p. 97. 47. George Ripley, The Compound if Alchemy (1470-71), in Elias Ashmole, ed., Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum: Containing Severall Poeticall Pieces if our Famous English Philosophers, who have written the Hermetique Mysteries in their owne Andent Language (London: N. Brooke, 1652; repro Hildesheim: Georg Glms, 1968), p. 115. 48. This is the brief treatise entitled "Pearce the Black Monk upon the Elixir," found in Ashmole, ed., Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, p. 274. As Taylor says, In the belief of many alchemical authors there was a subtle spirit diffused throughout the world. That spirit is described as a quinta essentia, a fifth being, over and above the four elements, and .. .it was believed to exist in all earthly bodies and to be their active principle." (Alchemists, pp. 116-117) 49. Petrus Bonus, New Pearl, p. 132. 50. Ripley, in Ashmole, ed., Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, p. 112. Pearce the Black Monk almost scornfully insists upon the simplicity of alchemical doctrine: "Sun and Moone, Erth and Water; / And here ys aIle that men of clatter" (Ashmole, ed., Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, p. 271). 51. Petrus Bonus, New Pearl, p. 140. 52. Thorndike, History, 3.94. 53. Ashmole, ed., Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, p. 123. For Pearce's similar assertion, see Ashmole, ed., Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, p. 271. The reference to the image invokes the elaborate illustrations that, beginning in the early fourteenth century, occasionally accompany alchemical treatises: alchemical lore can be encap• sulated in a single, immediately graspable picture, a representation that for all its cryptic implications embodies in its visibility the simplicity of alchemy itsel£ In Les debuts de I'imagerie alchimique, Barbara Gbrist discusses how alchemical illuminations affinn an illuminationist epistemology (pp. 60-5). 54. The Visio was translated in the sixteenth century as Dastin's Dream and can be founded in Ashmole, ed., Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, pp. 257-68. For another example, see the early fifteenth-century Buch der heiligen Dreifaltigkeit, discussed by Gbrist, Debuts de I'imagerie, pp. 117-82. 55. Thorndike, History, 3.130-31. 56. Riply, Compound, in Ashmole, ed., T'heatrum Chemicum Brittanicum, pp. 165, 137. 57. Marie-Louise Von Franz, ed., Aurora Consurgens, trans. R. F. C. Hull and A. S. B. Glover, Bollingen Series 77 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1966), pp. 117-119. 262 NOTES

58. George Sarton, Introduction to the History of Sdence (Washington: Williams and Wilkins, 1948), 3.751-2. In fact, although Sarton's description is applicable to many treatises, it does misrepresent Bonus's carefully organized text: see Chiara Crisciani, "The Conception of Alchemy as Expressed in the Pretiosa Margarita Novella," Ambix 20 (1973): 165-81. 59. Thorndike, History, 3.55-7. Robert Halleux, in the most recent and penetrating survey of this material, describes alchemical treatises as "living texts, with manuscript traditions that are extremely unstable" (Textes, p. 90). Lynn Thorndike says that the typical alchemical treatise "consists of a congeries of familiar phrases and sanctified notions, drawn from the past literature of the subject" (History, 3.40); Taylor adds "most alchem• ical works [are] a mosaic of quotations from earlier authors" (Alchemists, p. 111). Even granted the prevalence of the citational mode in medieval writing, the alchemical trea• tise is unusually subject to disruption and appropriation: as Thorndike says, "It was likely to be treated as common property which anyone could maul over, corrupt, amend, comment upon, or abbreviate to suit his times and fancy" (History, 3.40). 60. Halleux, Textes, pp. 97-109; see also Thorndike, History, 3.63-5. For an expert survey of the Lullian material, see Michela Pereira, The Alchemical Corpus Attributed to Raymond Lull, Warburg Institute Surveys and Texts, 18 (London: The Warburg Institute, 1989). 61. Singer, Catalogue, 1.17. 62. The cited phrases are from Jacques Derrida, "Limited, Inc.," Glyph 2 (1977), 236. 63. For other discussions of alchemical language, see Michel Butor, Repertoire (Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1960), pp. 12-19, and Chiara Crisciani, "Experientia e linguag• gio nella tradizione alchemica," in Atti del XXIV Congresso Nazionale di Filosl?Jia (Rome: Societa Filosofica Italiana, 1974),2.357-64. I have been unable to consult James Dauphine, "De 'L'Esprit de l'or.' Langage et alchimie au moyen age," in James Dauphine, Esoterisme et litterature (Nice: C.E.M., 1987), pp. 29-48. 64. See above, n. 13. Certainly its critics frequently revert to the theme of alchemical language: in the bull of 1317 that outlawed alchemy because of its links to coun• terfeiting, Pope John XXII said that alchemists are "men [who] dissimulate their falsity with words," that they "admire those who speak about this business" even though they cannot perform what they promise. The bull Spondet quas non exhibent is printed, translated, and discussed by Halleux, Textes, pp. 124-26. Despite this prohibition, John may himself have patronized alchemy: see Ogrinc, "Western Society and Alchemy," 114-115. 65. Leicester, The Disenchanted Self, p. 28. For a somewhat similar argument about alchemy, see John Reidy, "Alchemy as Counter-Culture," Indiana Sodal Studies Quarterly 24 (1971-72): 41-51. 66. John Read, Prelude to Chemistry: An Outline of Alchemy. 2d ed. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966 [1936]). 67. In part this capacity was a function of alchemy's mixed heritage: on the one hand is a metallurgical interest expressed in a tradition of very pragmatic recipe books (see Pierre Cezard, "L' alchimie at les recettes techniques," Metaux et dvilisations 1 [1945]: 5-10, 41-5), on the other a quasi-mystical belief in a dynamic universe. That these two traditions were at work, in Arabic alchemy, as early as the ninth century is shown by Brian Stock, "Science, Technology, and Economic Progress in the Early Middle Ages," in David C. Lindberg, ed., Sdence in the Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), pp. 15-16. 68. Lindberg provides a balanced survey of current opinions regarding the degree of continuity between medieval and modem science, and concludes that the "new NOTES 263

science" of the seventeenth century "produced a radical conceptual shift, which destroyed the [Aristotelian] foundations of natural philosophy as practiced for nearly two thousand years" (Beginnings ifWestem Sdence, p. 361). The absence ofa genuine chemistry in the Middle Ages-and indeed until Lavoisier's work at the end of the eighteenth century-is discussed by Robert P. Multhauf, "The Science of Matter," in Lindberg, ed., Sdence in the Middle Ages, pp. 369-90. 69. Trent Eglin, "Introduction to a Hermeneutics of the Occult," m Ethnomethodological Studies if Work, in Harold Garfinkel, ed., (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986), p. 134. 70. The "spiritual tum" of alchemical theorizing around 1300 has been best discussed by Barbara Obrist, "Die Alchemie in der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft," in Die Alchemie in der europiiischen Kultur- und Wissenschqftsgeschichte, ed. Christoph Meinel, Wolfenbiitteler Forschungen 22 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1986), pp. 33-59. 71. The peculiar nature of alchemy's progressivism supports, I believe, a larger and very important point made by Brian Stock, one worth quoting in full: The reasons why the Middle Ages contributed decisively to the advent of modernity, that is, to the conjunction of science, technology, economics, and mental artitudes that we associate with the modem world, cannot be found by means of a number of tried historiographical approaches, even though each has added its share of insights to the process of modernization as Weber understood it. These methods include: the internalist history of science and technology, the unmodified Weberian sociology of religion, the mere pushing back of modernity into the Middle Ages, or any sort of functionalism, which reduces cultural change to a superstructure of economic and social transformations. However, if this criticism of earlier schemes is accepted, then it follows that the essential changes of the Middle Ages may not have taken place in science or technology as such, but rather in more subtle mutations in the cultural and religious environment, which not only prepared the way for the reception of modem attitudes, but, more importantly, began the debate, which continues down to our own day in the less developed world, on whether this sort of rationalization was a good thing. ("Rationality, Tradition, and the Scientific Outlook: Reflections on Max Weber and the Middle Ages," in Sdence and Technology in Medieval Sodety, ed. Pamela O. Long, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 441 [New York: New York Academy of Sciences, 1985], p. 14; italics added) 72. The argument that alchemy is impossible because art cannot improve nature entered the tradition as early as the twelfth century, when Aristotle's incomplete Meterologica was supplemented with three chapters from Avicenna's Kitt1b al Shift1. (A lucid explanation of this process is provided by Robert Halleux, "Albert Ie Grand et l'alchimie" [above, n. 34].) The incapacity of art to improve nature is the central point of attack of the Contra alchimistas, written in 1396 by Nicolas Eymeric: see Sylvain Matton, "Le Trait€: Contre les Alchimistes de Nicolas Eymeric," Chrysopoeia 2 (1987): 93-136. In defending alchemy both Albertus Magnus and the canonist Oldrado da Ponte (d. 1335) argued that alchemical art follows nature but does not surpass or complete it: see Pearl Kibre, "Albertus Magnus on Alchemy," in James A. Weisheipl, ed., Albertus Magnus and the Sdences (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1980), pp. 187-202, and Thorndike, History, 3.49. This is essentially the argument found in the second part of the Roman de la rose, ed. Felix Lecoy (Paris: Champion, 1966), t. 2, lines 16035-118. The later reputation of Jean de Meun as an alchemist, which derived from this passage, is expertly surveyed 264 NOTES

by Pierre-Yves Badel, "Alchemical Readings of the Romance of the Rose," in Kevin Brownlee and Sylvia Huot, eds., Rethinking the "Romance of the Rose" (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992), pp. 262-85. 73. Theissen, ''John Dastin's Letter," 84. 74. William Newman, "Technology and Alchemical Debate in the Late Middle Ages," Isis 80 (1989), 433. See also von Franz, ed., Aurora consurgens: For the first Adam and his sons took their beginning from the corruptible ele• ments, and therefore it was needful that the composed should be corrupted, but the second Adam, who is called the philosophic man, from pure elements entered into etemity. (p. 129) 75. Cited by George Ovitt, Jr., The Restoration of Perfection: Labor and Technology in Medieval Culture (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987), p. 86. 76. Newman, "Technology and Alchemical Debate," 424-25. See also Delany, "Run Silent, Run Deep," p. 11. The figure who is often taken to represent Renaissance humanism at its most exalted-Leonardo da Vinci--admired medieval alchemy precisely for its technological capacities: it "processes the simple products of nature, since nature is not capable of this, having no organic instruments to do what man can do with his hands" (cited by Ogrinc, "Western Society and Alchemy," 112). 77. This point is demonstrated in the important book by Ovitt, The Restoration of Peifedion, countering the claims made by Lynn White, Medieval Technology and Sodal Change (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962), and others. Ovitt's account is nuanced and supported by Elspeth Whitney, Paradise Restored: The Mechanical Arts .from Antiquity through the Thirteenth Century, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 80, pt. 1 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1990). 78. See Obrist, "Die Alchimie in der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft," 51-5. This is in contrast to its earlier welcome: Chiara Crisciani, "La quaestio de alchimia fra due• cento e trecento," Medioevo 2 (1976): 119--68. 79. Ogrinc, "Western Society and Alchemy," 116. 80. Several alchemical texts are written in such a way as to accommodate alchemy to the discourse of university learning: see Constantine of Pisa, The Book of the Secrets of Alchemy, ed. and trans. Barbara Obrist (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990) and Chiara Crisciani, "The Conception of Alchemy as Expressed in the Pretiosa Margarita Novella." The aspiration of alchemy to be considered a genuine philosophy is dis• cussed by Chiara Crisciani and Claude Gagnon, Alchimie et philosophie au moyen age: perspectives et problemes (Montreal: L'Aurore, 1980). 81. See Reidy, "Alchemy as Counter-Culture," 46-7; Chiara Cristiani, "Nota sul• l'alchimia 'francescana' nel sec. XIII," AUi del XXV Congresso nazionale di filosofia (Rome: Societi Filosofica Italiana, 1980). The Franciscan authorities issued at least three pronouncements against alchemy, in 1272, 1287, and 1289; the Dominicans issued five, in 1273, 1287, 1289, 1313, and 1323. 82. Thorndike, History, 3.347. 83. Friedrich Heer, The Medieval World: Europe 110{}-1350, trans. Janet Sondheimer (New York: New American Library, 1963), p. 303. 84. This is true of the first Arabic treatise to be introduced to the West, the so-called Morienus, translated by Robert ofKetton (or Chester), archdeacon of Pampelon a, in 1144. 85. Pereira, Alchemical Corpus, p. 8. 86. Thorndike, History, 3.629--30. 87. The Book of Quinte Essence, ed. F. J. Furnivall, EETS, os 16 (London: Tuebner, et al., 1856). NOTES 265

88. See Pereira, Alchemical Corpus, chapter 3. Less extravagant examples in English include Norton's Ordinal cif Alchemy, Ripley's Compound ofAlchemy, and the unwit• tingly hilarious Breviary of Naturall Philosophy, written in 1557 by Thomas Charnock (available in Ashmole, ed., Theatrum Chemicum Britannicum, pp. 291-303). These autobiographical texts multiply in the sixteenth century, one of the most interesting being the De chemico miraculo ascribed to the fourteenth-century Bernard Trevisan. An English translation, written by Edward Barlow in 1579, can be found in MS Ashmole 1487. 89. Robert Halleux, "L'Alchimie," in La litteraturefranraise aux XIVe et XVe siMes, voL 8, pt. 1 of Grnndriss der Romanischen Literaturen des Mittelalters, ed. Daniel Poirion (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1988), 1.336-45. 90. The connection between alchemy and poetry is most fully discussed by Raybin, " 'And Pave It AI of Silver and of Gold.' " An excellent discussion of the connec• tion between the passage in the Roman and the Canon Yeoman's Prologue and Tale is provided by John M. Fyler, "Domesticating the Exotic in the Squire's Tale," ELH55 (1988), 11-12 91. This point is well made by Derek Brewer, "Class Distinctions in Chaucer," Speculum 43 (1968): 290-305. 92. Hegel, Philosophy cif Right, #124Z, cited by David Kolb, The Critique cif Pure Modernity: Hegel, Heidegger, and After (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p.20. 93. See Daniel Lerner, "Modernization, I: Social Aspects," in David L. Sills, ed., Encyclopedia cif the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillan and the Free Press, 1968), 10.391. This aspect of modernity has been recently discussed in detail under the rubric of self-reflexivity by Anthony Giddens, Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and Society in the Late Modem Age (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991). 94. Cited by David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), pp. 100-11. INDEX

Aarslef, Hans 178 n.17 Aquinas, Thomas Abelard, Peter 148 Commentary on the Ethics 110 Abulafia, Anna Sapir 242 n. 47, 243 n. 48 De regimine prindpum ad regem Cypri 112 Adam ofUsk 82 Archer, John 244 n. 57 Adams, Robert 244 n. 57, 253 n. 123 Aries, Philippe 234 n. 140 Adgar 137, 139 Aristode 168 Adler, Michael 255 n.150 Meterologica 263 n. 72 Aegidius Colonna Nicomachean Ethics 11 0 De regimine prindpium 109, 112, 228 n. Arnold of Villanova 163, 171, 173 82, 229 nn. 87, 88 Arnold, Klaus 234 n. 140 Aelred ofRievaulx 234 n. 144 Ars philosophorum 171 Aers, David 192 n. 20, 198 n. 54, 199 n. Ashby, George 112-13 55, 58, 238 n. 9 Active Policy if' a Prince 113 Agus, Aharon R. E. 245 n. 68 Askins, William 225 n. 65 Aiken, Pauline 256 n. 4 Astell, Ann W. 238-9 n. 13 Albert of Aix 245 n. 62 Aston, Margaret 92, 187 n. 42, 189 n. 57, Albertano of Brescia 214 n. 120, 215 n. 136,216 n. 156, De amore et dilectione Dei et proximi 113 Audelay, John 123 Liber consolationis et consilii 108, 110-11, Auerbach, Erich 7, 238 n. 9 113-14,116,118 AUgu5tine 30,90-91,94,109-10,115,126, Albertus Magnus 124, 167-68, 171, 173, 162, 182 n. 3, 216 n. 152,223 n. 55 263 n. 72 Aurora consurgens 170 Alchemy 159-76 Austin, J. L. 16 Aurora consurgens 261 n. 57 Avianus 114 Bibliotheca Chemica Curiosa 260 n. 32 Avicenna 263 n. 72 Theatrum chemicum 260 n. 32 Theatrum chemicum Britannicum 261 n. 47 Bagby, A. I. 244 n. 52 Turba philosophorum 261 n. 40 Bacon, Francis 173 Alexander, Philip 139, 244 n. 57 Bacon, Roger 173 Aleynu 148-49 Badel, Pierre-Yves 264 n. 72 Alfonso X, king of Spain 139 Baer, Fritz 253 n. 130 Allen, Valerie 17-18 Bagot, William 57 Alvarez, Francisco 216 n. 154 Baldwin, John W. 82, 212 n. 99, Andrew of St. Victor 243 n. 48 221 n. 30 Anne of Bohemia 52, 54-6, 64 bar Meshullam, David 143 268 INDEX bar Simson, Solomon 140,245-46 n. 70 Ephesians 4.5-6 162 Barney, Stephen 211 n. 91 4.21-24 61 Barnie, John 226 n. 65 4.24 170 Barr, Helen 196 n. 25 6.11-17 61 Barron, Caroline 40, 191 n. 13,258 n. 14 Exodus 21.23-25 21.23-5 Barthes, Roland 25 Galatians 3.14 142 Bartholomaeus Anglicus 123 6.4 170 Baudrillard, Jean 13 6.8 170 Bebbington, Brian 239-40 n. 20 Genesis 4.10--14 139 Bee, Christian 236 n. 161 Isaiah 7.14 243 n. 48 Becker, Philipp August 7 42.1-4 142 Beckerman, John S. 190 n. 6 49.1-6 142 Bede 216 n. 152 50.4-9 142 Bell, Dora M. 227 n. 74 52.13-53 142 Bell, Rudolph M. 233 n. 130, 61.10 54,60 234 n. 138 Job 12.12 230 n. 94 ben Jacob, Rabbi Ephraim 141-42 John 1.1 58 ben Menachem, Menachem ben Jacob ben 3.1-12 91 Solomon 249 n. 102 8.44 244 n. 54 Benedict ofNursia 121 19.39 91 Bennett, Judith 40, 193 n. 29 Luke 11.27 57 Benson, C. David 210 n. 83, 221 n. 34, 13.6-9 86 231 n. 113, 239 n. 18 II Maccabees 6.21-7 141 Benson, Larry D. 23,26, 101, 183 n. 6, IV Maccabees 8.3-17 141 199-200 n. 60, 258 n. 14 17.21-2 142 Bendey, Richard 9, 28 Mark 11.12-14 86 Beowulf 1 Matthew 7.15 53 Berier, Fran~ois 236 n. 159, 248 n. 95 18.3 125 Berges, Wilhelm 110, 227 n. 74, 18.4 234 n. 142 228 n. 82 19.14 125 Bergman, Anni 206 n. 45 21.18-22 86 Berman, Louis A. 245 n. 68 27.24 139 Berman, Marshall 176 27.27-31 63 Bernard ofClairvaux 53, 129,224 n. 56 Proverbs 1.5 229.86 Bemheimer, Charles 207 n. 63 Psalm 8 151 Bertelli, Sergio 196 n. 20 23 56 Bertrand de Guesclin 152 31 211 n. 92 Besserman, Lawrence 198 n. 51, 45.8-15 54 216 n. 151,239 n. 14 Romans 1.21-27 215 n. 141 Bible 61, 198 n. 51 7.15 94 Apocalypse 1.8 246-7 n. 81 7.24 3 2.6 246-7 n. 81 Biddick, Kathleen 202 n. 19,203 n. 25 14.1-5 130 Biraben, Jean-Noel 253 n. 128 19.7-8 54,60 Blackmore, Josiah 216 n. 154 22.13 246-7 n. 81 Blake, Norman 24, 189 nn. 53, 54 Colossians 3.10 61 Blake, William 127 I Corinthians 15.35-55 93 Blarnires, Alcuin 29, 187 n. 41, II Corinthians 3.6 170 213 n. 105, 223 n. 52 DanieI3.1-30 141 Blanc, Odile 195 n. 9 INDEX 269

Bloch, R. Howard 195 n. 10,210 n. 81 Burrow, John A. 9,25, 101, 121, 135, Boccaccio, Giovanni 98,231 n. 116 178 n. 12,219 n. 23, 220 nn. 25, 27, Bodel,Jean 233 n. 127, 234-45 n. 144, 240 n. 22 Jeu de Saint Nicolas 148 Burrow,]. W. 178 n. 17 Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus Butor, Michel 262 n. 63 Consolation if Philosophy 105, 108, Bynum, Caroline 92 113-14 Boitani, Piero 241 n. 34 Caesarius of Heisterbach 139 Bonfield, Lloyd 190 n. 6, 194 n. 48 Carruthers, Mary 190 n. 8, 193 n. 26 Bonfils, Joseph ben Samuel "Cato" Bonney, Fran.yoise 125 Distichs 112, 114, 124 Bonus, Petrus Cawley, A. C. 221 n. 39 Pretiosa margarita novella 168-70, 173 Cazelles, Brigitte 13 7 Book if Quinte Essence 265 n. 87 Cerquiglini, Bernard 25 Borch-Jacobsen, Mikkel 208 n. 69 Cezard, Pierre 262 n. 67 Born, Lester Kruger 227 n. 74 Chambers, E. K. 219 n. 22, 237-8 n. 8, Bomstein, Diane 225 n. 64 242 n. 44 Borroff, Marie 242 n. 45 Chance, Jane 202 n. 19 Boswell, John 82, 210 n. 84, 212 n. 99 Charles II, king of Navarre 152 Bouveresse, Jacques 201 n. 13 Charles V, king of France 230 n. 96 Bove, Paul 178 n. 178 Charles VI, king of France 51-65, 154-55 Bowers, R. H. 234 n. 143 Charles VI, Holy Roman Emperor 55 Bowie, Malcolm 72 Charlemagne 55 Bowman, Marcus R. 201 n. 13 Chaucer, Geoffrey Boyd, Beverly 239 n. 15,240 n. 30, ABC 137,241 n. 34 241 n. 34 Anelida and Ardte 101 Bozon, Nicole 235 n. 151 Boece 121, 128, 134 Bradley, Ritamary 195-96 n. 14 Book if the Duchess 98,164 Bradshaw, Henry 23 Canterbury Tales 10,19-35,99-103, Brann, Noel 259 n. 30 105, 120-22, 128, 139, 160, 176 Breuer, Josef 74 Structure 19-35, 259 n. 24 Brewer, Derek 101,219 n. 23, Ellesmere MS 22-23,26-27,31, 233 n. 129, 265 n. 91 34-35,25,256 n. 1,259 n. 24 Briggs, Katherine 222 n. 44 Harley MS 7334 31 Brockett, Clyde W. 251 n. 109 Hengwrt MS 26-27,31,34-35 Brooks-Gunn, Jean 208 n. 67 Corpus MS 198 33-34 Brooks, Peter 203 n. 23 Canon's Yeoman's Prologue and Tale Browe, Peter 211 n. 89 30, 103, 159-76 Brower, Reuben 8-9 Clerk's Tale 30, 51-65, 120-21, 132 Brown, Carleton 237 n. 2, 252 n. 120, Cook's Tale 101 253 n. 122 Franklin's Tale 103 Brown, Peter 259 n. 26 Friar's Tale 102 Brundage,James A 82,192 n. 18, General Prologue 21, 38-40, 79-83, 210 n. 84, 212 n. 96, 212 n. 99 85,99, 133, 136, 138, 162-63, 176, Buettner, Brigitte 195 n. 13 191 n. 12, 259 n. 22 Burger, Glenn 210 n. 83 House if Fame 101-2, 128, 140 Burmeister, Heike A. 252 n. 117 Knight's Tale 98,176 Burnley,]. D. 226 n. 69 Legend if Good Women 88-106,127, Burns, E.Jane 202 n. 19,221 n. 30 260 n. 38 270 INDEX

Chaucer, Geoffrey-continued Cioffi, Frank 76-77,205 n. 40, 206 n. Man of Law's Epilogue 25-35, 44-45, 83 52,207nn. 59, 63, 207-8,n. 65 Man of Law's Prologue and Tale Clanvowe, Sir John 154 28-30, 99-100, 102, 120, 127, 132 Cleanness 213 n. 103 Manciple's Tale 161, 233 n. 135 Cloetta, Wilhelm 218 nn. 10, 12, Merchant's Tale 44, 233 n. 135 218-19 n. 13 Miller's Tale 2, 37-38, 71 Cohen, Gerson 245 n. 66, 246 n. 79, Monk's Prologue and Tale 97,99, 247 n. 83, 254 n. 131 101, 121-22 Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome 202 n. 19 Nun's Priest's Tale 122 Cohen, Jeremy 243 n. 48, 245 n. 62, Parliament oj Fowls 64 252 n. 119,255 n. 153 Pardoner's Prologue and Tale 79-93, Cohen, Raymond 195 n. 8 138, 163, 166, 176 Collins, Fletcher 249 n. 103 Parson's Prologue and Tale 60, 85, 97, Colvin, H. M. 153 113-15, 124-25, 138, 161, 176, Comestor, Peter 216 n. 152 212 n. 96, 217 n. 163 Constable, Giles 211 n. 88 Physician's Tale 30, 120, 187 n. 45 Constantine of Pisa 264 n. 80 Prioress's Tale 121, 126, 129-57 Cook, Robert 256 n. 1 Reeve's Tale 120 Cooke, Thomas D. 241-42 n. 38, Retraction 20-22, 182 n. 3 252 n. 117 Romaunt oj the Rose 260 Cooper, Helen 186 n. 35, 186 n. 39, Second Nun's Tale 30, 132-33, 136, 225 n. 64 159-62 Corbin, Solange 249 n. 103 Shipman's Tale 121, 134 Courcelle, Pierre 259 n. 20 Squire's Tale 101 Cox, Catherine S. 202 n. 19 Summoner's Tale 102, 120 Cox, Lee Sheridan 186 n. 39 Tale of Melibee 97-128, 134 Craig, Barbara M. 197 n. 39 Tale of Sir Thopas 97-128, 134 Crane, Susan 38, 190 n. 11, 194 n. 4, Treatise on the Astrolabe 101, 113, 175, 197 n. 39,199 n. 57 260 n. 38 Crews, Frederick 73, 204 n. 34. Troilus and Criseyde 99, 106, 128, 140 206 n. 50, 208 n. 71 Wife of Bath's Prologue and Tale Crisciani, Chiara 262 nn. 58, 63, 19-49,99-100,102-3, 127, 163, 264 nn. 78, 80, 81 166, 223 n. 49 Crosland, Maurice P. 260 n. 33, Chaucer, Philippa 155 261 n. 42 Chazan, Robert 142-43,145,239 n. 17, Cross, Claire 187 n. 42 243-44 n. 50, 245 nn. 61, 65, Cross, Tom Peete 220-21 n. 30 246 nn. 71, 72, 247 nn. 82, 83, Crow, Martin M. 253 n. 127 84, 86, 248 n. 90, 251 n. 107, Crusades 254. N. 142, 153-55 253 n. 124, 255 n. 154 First (1096) 140,247 n. 85, Chestre, Thomas 248 n. 101 Sir Launfal 103 Barbary (1390) 154 Children Children's (1212) 126 Boy Bishops 131, 249-50 n. 103 Despenser's (1383) 154 Jewish 140-47 Shepherds' (1320) 145 Medieval 120-27 Culler, Jonathan 179 n. 23 Chronicler of Saint-Denis 55, 196 n. 15 Cunningham, Andrew 213 n. 103 Chronique de Turpin 113 Curry, Walter Clyde 81 Cicero, Marcus Tullius Curtius, Ernst Robert 231 n. 116 De ifficiis 228 n. 79 Cutder, S. H. 211 n. 88 INDEX 271

Dahan, Gilbert 244 n. 56, 251 n. 11 0 Delany, Sheila 190 n. 11, 192 n. 20, 257 Dahl, Ehlert 217 n. 161 n. 11,264 n. 76 Damien, Peter 211-12 n. 92 DeLillo, Don 12 Dante Aligheri 98,219 n. 13,227 n. 73 Demaitre, Luke 236 n. 153 Dastin, John 167, 169, 173,260 n. 34, Derrida, Jacques 4, 92, 122, 128, 163, 171 261 n. 54 Despenser, Hugh 81 David, Alfred 23, 135, 183 n. 8, Despres, Denise L. 242 n. 47, 243 n. 49, 219 n. 17,239 n. 13 244 n. 57 Davis, J. F. 215 n. 136 Dickens, Charles Davis, Natalie 235 n. 150 Edwin Drood 20 da Vinci, Leonardo 264 n. 76 Diehl, Patrick 237 n. 5 de Cessoles, Jacques Dilthey, Wilhelm 71 De moribus hominum et

Emde, Robert N. 205--6 n. 45 Frese, Dolores Warwick 184 n. 12 Emmerson, Richard K 214 n. 112 Freud, Sigmund 17-18,29,67-96,134 Engelhardt, George]. 214 n. 112 Friedman, Albert B. 244 n. 57, 255 n. 157 Enge~,Friedrich 51 Frocester, Walter 154 Ephraim of Bonn 144-45 Froissart,Jean 81,197 n. 27 Epstein, Arthur W. 206 n. 47 Frost, Robert 95 Erigena, John Scotus 216 n. 152 Furnivall, FrederickJames 23-24 Escalona, Sibylle 77-78 Fyler, John M. 265 n. 90 Esterson, Allen 205 n. 39, 206 n. 50 Evelyn-White, C. H. 237 n. 7 Gabriel, Astrik L. 228 n. 82 Eymeric, Nicolas 263 n. 72 Gadamer, Hans-Georg 4 Eysenck, Hans 206 n. 45, 209 n. 78 Gardner, John 223 n. 50, 257 n. 7 Garnier, Franr;:ois 195 n. 9, 13 Faith, Rosamund 42,193 n. 31 Garrigou-Lagrange, R. 230 n. 91 Farrell, Thomas 232 n. 118 Gay, Peter 203 n. 23, 25 Fernandez-Corugedo, Santiago Gonsalez Gaylord, Alan 101,219 n. 23, 237 n. 2 221 nn. 30, 32, 34, 38, 223 n. 53, Ferris, Sumner 255 n. 148 240 n. 27 Ferry, Luc 204 n. 31 Geertz, Clifford 5 Ferster, Judith 232 n. 124 Georgianna, Linda 199 n. 55 Finkelstein, Dorothee 256 n. 4, 259 n. 27 Genet, Jean Finucane, R. C. 217 n. 160 Un Capti! amoureux 94 Fish, Stanley 15-16,207 n. 63 Genet, Jean-Philippe 227 nn. 74, 75 Fisher, John Hurt 23, 184 n. 12, Gerald of Wales 104,228 n. 82 185 n. 33 Gerhard, W. 230 n. 91 FitzRalph, Richard, archbishop of Gibson, Gail McMUrray 242 n. 42 Armagh 84 Giddens, Anthony 14, 265 n. 93 Fitzstephen, William 125 Gilbert of Tournai Flanigan, C. Clifford 249 n. 103 Emditio regum et prindpum 112 Flaubert, Gustave Giles of Rome 57 Madame Bovary 94 Gilmartin, Kristine 198 n. 48 Fleischner, Ezra 252 n. 119 Given-Wilson, Chris 197 n. 31, 212 n. Fletcher, Alan]. 214 n. 116 93,218 n. 7 Fletcher,]. M.]. 237 n. 7 Glossa ordinaria 124 Fleury Plays 147-50, 249-50 n. 103 Glymour, Clark 208 n. 71 Fliess, Wilhelm 75, 208 n. 71 Golb, Norman 248 n. 101,251 n. 112 Formalism 1-10 Goldberg, P.]. P. 194 n. 41 Forsyth, Ilene 124, 222 n. 39 Golenistcheff-Koutouzo/f, Elie 198 n. 40 Foucault, Michel 5, 25, 71 Goodich, Michael 82, 210 n. 84, 211 n. 92, Fradenburg, Louise 70, 182 n. 2, 212 n. 95, 233 n. 130, 234 n. 138 190 n. 11,203 nn. 23, 24, 25, Gordon, Dillon 196 n. 17,255 n. 147 204 n. 26, 238 n. 9 Gower,John 113,127,254 n. 135, Francis of Assisi 105 258 n. 13 Francis I, king of France 195 n. 5 Gradon, Pamela 213 n. 105 Frank, Robert Worth 242 n. 47, Graff, Gerald 178 n. 16 244 n. 53 Grafton, Anthony 178 n. 14 Frantzen, Allen]. 210 n. 83, 212 n. 96, Grayzel, Solomon 239 n. 17 213 n. 103 Green, Richard Firth 102, 106, 120, 184 French, Roger 213 n. 103 n. 12, 190 n. 6, 210 nn. 83, 85, Frend, W. H. C. 245 n. 67 88,219 n. 22, 222 n. 43, 226 n. 69 INDEX 273

Greenblatt, Stephen 178 nn. 11, 15 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 7,64, Greene, Richard Leighton 223 n. 50 175-76 Greene, Thomas 177 n. 1 Henry III, king of England 153 Greenfield, Stanley B. 183 n. 9 Henry IV, king of England 258 n. 13 Greetham, David C. 186 n. 38 Henry VI, king of England 258 n. 13 Gregory, Pope 121 Henry VIII, king of England 195 n. 5 Gregory of Tours Henry, earl of Derby 154 Libri miraculorum 150 Henry of Trastamara 152 Grenberg, Bruce L. 257 n. 7 Herder, Johann Gottfried 7 Grennen,Joseph 159-61,256-57 nn. 3-8, Herlihy, David 234 n. 140, 236 n. 161 259 n. 21 Herolt, Johannes 241 n. 38 Griffiths, Ralph 258 n. 13 Herz, Judith Sherer 256 n. 1 Gross, Gregory W. 214 n. 116 Herzman, Ronald B. 214 n. 112 Grosser, Paul E. 247 n. 85 Hilaby,Joe 153 Grudin, Michaela Paasche 199 n. 54 Hilarius of Orleans 148,250 nn. 103, 104 Griinbaum, Adolf 74,201 n. 12,205 n. 44 Hilton, Walter 53 Guiette, Robert 252 n. 115 Hindman, Sandra 236 n. 154 Historicism 1-18, 19,37-39,46,51, Haack, Susan 95 71-72 Habermas, Jiirgen 201 n. 12 Hobson, J. Allan 206 n. 47 Hafter, Carl 222 n. 43 Hoccleve, Thomas 242 n. 41 Hale, Nathan G. 200 n. 5 Hoffinan, Richard L. 226 n. 68 Halleux, Robert 171,260 n. 34, 261 n. 42, Holdsworthy, W. S. 193 n. 30 262 n. 59, 263 n. 72, 265 n. 89 Holland, John, earl of Huntingdon 57 Halperin, Edwin G. 247 n. 85 Holland, Nonnan N. 204 n. 31, Hamilton, Marie Pagett 237 n. 3, 208 n. 67 259 n. 23 Hollywood, Amy 16-17 Hanawalt, Barbara 192 n. 19,25,193 n. 29, Holmes, Urban Tigner 222 n. 39 33, 35, 36, 234 n. 140, 236 n. 160 Holsinger, Bruce 240 n. 22 Hanna, Ralph 184 n. 17, 188 n. 49, Holt, Robert 73, 201 n. 12, 205 n. 35, 188 n. 50, 188-89 n. 52, 189 n. 53, 208-9 n. 72 189 n. 56, 258 n. 16 Hongo, Andrew 216 n. 151 Hanning, Robert 231 n. 116,242 n. 46 Honigman, Ernest 189 n. 58 Hanrahan, Michael 194-95 n. 4, 199 n. 54 Hotson, Leslie J. 225 n. 65 Hansen, Elaine Tutde 39,71, 190 n. 5, Housman, A. E. 28 194 n. 46 Howard, Donald 23, 107-8, 210 n. 83, Hansen, Kristine 198 n. 48 225 n. 63 Harding, Wendy 200 n. 61 Howell, Cicely 193 n. 30 Harf-Lancer, Laurence 222 n. 43 Hudson, Anne 213 n. 104, 105, 215 n. 136, Harold of Gloucester 153-54 242 n. 43 Hartung, Albert H. 226 n. 73 Hudson, Vivian Kay 195 n. 14 Harvard University 8 Hugh of Lincoln (bishop) 235 n. 152, Harvey, David 12-13,265 n. 94 Hugh of Lincoln ("martyr") 92, 123, Harwood, Britton 160,257 n. 11 153, 239-40 n. 20 Haskell, Ann S. 222 n. 40 Hughes de Lincoln 239-40 n. 20 Hawkins, Anne Hunsaker 235 n. 146 Hugo, Victor 159 Hawkins, Shennan 238 nn. 9, 13, Hume, Kathryn 221 n. 31 240 n. 29, 241 n. 32 Huon if Bordeaux 104 Heer, Friedrich 174,264 n. 83 Huppe, Bernard F. 226 n. 68 Heffernan, Carol Favo 199 n. 54 Hutcheon, Linda 180 n. 48 274 INDEX ibn Hayyan, Jabir 167 Kiessling, Nicholas 222 n. 43 Idle, Peter King, Archdale A. 242 n. 43 Instructions to His Son 113 Kipling, Gordon 197 n. 26 Iorga, Nicolae 197 n. 33 Kiser, Lisa]. 244 n. 59 Isabelle of France 51-55, 57, 60, 62 Kirkpatrick, Robin 60 Isidore of Seville 240 n. 28 Klausner, David 83 Israels, Hans 208 n. 69 Klein, Melanie 80, 94 Kline, Paul 205 n. 35 Jacquart, Danielle 212 n. 96 Knight, Stephen 160, 185 n. 30, Jaime II, king of Aragon 109 220 n. 26, 257 n. 11 Jakobson, Roman 3, 6, 8-9 Kohn, Roger 254 n. 141 Jambeck, Karen 231 n. 108 Kohut, Heinz 70, 200 n. 4 Jambeck, Thomas 231 n. 108 Kolve, V. A. 249 n. 103 Jameson, Frederic 13, 71 Kraus, Karl 76, 201 n. 13 Jewish Boy of Bourges 150 Kruger, Steven F. 210 n. 83 John XXII, Pope 262 n. 64 Kuhn, Sherman 188 n. 46 John of Gaunt 107,152, 154 John of Salisbury Lacan, Jacques 70, 72, 78, 80, 92, 94, Policraticus 109,111-12 240 n. 23 Johnson, Barbara 179 n. 23 Lacey, Kay E. 191 n. 13 Johnston, Alexandra 221-22 n. 39 Lachmann, Karl 9 Jolivet, Sophie 195 n. 5 Lamarque, Peter 201-2 n. 15 Jones, Ernest 78 Langland, William Jones, R. F. 33 Piers Plowman 46,53,89, 105, 127, Jordan, William Chester 242-43 n. 47, 138,171,194 n. 39, 217 n. 3, 226 251 n. 108, 255 n. 155 n. 72, 254 n. 135, 258 n. 13 Joseph, rabbi of Chartres 147 Langmuir, Gavin 153, 243-44 n. 50, Josephus, Flavius 248 n. 97, 254 n. 137 The Great Roman-Jewish War 146 Lanteme of Li3t 84 Jouvet, Michel 206 n. 47 Laplanche, Jean 204 n. 29 Joyce, James 86 Lasker, Daniel]. 243 n. 48 Julian of Norwich 138 Law Jung,Karl 94,124 Courts 39 Marital 39-46 Kahane, Claire 207 n. 63 Property 39 Kanarfogel, Ephraim 248 n. 100 Lawler, Traugott 251 n. 105,257 n. 8 Kane, George 28, 184 n. 18, 189 n. 52 Lawrence, W. W. 106 Kantorowicz, Ernst 196 n. 20 Le Goff, Jacques 236 n. 161 Katz, Jacob 246 n. 80 Lear, Jonathan 204 n. 25 Keats, John 221 n. 30 Lees, Clare A. 202 n. 19 Keen, Maurice 195 n. 13 Leicester, H. Marshall 161, 171 Keiser, Elizabeth B. 212 n. 94, 213 n. 103 Lerner, Daniel 265 n. 93 Kellogg, Alfred L. 198 n. 51, 209 n. 77 Leo VI, king of Armenia 154 Kelly, Henry Ansgar 194 n. 41, 42 L'Estoire de Griseldis 58-59 Kempe, Margery 138, 191 n. 12 Levenson,Jon 142-43,245 n. 68 Kendrick, Laura 224 n. 57 Levi-Strauss, Claude 202 n. 22 Kerr, John 207 n. 63 Lewis, C. S. 223 n. 48 Ketcham, Katherine 206 n. 46 Lewis, Michael 208 n. 67 Kibre, Pearl 263 n. 72 Libeaus Desconus 103 kiddush Ha-shem 140-52 Lily Tomfrom Thoms, The 167 INDEX 275

Lindahl, Carl 184 n. 12 Marguerite, queen of France 112 Lindberg, David 166,260 n. 31, Marvin, Corey J. 239 n. 19 262-63 n. 68 Masson, Jeffrey Mousaieff 206 n. 49 Lindenbaum, Sheila 197 n. 27 Matthews, Lloyd J. 226 n. 73 Linn, Irving 222 n. 42 Matton, Sylvain 263 n. 72 Lipsius, Justus 6 Maxeiner, Andrea Dianne Bessac 192 n. 22, Livre de Griselde 113 23,25, 194 n. 37, 38 Livre de la Tour Landry 113 McAlpine, Monica E. 210 n. 83 Lochrie, Karma 189-90 n. 2, 202 n. 19, McCall,John P. 198 n. 50 202 n. 22 McCracken, Samuel 256 n. 1 Loftus, Elizabeth F. 206 n. 46 McGann, Jerome 24-25 Lollardy 29, 82-88 McKenzie, Henry Loomis, Laura Hibbard 220 n. 28, 221 n. 37 The Man of Feeling 20 Lottin, O. 230 n. 91 McLeod, Randall 24 Louis IX, king of France 112,255 n. 151 McMunn, Meradith Tilbury 222 n. 39 Lull, Ramon 109, 112, 171, 173, 227 n. 74 McVeigh, Terence 214 n. 112 Lydgate, John 113, 154, 183 n. 10, Mead, Margaret 200 n. 5 184 n. 12,242 n. 41 Meale, Carol 137 Lynch, Kathryn 199 n. 58 Megill, Alan 202 n. 16 Lyotard, Jean-Fram;:ois 10--13 Meier, Barbara 206 n. 47 Menagier de Paris 113 Macfarlane, Alan 191 n. 17, 192 n. 19 Mertes, Kate 217 n. 1,258 n. 14 Machan, Tim 25 Meyer, Paul 195 n. 7 Macmillan, Malcolm 74-75,204 n. 34 Meyer-Lubke, Wilhelm 7 Madeleva, Sister [Mary] 237 n. 6, Middleton, Anne 98,199 n. 56, 217 n. 3, 240 n. 24 218 nn. 4, 5 Mahler, Margaret 206 n. 45, 208 n. 67 Milemete, Walter 229 n. 90 Maidstone, Richard 56-7 Mill, John Stuart Maitland, Frederic William 192 n. 23, On Liberty 48 192-93 n. 26 Miller, J. Hilles 178 n. 11 Maimonides, Moses 152 Miller, Robert P. 216 n. 150 Malory, Thomas 94, 126 Milner, G. B. 232 n. 125 Maltman, Sister Nicholas 238 n. 11 Minnis, Alastair 182, n. 63, 214 n. 116, Mandel, Jerome 238-9 n. 13 218 n. 8 Mane, Perrine 195 n. 9 Minty, Mary 146, 150 Manly,JohnM. 23,27, 190n.l0, Mintz, Alan 247 n. 83 226 n. 73, 258 n. 13 Miracles of the Virgin 136-43 Mann,Jill 89,97, 190 n. 12,233 n. 129 Mirot, Leon 195 n. 5, 198 n. 46, Manns, Frederic 245 n. 68 199 n. 52,195 n. 5, 198 n. 46, Manson, T. W. 245 n. 67 199 n. 52 Marcus, Ivan 143-44,245 n. 60, 246 nn. 72, Mirour of Mans Saluadone 119-20 81, 253 n. 130 Mirrer, Louise 193 n. 35 Marcus, Leah 126,223 n. 54, 234 n. 140, Mirror ofJustices 81 236 n. 158,238 n. 10 Mitchell, Shelagh 196 n. 17 Marcus, Steven 78 Mohanty, Satya 95 Margherita, Gayle 203 n. 25 Montalvo, Jose Hinojosa 254 n. 133 Marriage 39-48 Montrose, Louis 178 n. 11 Marx, Karl 5, 13, 176 Moore, Arthur K. 219 n. 22 Communist Manifesto 12 Moore, Michael 196 n. 19 A Critique of Political Economy 2, 51 Moran, Jo Ann Hoeppner 240 n. 22 276 INDEX

Morienus 167,264 n. 84 Owen, Charles 2, 24, 29, 102, 183 n. 5, Morse, Charlotte 198 n. 51 225 n. 63, 233 nn. 129, 132, 135 Moskowitz, Moshe 245 n. 68 Owst, G. R. 213 n. 111,214 nn. 113, Muller, Max 7 114, 215 n. 135,235 n. 151 Multhauf, Robert P. 263 n. 68 Munro, Dana C. 236 n. 157 Palmer, J. J. E. 195 n. 5, 198 n. 46, Muscatine, Charles 25 254 n. 142 Chaucer and the French Tradition Palmer, Robert C. 192 n. 23, 34 159, 161 Palomo, Doris 225 n. 64, 226 n. 73 Mussafia, Adolfo 252-53 n. 120 Paris, Matthew 81 Mystery Plays 125-26, 139, 244 n. 56, Parker, Hershel 9 254 n. 135 Paton, Lucy 220-21 n. 30 Patterson, Annabel 253 n. 125 Narin van Court, Elisa 153 Patterson, Lee Nelson, N. E. 228 n. 79 Chaucer and the Subject ifHistory 186 n. 39, New Criticism 1-6,23 187 n. 43, 44, 189 n. 1, 193 n. 35, New Democratic Party 2 209 n. 75, 215 nn. 130, 146, 149, Neville, Sir William 154 218 n. 8, 219 n. 18, 242 n. 46, Newman, William 173,264 nn. 74, 76 244 n. 59 Nicholas, David 236 n. 161 Negotiating the Past: The Historical Nicopolis 154 Understanding of Medieval Literature Nietzsche, Friedrich 7,11,64,71 179 n. 29,182 n. 64, 183 n. 64, Nigel of Canterbury 241 n. 38 186 n. 38, 203 n. 23, 253 n. 125 Nirenberg, David 247 n. 82 "The Parson's Tale and the Quitting of Nizzahon Vetus 243 n. 48, 255 n. 155 the Canterbury Tales" 231 n. 114 Noakes, Susan 259 n. 20 Paul of Taranto 173 Nolan, Barbara 198-99 n. 51, 239 n. 13 Payne, Robert O. 239 n. 13 Nora, Pierre 72 Pearl 125 Norris, Christopher 8, 95 Pearsall, Derek 24, 106, 178 n. 13, 180 n. 55, Norton, Thomas 258 n. 13 181 n. 57, 187 n. 46, 189 n. 53, Ordinal of Alchemy 265 n. 88 220 n. 24, 256 n. 1 Norton-Smith, John 182, n. 3 People's Daily Online 179 n. 36 Nizzahon Vetus 156 Peraldus, William De eruditione prindpum 110, 229 n. 86 Obholzer, Karin 207 n. 63 Summae virtu tum ac vitiorum 213 n. 112 Obrist, Barbara 260 n. 39, 261 nn. 53, Pereira, Michela 262 n. 60, 264 n. 85 54, 263 n. 70, 264 n. 78 Percyvalle of Galles 102 Ogrinc, Will H. 1. 258 n. 13, Peter of Castile 152 264 nn. 76, 79 Peter of Cyprus 57 Oliver, Kathleen 238 n. 11 Peter of Prussia 124 Olmert, K. Michael 257 n. 7 Petrarch, Francis 59,61,64,98, 120 Olson, Clair C. 253 n. 127 Pfaff, Richard 242 n. 45 Olson, Glending 199 n. 54, 218 nn. 4, 6, Philip IV, king of France 111 257 n. 7 Philip Augustus, king of France 153 Olson, Paul 107,227 n. 76, 254 n. 144 Philology 1,5-10, 19 Ordo Rachelis 150 Pigman, George 70,201 n. 14 Orme, Nicholas 230 n. 101 Pine, Fred 206 n. 45 Oresme, Nicholas 48 Pinker, Steven 94 Osberg, Richard H. 240-41 n. 31 Piponnier, Fran!j:ois 195 n. 9 Ovitt, George 264 nn. 75, 77 Pladta Corona 81 INDEX 277

Plato Robinson, F. N. 23, 101 Laws 105-6 Robinson, Paul 201 n. 13 Poliakov, Leon 145,247 n. 85 Roeder, Josef 227 n. 74 Poirier, Richard 179 n. 22, 26 Roger of Howden 248 n. 93 Polemon 81 Roman de la rose 81, 92, 103, 175, Pomel, Fabienne 200 n. 61 188 n. 49, 263-64 n. 72 Pontaiis, Jean-Bertrand 204 n. 29 Roques, Mario 226 n. 71 Popkin, Jeremy D. 204 n. 26 Rosarius 170 Postan, M. M. 42 Rosenberg, Bruce A. 257 n. 7 Postmodemity 10-14,95 Roth, Cecil 247 n. 86, 248 n. 99, Potkay, Monica Brzezinski 214 n. 116 255 n. 153 Power, Eileen 48, 237-8 n. 8, 239 n. 16 Roth, Philip Pratt, Robert A. 186-87 n. 40, 219 n. 19 The Human Stain 94 Pritwell, John 59 Roustang, Fran~ois 204 n. 31 Procter, Francis 237 n. 7 Rubin, Gayle 202 n. 22 Prose Lance/ot 216 n. 153, 221 n. 30 Rubin, Miri 252 n. 115 Psychoanalys~ 16-19,67-96 Ruderman, David 246-47 n. 81 Ruggiers, Paul 106-7 Quint, David 216 n. 151 Runciman, Steven 247 n. 85 Russell, P. E. 253 n. 128, 254 n. 132 Rabinow, Paul 4 Ryan, Kiernan 203 n. 23 Rachman, Stanley 207 n. 63 Ralph of 104 Saito, Isamu 238 n. 11 Ramsey, Roger 198 n. 48 Sampson of Northampton 155 Rasmussen, Jens 225 n. 64 Saperstein, Marc 254 n. 133 Ratis Raving 222 n. 39 Sarton, George 170, 262 n. 58 Raybin, David 257-58 n. 12, 265 n. 90 Saul, Nigel 55,57, 195 n. 5, 196 n. 16, Read, John 262 n. 66 196-97 n. 25, 212 n. 93, 255 n. 147 Reames, Sherry 259 n. 19 Sayee, Olive 182 n. 3 Reed, Gail S. 201-2 n. 15 Scaliger, Joseph 9, 28 Reidy, John 258 n. 15, 262 n. 65, Sease, Wendy 214 n. 117 264 n. 81 Scattergood, V.]. 223 n. 52, 257 nn. 7, 12 Renaut, Alain 204 n. 31 Scharf, Andrew 255 n. 145 Rex, Richard 254 n. 135 Scharnberg, Max 207 n. 59 Richard I, King of England 144,154 Schatzmiller, Joseph 255 n. 151 Richard II, king of England 51-65,82, Scheps, Walter 221 n. 34 107-9, 119, 153 Schlauch, Margaret 225 n. 64 Richards, Barry 200 n. 6 Schlegel, Friedrich 19 Rickert, Edith 23,27,226 n. 73 Schmidt, A. V. C. 160, 257 n. 10 Ricoeur, Paul 69 Schoeck, R. J. 239 n. 17 Ridley, Florence 259 n. 18 Scholz, Piotr O. 211 n. 89 Rieff, Philip 68, 200 n. 4 Schuler, Robert M. 260 n. 37 Rigold, S. E. 237 n. 7 Schultz, Magdalene 248 n. 100 Ripley, George 169-70, 258 n. 13,261 Scott,James C. 255 n. 156 n. 47 Searle, Eleanor 10 Compound of Alchemy 265 n. 88 Sedacerius, William 174 Robert ofKetton 264 n. 84 Sefer Yosifon 245 n. 65 Robertson, D. W. 2-3, 14, 71, 108, Seneca, Lucius Annaeus 7, 230 n. 95 116, 177 n. 5, 180 n. 55, 190 n. 8, Serrano, Jesus L. 253 n. 128 193 n. 26 Seven Sages of Rome 220-21 n. 30 278 INDEX

Severs,]. Burke 198 n. 47,199 n. 54, Stow, Kenneth R. 143, 154, 224-5 n. 62, 226 nn. 71, 72 243-44 n. 50, 254 n. 139 Shafton, Anthony 206 n. 47 Strauch, luge 206 n. 47 Sheehan, Michael 191 n. 18 Strauss, Barrie Ruth 190 n. 5 Shillingsburg, Peter L. 185 n. 31 Strohm, Paul 38, 181 n. 56, 190 n. 3, Shorter, Edward 208 n. 70 190 n. 10,202 n. 19,217 n. 165, Sigebert of Gembloux 218 n. 11,219 n. 16,224 n. 57, Chronica 150, 252 n. 118 225 n. 63, 241 n. 36 Silvia, Daniel 231 n. 109 Sturges, Robert Stuart 210 n. 83, Simon, Bennett 205 n. 38 259 n. 20 Simon, Ekkehard 182 n. 1 Suchier, Walter 221 n. 38 Simpson, A. W. B. 192, n. 24 Sudbury, William 56 Simpson, David 95 Sullivan, William 4 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight 98, 104 Sulloway, Frank]. 205 n. 40, 207 n. 63, Skeat, Walter W. 7,187 n. 40, 189 n. 55, 208 nn. 70, 71 256 n. 1 Swenson, David F. 180 n. 44 Smalley, Beryl 243 n. 48 SZittya, Penn 214 n. 117 Smith, Bruce R. 209 n. 76 Smith, R. S. 192 n. 19 Tabor, James D. 245 n. 67 Snoek, G.]. C. 216 n. 157 Tabula smaragdina 168 Snow, Edward 236 n. 154 Tanselle, G. Thomas 185 n. 31 Southern, R. W. 252 n. 120 Tatlock,John 20,106,108, 218n. 9 Spearing, A. C. 218 n. 4, 219 n. 21 Taylor, F. Sherwood 260 n. 34, Spector, Stephen 244 n. 56 261 nn. 44, 48 Spence, Donald P. 204-5 n. 35, 205 n. 45, Taylor, Gary 211 n. 89 207 n. 59, 208 n. 71 Theobald, count of Blois 145, 148 Spenser, Edmund 103,221 n. 30 Theodulus 114 Spiegel, Shalom 142 Thomas of Celano 105 Spitzer, Leo 7 Thomas

Trosman, Harry 200-1 n. 7 Wenzel, Siegfried 209 n. 77, 214 n. 121 Tuchel, Susan 211 n. 89 Welsh, Alexander 207 n. 58 Tuck, Anthony 196 n. 22 Westminster Chronicle 196 n. 21 Turba philosophorum 168, 170 Wetherbee, Winthrop 218 nn. 4, 8 Twenty-four 183-84, n. 12 White, Lynn 264 n. 77 Tyerman, Christopher 197 n. 33, Whiteford, Peter 137-39 254 nn. 140, 142 Whitney, Elspeth 264 n. 77 Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, Ulrich von 7 Ullmann, Walter 227 n. 74 Wilcocks, Robert 215 n. 125 University of Toronto 2 William of Newburgh 104 Urkowitz, Steven 24 Historia rerum Anglicarum 146 Usk, Thomas 48 William of Norwich 146, 153, 247 n. 82 Williamson, Joan B. 198 n. 40 Vadin, Beatrix 233 n. 133 Williams, George 223 n. 50 Valla, Lorenzo 9 Wilton Diptych 56, 154,255 n. 147 van Arsdale, Ruth 223 n. 50 Wimsatt, James I. 198 n. 51 van Eikels, Klaus 211 n. 89 Wimsatt, W. K. 3 Vance, Eugene 214 n. 112 Wittgenstein, Ludwig 67,69,77,127, Varagnac, Andre 235 n. 150 201 n. 13 Vaultier, Roger 222 n. 39 Wolf, Freidrich-August 7,9 Vayssiere, M. A. 226 n. 71 Wolpe,Joseph 207 n. 63 Vincent of Beauvais 99, 256 n. 4 Wood, Chauncey 223 n. 50 De morali prindpis institutione 112 Wordsworth, Christopher 237 n. 7, De eruditione filiorum nobilium 112, 237-8 n. 8 232-33 n. 126 Wordsworth, William 128 Visions of Zosimus 168, 171 Wunderli, Richard 83,102 n. 102 Von Franz, Marie-Louise 261 n. 57, Wyclif, John 87, 138,213 n. 112, 264 n. 74 214 n. 114,215 n. 137 Von Ranke, Leopold 4 Yale University 1 Wace, "Robert" 148 Yenal, Edith 230 n. 102,231 n. 111 Wagenaar-Nolthenius, Helene 149 Y omtob, Rabbi Wallace, David 107,115, 198 n. 49, Yossipon 146 199 n. 54, 224-5 n. 62, 226 n. 69, Young, Karl 150,249 n. 103,251 n. 113, 227 n. 76, 231 n. 115 Yunck, John A. 244 n. 55 Walsingham, Thomas 82 Yuval, Israel]. 252 n. 119 Watkins, Calvin 179 n. 23 Weber, Samuel 204 n. 29 Zacher, Christian 107-8, 226 n. 67 Weber, Max 71,176,179 n. 32 Zijderveld, Anton 179 n. 32 Webster, Richard 206 n. 50 Zimmels, H.]. 254 n. 133 Weinstein, Donald 233 n. 130,234 n. 138 Zitter, Emily Stark 244 n. 57 Weiss, Daniel H. 197 n. 34 Zizek, Slavoj 72, 205 n. 38 Welander, David 254 n. 143 Zumthor, Paul 25