Notes
Preface
1. Work on the Australian core executive is sparse, although some material specifically on the Cabinet (Encel 1962; Weller 2007) deals with the insti- tutional approach in much the same way as Burch and Holliday (1996). It is worth noting that the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet (PMC) does provide greater access and transparency than the UK Cabinet Office and Number 10. 2. Foley (2000) also points out that this public projection of the leader (‘lead- ership stretch’) creates distance and autonomy not only from government but from other government ministers. However, such autonomy can isolate a leader, when perceived to be unpopular and hence a vote-loser. The 2005 Labour party campaign demonstrated this well when Brown’s prominence in the campaign rose, while Blair’s fell possibly as a result of party strategists viewing the unpopular Blair as a hindrance.
1 Prime Ministers and Political Leadership
1. Chomsky in particular argues that individual leaders matter little. Even Martin Luther King, although an important man, was not an agent of change, according Chomsky. The real agents of change are not the great men but the grassroots (Chomsky 2003: 188). 2. See Lees (2006: 1085) call for a response to this often detached relationship ‘by breaking out of the empirical and intellectual silo of much single coun- try scholarship and becoming more relevant to the wider discipline.’ See Costa Lobo (2001) for an example of a relevant single country study on the Portuguese prime ministerial model. 3. See Kellerman (1986: 70) on definitions of political leadership. 4. See Rose and Sulieman (1980), in particular pp. 312–47. A British prime min- ister may be more powerful, but may be more contextually constrained. 5. See Honeyman on Harold Wilson (2007) and Theakston (2007) on What Makes for an Effective British Prime Minister? 6. Hennessy however is a great believer in the significance and relevance of the continuing debate: ‘premiership and cabinet will matter as long as prime ministers and ministers and meetings called Cabinet exist.’ ‘Sterile it is not. Boring it will never be’. ‘Each new arrival at No10 experiences it and manages it afresh, which is why transitions of governing and prime ministerial power repay especially close attention.’ (Hennessy 2000:10). 7. Hennessy (2000: 497–500) picked up this theme of concentric circles of influ- ence, when looking at Blair in particular. 8. Hennessy provided an update in evidence to the Political and Constitutional Reform Select Committee Inquiry into the Power and Role of the Prime Minister, see Political and Constitutional Reform Select Committee (2011).
196 Notes 197
9. Weller suggests that Liberal ministers are less inclined to write memoirs and more inclined to display party loyalty (2007: 178). Of several books by former Labor ministers, Neal Blewett’s (1999) diaries have proved the best by far. However, the publication of a comprehensively researched (though hastily put together) biography of Howard by academics Wayne Errington and Peter Van Onselen in 2007 rectified this somewhat. The publication of Peter Costello’s memoirs in 2009 was the first by a senior Howard minister, coming ahead of Howard’s own account in 2010. 10. Prior to Howard’s account, two prime ministers had written detailed autobio- graphical accounts of their premierships (Whitlam 1985 and Hawke 1994); both provide essential background narratives to two of the most significant premierships of the recent Australian political history. Weller’s text on the premiership is still the premier example of an attempt to account for the changing nature of the position in a contemporary context, and Grattan performs the Hennessy role in factual-historical exposure of the incumbents (Weller 1992; Grattan 2000). 11. Little’s work had a great influence on Melbourne based academics James Walter and Judith Brett, who have written extensively on political leadership in Australia. 12. See in particular Poguntke and Webb (2005), Mughan (2000) and Foley (2000). 13. See Bennister (2007) on ‘institution stretch’, a term picked up by Norton (2008) in identifying comparative prime ministerial trends. 14. It is acknowledged that a prime minister cannot jump the species barrier by metamorphosis to become a president; rather the key is the demonstration of characteristics generally identified with presidential regimes (Foley 2000). Heffernan (2005a) directly addresses the comparative concept, in consider- ing why the British Prime Minister cannot be an American style president. 15. See Elgie’s (1997: 220) nine existing models of executive politics. 16. See House of Commons Public Affairs Select Committee Report 2003 on the Royal Prerogative. Note also that some of these powers came under review in Britain under Gordon Brown, leading to ‘The Governance of Britain – Draft Constitutional Renewal Bill March 2008’, but the Bill failed to become law before the 2010 general election after which the government only intro- duced legislation on fixed term parliaments. 17. Section 61 of the Australian Constitution: ‘the executive power of the Commonwealth is vested in the Queen and is exercisable by the governor general as the Queen’s representative, and extends to the execution and maintenance of this Constitution and of the laws of the Commonwealth.’ 18. These bodies are the Commissioner for Public Appointments, House of Lords Appointments Commission and Judicial Appointments Commission.
2 Cabinet as a Resource
1. David Buckingham, interview, 6 November 2006. 2. The cabinet secretariat supported 57 cabinet meetings (including NSC and committee meetings) in 2004–5. This compares with 120 in 1997–8 and the high point of 141 in 1999–2000. Since the streamlining in 2001–2 of cabinet 198 Notes
submissions which reduced full cabinet handling of many submissions, meetings have stayed constant at 57–67 per year (PMC Annual Reports 2002, 2003, 2004). 3. David Kemp, interview 6 December 2006. 4. Peter Shergold, interview 28 November 2006. 5. The ALP unsurprisingly used the ‘jobs for the boys and girls’ claim as a campaigning tool in the 2004 election, suggesting that ‘the Howard govern- ment’s record of more than 120 appointments over eight and a half years was well beyond acceptable office cost standards’ (ALP 2004). 6. Peter Jennings, Australia Strategic Policy Institute quoted in The Australian ‘More Power to the PM’, 29 October 2005. 7. Interview 13 November 2006. 8. See Australian Financial Review, 6 June 2005 on Singapore Airlines. 9. The leaks that did occur were investigated by the Federal Police (Errington and Van Onselen 2007: 323). 10. His ‘aversion to the removal of ministers’ is said to relate to the 1997 so- called travel rorts scandal, when five frontbenchers and two staffers resigned over fraud allegations. The departing ministers were Assistant Treasurer, Jim Short, Minister for Small Business and Consumer Affairs, Geoffrey Prosser, Minister for Administrative Services, David Jull, Minister for Transport, John Sharp, and Minister for Science and Technology, Peter McGuaran. Two forced resignations (Ian Campbell and Senator Santoro) in March 2007 hit Howard’s reputation hard, opening questions of ministerial conduct. 11. Disquiet among Liberal party backbenchers regarding the over representa- tion of Nationals in cabinet surfaced from time to time. The Nationals held the Deputy Prime Minister, Trade, and Agriculture portfolios in Howard’s last term of office. 12. See for example evidence to the Chilcott Inquiry by former Cabinet Secretaries Richard Wilson and Andrew Turnbull and the House of Lords Constitution Committee Report into the Cabinet Office and the Centre of Government. For the counter view see Jonathan Powell (2010, Chapter 3) in which he suggests that the mandarins conception of cabinet government does not exist in reality. 13. Michael Cockerell’s (2001) illuminating BBC TV documentary Cabinet Confidential exposed the style of Blair’s cabinet management in the early years. 14. Richard Wilson, interview 11 January 2008. 15. During the late 1940s cabinet met for an average of 87 times a year with 340 papers being formally circulated in the 1970s, 60 times a year with 140 papers and by the 1990s no more than 40 times a year with only 20 papers (Lord Butler in The Times, 22 February 1999 in Heffernan 2003b: 359). This trend has continued under Blair. From 1990 to 1997 John Major chaired 271 cabinets and 189 cabinet committees and had 911 recorded meetings with individual ministers. In his first two years Blair chaired 86 cabinets and 178 cabinet committees and had 783 meetings with individual ministers (Kavanagh and Seldon 2000: 286). 16. In May 2002, the cabinet were presented with 1982 pages of the economic assessment on whether the five tests for Britain joining the euro had been met. Despite Blair’s keenness to present a ‘yes, but not yet’, Brown had already interpreted the assessment as a clear ‘No’. The involvement of the whole Notes 199
cabinet was a presentational issue to bind the cautious together with the euro enthusiasts and make it look like a collective decision (Seldon 2007: 212). 17. Blair gave an interview to the BBC’s Andrew Marr, on the eve of the Labour Party’s 2004 Annual Conference, in which he stated that he would serve a full third term if elected, but then stand down. 18. See for instance: Personal Minute from the Prime Minister to the Minister for the Cabinet Office and Social Exclusion, accessed on 6 February 2009 at http:// www.cabinetoffice.gov.uk/media/cabinetoffice/corp/assets/ publications/ letters/hilary_armstrong/co_and_su_minute.pdf. 19. See Catterall and Brady in Rhodes 2000 on the development of Cabinet Committees in Britain. 20. Hennessy (2005a: 10) assigned schools, health, crime, transport, Northern Ireland, foreign and defence, and intelligence and security to Blair and pensions, child and youth policy, welfare to work, enterprise, science and technology, structural change and regional development to Brown. 21. Blair is on record as saying he expected to hear of any minister’s concerns well before formal meetings (Liaison Committee 2002; BBC TV 2001). 22. Sally Morgan, interview 19 September 2007. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid. 25. Andrew Turnbull, interview 21 November 2007. 26. Sally Morgan, interview op. cit.
3 Prime Minister and Party
1. The National Executive Committee lost its role overseeing policy-making to a Joint Policy Committee, comprising of Ministers, NEC and National Policy Forum members (Seldon and Kavanagh 2005: 116). 2. The relationship is such that it is commonly recognised that a system of responsible party government has supplanted the constitutional basis for Australia’s system of responsible government (Weller 2007; Summers 2006: 71). In practice, ministers are more accountable to the prime minister and to the party than to parliament (Weller 2007: 192). 3. See Seldon 2005, Naughtie 2001 and Rawnsley 2001. 4. Blair’s response to the death of Princess Diana in 1997 so early in his premier- ship, gave him the opportunity to establish such autonomous credentials. 5. Howard chose to use the ‘Lazarus’ epithet for his autobiography (Howard 2010). This polling low point for Howard was surpassed by the Liberal party leader that replaced him in 2007, Brendon Nelson who slumped to 7 per cent as the preferred prime minister in a poll in The Australian in March 2008. Unlike Howard, Nelson was not to survive as Liberal party leader, ousted by Malcolm Turnbull in March 2008. 6. There are standing orders for the conduct of a leadership ballot, but these are not publicly available. 7. The two-party-preferred vote is the total number of votes received by the two main parties the ALP and the Coalition. These totals are a combination of the primary votes (also known as ‘first preference’ votes) and the preferences distributed from other candidates. In 2001 the ALP ‘won’ the two party 200 Notes
preferred vote by 50.98 per cent to the Coalition’s 49.02 per cent, but lost the federal election. 8. The ‘party room’ is the name given to the parliamentary party of Australian Liberal party, consisting of Federal MPs and Senators. 9. Gibson and Harmel’s study found that ‘socialist parties in general do tend to place more power outside parliamentary parties than do parties of the centre and right’ (1998: 649). 10. Of the 42 ministers and parliamentary secretaries in Howard’s last ministry 5 were from the National party. This left 46 backbench Liberal MPs in the House of Representatives, but some of these had party roles as whips or in the speaker’s office. 11. Although there have been notable incidences, see McKeown and Lundie (2005). 12. The last two Labor MPs to cross the floor (Senator George Georges in 1986 and Senator Graeme Campbell MP in 1988) were both suspended from the party for their actions (McKeown and Lundie 2005). 13. See Kavanagh and Seldon (2000) and Blick (2004) on the powers behind the British prime minister and Tiernan (2007) on political staffers in Australia. 14. Jean Corston, interview 16 October 2007. 15. Heffernan (2000: 254) notes that the perverse nature of a collectivist move- ment being unable to act collectively in parliament. Cowley and Stuart (2005) draw attention to the fact that the only (even loosely) organised group in the PLP, the Socialist Campaign Group cannot manage to organise consistently and collectively. In mitigation, the party does not have defined organised fac- tions like the ALP. In fact organising within the party can be deemed as against the party’s interests and akin to the entrist tactics of militant in the 1980s. 16. Jean Corston, interview op. cit. 17. Philip Gould, the New Labour pollster, became a key player in government, delivering opinion polling directly to Blair. 18. Key party conference speeches have defined Blair’s leadership at various points (for instance the ‘scars on my back’ attack on the public sector, ‘forces of conservatism’, ‘shoulder to shoulder’ with US). Chapter 5 considers Blair’s rhetoric in greater detail. 19. Blair participated in just 8 per cent of parliamentary votes between 1997 and 2007 (Cowley 2007: 16). 20. The contentious inclusion of food in the GST, was dropped from the legisla- tion following the negotiations with the Democrats. 21. See Evans 2006a and 2006b for summaries of the effects of the government majority in the Senate and the tactics used in the second chamber. 22. Rob Chalmers called this grip on the Liberal party ‘the Howard effect’ (Inside Canberra, 12 December 2008). 23. David Kemp, interview op cit.
4 Controlling and Strengthening the Centre
1. Peter Shergold, interview 28 November 2006. 2. ‘These include key advisors in his office, two or three senior cabinet minis- ters (notably the Minister of Finance), carefully selected lobbyists, pollsters Notes 201
and other friends in court, and a handful of senior public servants’ (Savoie 1999b: 635). 3. Savoie, in identifying the growth of advisory functions in Canada since the charismatic Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, stressed the central role prime ministerial staffers played: ‘senior PMO staff members do not consider them- selves simply a court of second opinion. They are in the thick of it, and do not hesitate to offer policy advice or to challenge a cabinet minister’ (Savoie 1999b: 645). 4. Matthew Taylor, interview 14 December 2007. 5. Richard Wilson, interview op cit. 6. Sally Morgan, interview op cit. 7. Matthew Taylor, interview op cit. 8. The running cost for 2001–2 was £1,717,338 (House of Commons Debates 25 March 2003 c125–7w). 9. Sally Morgan left Downing Street after the 2001 general election to become Cabinet Office Minister in charge of women’s issues. Seldon (2005: 480) puts this down to her losing the power struggle with Anji Hunter. Hunter then left to join the private sector later in 2001, having failed to establish herself in an enhanced role in Number 10. Morgan, who was still being consulted by Blair (she never stopped being an advisor), returned to Number 10 at Blair’s request remaining as Director of Government Relations until 2005. 10. David Buckingham, interview op. cit. 11. Of the 41.3 staff in Howard’s Private Office in 2006 there were: 2 principal advisors, 3 senior advisors (PM), 7 senior advisors (Cabinet), 1 media advisor (Cabinet), 7 advisors, 8 assistant advisors, 7 EAOM, 6.3 secretaries (Senate Estimates 1 May 2006). 12. David Kemp, interview op. cit. 13. The Children Overboard Affair was an Australian political scandal which arose in 2001 when the government claimed that ‘a number of chil- dren had been thrown overboard’ from a ‘suspected illegal entry vessel’ (or SIEV) which had been intercepted by HMAS Adelaide off Christmas Island. A subsequent inquiry by a Senate committee found that not only was the claim untrue, but that the government knew the claim to be untrue before the Federal elections, which were held one month later. See Weller (2002) and Keating (2003) for further details of the incident and the political fallout. 14. Tiernan (2006) put the number of ministerial staffers under Howard at 444 in May 2006, up from 294 in May 1996. Under Blair the total number of spe- cial advisors rose from 38 in 1997 to 78 in 2005 (Fawcett and Gay 2005). 15. See Liaison Committee (2002). ‘In his first 25 months in office Tony Blair held a total of 783 meetings with individual ministers; over the same period John Major held 272 such sessions’ (Kavanagh and Seldon 2000: 275). 16. Matthew Taylor, interview 14 December 2007. 17. In each case, a few delivery priorities were identified on the basis of a June 2001 letter sent by the prime minister to the relevant secretaries of state: six in health, five in crime and asylum policy, four in education and two in transport. For each delivery priority, clear performance indicator’s were then negotiated with the relevant department, and a named minister and named senior civil servant were made responsible for delivery. All of these elements 202 Notes
were then captured in delivery contracts signed with the four departments (Burch and Holliday 2004: 17). 18. Lord Turnbull, interview op. cit. 19. Peter Shergold, interview op. cit. 20. Michael L’Estrange, interview 17 May 2011. 21. Andrew Turnbull, interview op. cit. 22. Robin Butler, Richard Wilson. Andrew Turnbull and Gus O’Donnell were the four cabinet secretaries under Blair. The high turnover is simply explained by retirement. 23. PMC’s development and historical role is covered by Yeend (1979) writ- ing as head of the department at the time. PMC publishes the Cabinet Handbook which is a comprehensive catalogue of the principles and conven- tions which govern the mechanics of the cabinet system in Australia. The details included in the Handbook, such as scope of agenda, submission and consultation procedures, demonstrate the prescriptive nature of cabinet in Australia. 24. Peter Shergold, interview op. cit. 25. The Federal Executive Council was established by section 62 of the Constitution. Under section 63, any functions or powers vested in the ‘Governor-General-in-Council’ by the constitution must be carried out or exercised with the advice of the Federal Executive Council. All Ministers of State and Parliamentary Secretaries are sworn as members of the Council, though not all of them attend all meetings. Meetings are usually held fort- nightly, mostly at Government House. The Council is mainly concerned with powers given to the Governor-General-in-Council in Acts of the Commonwealth. This includes the making of regulations and statutory appointments, and the creation and abolition of government departments through Administrative Arrangements Orders. Further information is con- tained in the Federal Executive Council Handbook (PMC 2005). 26. Note that the Australian Civil Service is referred to as the Public Service. The Public Service reform agenda should not be confused with Blair’s reforms in Britain; it was essentially a programme of civil service cuts and re- organisation. 27. Peter Shergold, interview op cit. 28. Ibid. 29. The following taskforces operated out of PMC in 2005, giving a flavour of the type of policy areas covered: APEC 2007 Taskforce; Avian Pandemic Taskforce; Biofuels Taskforce (Secretariat); Council of Australian Governments (COAG) Health Taskforce; COAG Human Capital Taskforce; COAG Skills Recognition Taskforce; National Competition Policy Review Taskforce Therapeutic Cloning Taskforce; Uranium Mining Processing and Nuclear Energy Review (Secretariat) (Annual Report PMC 2006). 30. David Kemp, interview op. cit. 31. The taskforce raised some controversy when its membership was announced in June 2006. It was headed up by former Telstra chief executive and nuclear physicist Ziggy Switkowski who was also Director of ANSTO, the authority running Australia’s only nuclear reactor (ABC The 7.30 Report 6 June 2006). Notes 203
5 Prime Ministers – Personal Capacity
1. David Kemp, interview op. cit. 2. The acceptance of Ken Livingstone back into the Labour party for him to run as the London mayoral candidate in 2004, appeared to be a spectacular u-turn after Blair’s declaration that Livingstone as mayor would be a disaster prompting him to run and win as an independent. The 2004 decision is more about practical politics (Labour needed a local election win in 2004) than real hubris on Blair’s part (former Number 10 aide Lance Price in Michael Cockerell’s BBC documentary Blair: The Inside Story broadcast 20 February 2007). Also his apology for faulty intelligence on Iraq was left ambiguous, and in 2003 he echoed Margaret Thatcher in announcing to Labour party Conference that he had ‘no reverse gear’. 3. Although his embarrassing effort at playing cricket in Pakistan in 2005 ended with his failure to propel the ball to the batsman in five attempts contrast sharply with Blair’s football skills, 28 headers with Kevin Keagan in 1995. 4. See Chapter 4, note 13. 5. The systemic failure in the Australian government concerning the incident has been comprehensively documented by Weller in Don’t Tell the Prime Minister (2002). 6. In response to a question about his vision for Australia in the year 2000 on ABC TV’s Four Corners during the 1996 election campaign, Howard responded ‘I would like to see an Australian nation that feels relaxed and comfortable about their history. I’d like to see them relaxed and comfort- able about the present, and I’d also like to see them comfortable and relaxed about the future’ (Errington and Van Onselen 2007: 233). 7. Paul Kelly interview, 22 November 2006. 8. Richard Wilson interview, 11 January 2008. 9. Sally Morgan interview, 19 September 2007. 10. Richard Wilson interview, 11 January 2008. 11. Decisions in relation to joining the US in sending troops to Iraq and the acceptance of intelligence claims over the existence of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction have fallen into a ‘groupthink’ analysis (Walter 2004). Psychologist Irving Janis defined groupthink as ‘a mode of thinking that people engage in when they are deeply involved in a cohesive in-group, when the members’ strivings for unanimity override their motivation to realistically appraise alternative courses of action’ (’t Hart 2008). Dunleavy also identified groupthink as a factor accounting for British policy disasters of the New Right years under Thatcher, particularly the failure of the poll tax (in Elcock 2001: 16). ’t Hart (2008) cautions against the use of the term ‘groupthink’ as cover for the ‘conformity in which it is recast as a form of anticipatory compliance of a group to a revered, intimidating or otherwise powerful leader whose mind is clearly set on a given course of action at the outset of group deliberations’. As such, ’t Hart suggests that groupthink has become a ‘heuristic’ device. ‘Groupthink provides a convenient catchphrase to capture these phenomena, and its invocation as an explanation for col- lective failures of whatever kind will continue to blossom regardless of the findings of systematic replication research’ (’t Hart 2008: 5). 204 Notes
12. Nye Bevan distinguished between the actor and the politician ‘the audience in the theatre is radically different from the deliberative assembly or a politi- cal meeting’ (Abse 2001: 77). 13. On 26 April 1996, Martin Bryant shot 35 people dead at Port Arthur, a small tourist town near Hobart in Tasmania. The massacre proved a catalyst for Howard to reform Australia’s gun laws – state governments agreed to ban automatic and semi-automatic weapons, buy back the outlawed weapons, establish a national register and set standards for sales and storage (Errington and Van Onselen 2007: 244). 14. Sally Morgan interview, op cit. 15. The Media Unit had a staff of eight, comprising a press secretary, a senior media advisor, a media advisor, an assistant media adviser and four media assistants (Tiernan 2006: 17). 16. Strangio (2006) points out that the government with its 450 advisors out- numbers both the Labor opposition with 90 and the press gallery by some considerable number. 17. A grey area developed between public service advertising campaigns and political promotion (the New Tax System, war on drugs and anti-terrorist campaigns are obvious examples, see Orr in Ward and Stewart 2006: 201). 18. Incumbent governments also benefit from generous and growing postage and printing entitlements provided to members of parliament (Strangio 2006a).
6 Spendid Isolation: Personalisation and Autonomy
1. Rhodes (2005a, 2005b) and Bevir and Rhodes (2006) saw presidentialisation as a smokescreen for attacks on the prime minister and too narrow a focus, preoccupied with Westminster and Whitehall. Centralisation, pluralisation and personalisation represented for Rhodes, not a concentration of power, but an endless search for effective levers of control by a core executive less powerful than many commentators and insiders claim. 2. Howard was often likened to the Energizer Bunny used to advertise long-life batteries, as it was assumed that he would just go on and on. Commentators noted that even after ten years as prime minister and at the age of 67 in 2006 he never looked like stopping. 3. Sally Morgan, interview op cit. 4. Needham (2005: 343) has pointed out the limitations of the ‘permanent campaign’: ‘Its assumption of continuity between election campaigning and office-holding fails to explain how the strategic terrain changes once a chal- lenger takes office’. More generally though, the term refers to the utilisation of incumbency benefits to the advantage of office-holders. 5. See Uhr (2005: 89) for a discussion of Howard’s ‘democratic populist leadership’. References
ABC TV (1996) Four Corners, John Howard interview with Liz Jackson, 19 February 1996 available at http://www.abc.net.au/4corners/content/2004/ s1212701.htm.
205 206 References
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Abbott, Tony, 48, 85 image, 130, 158–9, 169 ABC, 125–6, 202, 203 ‘informal and circumscribed style’, advisory systems, 90–9 57 ALP, Australian Labor Party, 71–2, on leadership, 159 73–4, 156, 176, 200 leadership style of, 80, 141–2, economic rationalism, 156 164 leaders in opposition, 172–3 London bombings, 148, 150 parliamentary caucus, 65–6, 70, oratory, 143, 146, 149–50 76 and parliament, 80–1 Anderson, John, 49 party management, 64–5, 67–9, Australia 72–3, 76–80, 84 political system, 29, 30 personality, 5, 129, 131, 145, 159, war in Iraq, 41, 140, 150, 158, 166, 176, 190 176 populism, 160, 164, 170 constitution, 15, 26, 29, 33, 40, 82, reshuffles, 53–4, 137–9 197, 202 ‘thespianism’, barrister-actor, 128, autonomous agents, 162, 166–72 130, 145 war in Iraq, 33, 52, 53, 57, 59, 80, Bagehot, Walter, 13 84, 134, 141, 146–50, 158, 167, Bank of England independence, 176, 203 59 Blunkett, David, 55, 103, 139 Barber, James, 7, 10–11 Blondel, Jean, 6, 28, 39 Barber, Michael, 89–90, 95, 103–4, Brett, Judith, 66, 67, 127, 132, 156, 168 157, 166, 197 see PMDU Brown, Gordon, 11, 54, 55, 67, 73, BBC, 132, 134, 154, 198, 203 84, 110, 138 Beazley, Kim, 172, 173 Blair, dysfunctional relationship Beckett, Margaret, 68, 69, 139 with 53–55, 57, 138, 139, 141, Bishop, Julie, 42 158–60, 169, 177, 187 Blair, Tony compared to Costello, 85, 187 and Australia, 131 duumvirate leadership, 55, 90, Brown, relationship with, 53, 54, 138, 55, 138, 139, 141, 158, 159–60, Treasury policy units, 169, 177, 187 109–10 cabinet management, 51–60, 186, Buckingham, David, 40, 98 188 Bush, George, 147, 158 departure from office, 84, 187 Butler, David, 16, 25–6 early years, 129, 131 Butler, Robin, 51, 55, 57, 61 education policy, 137, 158 and faith, 131–2 cabinet, Australia family, 131 ‘above and line’ and ‘under the and Howard, 75 line’ 43–5 ideology, 137, 158–9 collegiality, 46–51
217 218 Index cabinet, Australia – continued children overboard, 41, 51, 83, 101, committees, 46–9, 111–2 116, 133–4, 140, 166, 174, 185, kitchen cabinet 48 201 leaks, 47, 48, 198 Churchill, Winston, 11, 55 meetings, 40–51, 112 civil service, 56, 89, 93, 103, 106, 108, mini-cabinet, 47 110, 118, 120, 171, 202 cabinet, Britain Clarke, Charles, 55 collegiality, 51–4 CIU, Cabinet Implementation Unit committees, 54–60 (Australia), 90, 107–8, 119 meetings, 51–4 COAG, Council of Australian Millennium Dome decision, 53, Governments, 202 59 Coalition (Australia), 29–30 war cabinet, 59, 142 comparative analysis, 24–30 cabinet government, 49, 51, 56, Conran, Peter, 105 58–60, 73, 198 Conservative party, 68, 71, 79, 137 informality, 55, 57–8, 91, 102 1922 Backbench Committee, 79 traditionalism, 40, 50–1, 54, leadership, 64–5 186 opposition leaders, 81, 172 cabinet government vs prime Cook, Robin, 52, 78 ministerial government debate, core executive, 5, 16–17, 18–24, 13–18, 25 89–90, 103–4, 110, 196 Cabinet Delivery Unit, 107 see also Corston, Jean, 78 PMDU Costello, Peter, 47, 48, 187 Cabinet Handbook (Australia), 40, Howard, relationship with, 49, 61, 42–5, 47, 202 72 Cabinet Office, 89, 93–4, 96, 101–2, leadership credentials, 75, 85, 140–1 108–9, 117, 139 court government, 90 CABNET, 41 court politics, 48, 88, 90–1, 110, 142 Cabinet Secretary courtiers, 90, 141 Australia, 42, 61, 104–5, 106 see also Donald Savoie, Rod Rhodes see also Peter Shergold, Michael Cowley, Philip, 80, 200 L’Estrange CPU, Cabinet Policy Unit (Australia), Britain, 58, 105 44–5, 90, 104–6, 115, 117, 119 see also Andrew Turnbull, Richard Crosby, Lynton, 97 Wilson Crossman, Richard, 13 Callaghan, Jim, 9, 52, 60, 64 culture Cameron, David, 81, 172 ‘command culture’, 51 Campbell, Alastair, 23, 59, 91, 97, culture of spin, 155 116–17, 131, 138, 142, 151, ‘culture wars’ (Australia), 135, 167 154–5 political culture, 26, 40 Canada, 25, 26, 90, 195, 201 Carr, Bob, 145 ‘denocracy’, 90–91 Carbon Reduction Pollution Scheme, Donoughue, Bernard, 194 85 Downer, Alexander, 48, 49, 140 character, xiii, 8, 10–11, 15, 123–5, Democrat party (Australia), 82 128–30, 159, 189 Dowding, Keith, 21–2 charisma, 4, 10, 126–8, 145–6 see also power charter letters, 49, 54 Downing Street, see Number 10 and Chilcott Inquiry, 59, 167, 198 PMO Index 219 elections, 30, 86, 172–3 Heffernan, Richard, 20–1, 30–4, 53, two party preferred vote, 71, 199 68, 77, 84, 161 Elgie, Robert, 129, 197 see also predominance model of political leadership, 6–7, 8 Helms, Ludger, 6, 9, 195 ERC, Expenditure Review Committee, Henderson, Gerard, 152 46–7 Hennessy, Peter, 15, 92, 141, 196, 199 Errington, Wayne and Van Onselen, heresthetics, 123, 135–7, 160, 190 Peter, 48–9, 74, 76, 98, 125, 157, ‘hollowing out’, 28, 63, 85–6 171, 197 Horne, Donald, 145, 149 European Union House of Commons, 33, 72, 80–81 constitutional treaty, 60 House of Representatives, 71, 76, 82, single currency, 59, 198–9 146 Evans, Harry, 81, 82, 83, 200 Howard, John Bali bombing, 148–9 Faulkner, John, 106 cabinet management, 41, 50 Federal Executive Council, 112, 202 children overboard, 41, 101, 116, Foley, Michael, 5, 24, 85, 130, 161–2, 133–4, 140, 166, 174 163, 169, 196 Costello, relations with, 49, 61, 72, see also presidentialisation 140 Fraser, Malcolm, 16–17, 70, 99, 100, cricket, 130, 136, 156, 203 166 early years, 124–5, 84–5 cabinet management, 41 as Energizer Bunny, 165, 204 electoral defeat, 30, 85 Gallop, Geoff, 131 Julia Gillard on, 128 Georgiou, Petro, 72, 74 Paul Keating on, 81, 127–8 Germany, 24–5 ideology, 156–7 Gillard, Julia, 42, 73, 108, 119, 128 image, 144–5 GMS, Government Members on identity and nationalism, 132, Secretariat (Australia), 151 135, 149–50, 155–6 Grattan, Michelle, 149, 152, 197 as ‘Lazarus’ 70, 199 governance, 5, 15, 18, 20, 89, 110, leadership style, 127, 164–6 118 oratory, 144–50 Governor-General, Australia, 33–4, ordinariness, 125–7, 136 170, 185, 197, 202 party management, 72–6 Governor-General Hollingworth, 34 personality, 101, 123–8 Greenstein, Fred, 11–12, 17 lack of strategic thinking, 114, groupthink, 195, 203 155–8 GST, Goods and Services Tax media encounters, 152 (Australia), 82, 157, 158, 174, sacking department heads, 110 175, 200 talkback radio, 152–4 and Tasmanian shootings, 144, 204 Haines, Joe, 92 war in Iraq, 41, 158, 166, 175, 176 Hanson, Pauline, 133 ‘whole of government’ approach, Hargrove, Erwin, 8, 135 43, 50, 104–5, 117, 119 see also ‘skill in context’ Howardism, 156–7 ’t Hart, Paul, 65, 183, 192, 203 Hunter, Anji, 91, 96, 201 Hawke, Bob, 4, 40, 49, 50, 71, 73, Hutton Inquiry, 55, 97, 102, 134, 154, 98–9, 126, 145, 151, 169, 197 186 Heath, Ted, 14, 95, 141 Hyman, Peter, 10, 143 220 Index
Ingham, Bernard, 92 see also party leadership, political institutionalism, 18 leadership, prime minister institutional capacity, 87–9, 102–4, L’Estrange, Michael, 104, 106 167–8, 184–9 Liaison Committee, 80, 96 interactionism, 7–9, 32, 183–4 Liberal party Australia, 65, 69–70 see also political leadership organisation, 66–7 Iraq, see war in Iraq party discipline, 72–73 party room, 73–6 Jones, George, 12–14 ‘proto-factions’, 73–4 wets and dries, 74 Kavanagh, Dennis, 14, 15 see also leadership selection, Robert Keating, Paul, 4, 40, 41, 49, 73, 131, Menzies 144, 145–6, 156–7 Little, Graham, 124, 160, 167, 197 on John Howard, 81, 127–8 see also strong leadership Kelly, Paul, 41, 47–8, 50, 71–2, 110, Livingstone, Ken, 80, 203 136, 150, 171, 179 Kemp, David, 44, 66, 72, 75, 85, 100, Macmillan, Harold, 13 116 Maddox, Graham, 16–17, 140, 141 Kinnock, Neil, 64, 68 Major, John, 4, 11, 15, 19, 20, 55, 60, 92, 94, 95, 131, 146, 201 Labour party Mandelson, Peter, 23, 53, 94, 97, 108, annual conference, 54, 77, 79, 119, 129 139, 154, 186 143–8, 200 Mays law of curvilinear, 69 Clause IV, 64, 136, 167 McClintock, Paul, 104–5 leadership election, 64–5, 67–9 McKenzie, Robert, 64, 177 manifesto, 64–5, 68, 102, 103, 164 media, 152, 154, 163–77 National Policy Forum, 77, 199 mediatisation, 168–9, 177 New Labour, 4–5, 54, 92, 128–30, Members of Parliament Staff Act 137, 147–8, 154, 158, 164, 186 (Australia), 104 PLP, 64, 69, 84, 187, 200 Menzies, Robert, 16–17, 50, 66–7, 70, PLP meetings and attendance, 72, 75, 124, 127 78–80 Miliband, David, 91 rebels, 80 monarch, 6, 34 Warwick Accord, 77 Moore-Wilton, Max, 99, 112 ‘larrikins and prima donnas’, 16 Morgan, Rhodri, 81 Lasswell, Harold, 7, 9, 124 Morgan, Sally, 56–7, 58, 91–2, 96–7, ‘lattice of leadership’, 166 148, 201 Latham, Mark, 127, 133, 172, 173 Morris, Estelle, 53 leadership Morris, Graham, 99 classification, 9–12, 14–17 Mulgan, Geoff, 97 and followers, 10, 65, 77–8, 128, 177, 186, 194 National party (Australia), 30, 61, 74, ‘great man’ theory, 4, 196 76, 186, 200 selection, 65–70 Nelson, Brendon, 85, 199 structure-agency, 4–5 Neustadt, Richard, 5, 7, 10, 12 strategic leadership and ‘teaching New Labour, see Labour party reality’, 123, 155–9 Nixon, Richard, 11 theories of, 7, 22 NMLS, National Media Liaison Service tension, 6–7, 23–4, 124 (Australia), 151 Index 221
Norton, Philip, 14, 80, 169, 197 political capital, 19, 50, 123, 124, 155, Northern Ireland, 5, 136–7, 141 167, 175–6, 191–2, 194, 195 Northern Territory, intervention, 51, political communication, see media 61 political leadership, 3–9, 30, 127, 131, NSC, National Security Committee 159, 166–9, 183–4, 192, 194–5 (Australia), 46–7, 112 definition, 196 Number 10 and Downing Street, 19, effects, 172–3 51, 58, 89, 91–2, 94, 95, 96–7, ‘institution stretch’, 7, 23, 33, 85, 104, 108–10, 142, 201 109, 124, 164 Nutt, Tony, 97–8 spatial leadership, xiv, 161–2 theories, 22–3, 28 O’Leary, Tony, 97, 151 typologies, 9–12, 16–17 see also leadership, party leadership, party change predominance, prime minister ‘catch-all’ parties, 71 political psychology, 9–10, 16–17 electoral-professional parties, 71, 86 Powell, Jonathan, 51, 57–8, 59, 91, party leadership, 64–70 96, 97, 110, 117, 141, 142, 143, party membership, 70–2, 84 198 patronage, 34, 44–6, 91, 138–9 power, 5–7, 10, 13–14, 15–28 ‘jobs for the boys and girls’, 46 conditional power, 31 ‘Pathways to the Future’, 54 power resources, 30–5 ‘permanent campaign’, 162, 165, predominance, 7, 16, 20–4, 26–31, 170–1, 191, 193, 204 32, 33–35, 155, 162–3, 183–4, personal capacity, 123, 189 188–95 personalisation, 32–3, 86, 161–6, 168, Prescott, John, 53, 55, 56, 57, 68, 139 177–8 presidential study, 7, 8, 10–12, 14, personality, 5–7, 9–20, 123–31 124 PIU, Performance and Innovation see James Barber, Fred Greenstein, Unit, 96 Richard Neustadt, Stephen PLP, Parliamentary Labour party see Skowronek Labour party presidentialisation, 21, 23, 25–6, 204 PMC, Department of Prime Minister critique of, 89, 163 and Cabinet, 90, 108, 110, 118, thesis, 23–4, 31 196, 202 see also Michael Foley, Thomas history, 111 Poguntke and Paul Webb functions and organisation, 111–14 press gallery, Canberra, 48, 152, 153 secretary, 104, 112 prime minister structure, 111–12, 115 approval ratings, 173–5, 192 ‘whole of government’ role, 117 incumbency, 86, 151–2, 170–1 workload, 112 and the legislature, 80–3 PMDU, Prime Minister’s Delivery and media, 163–77 Unit, 102–7 models of, 3–4, 12–17 PMO, Prime Minister’s Office, 96–8, patronage, 44–6, 138–9 99–101 powers of, 33 cost, 94 relationship with party, 64–70 staffing, 95, 99 see also core executive, leadership, Poguntke, Thomas and Webb, Paul, party leadership, political 23–4, 172, 177 leadership, predominance, see also presidentialisation presidentialisation, power 222 Index prime ministerial government, 13–14, staffers, ministerial, 185, 196, 200 18, 23, 25, 164 growth in numbers, 201 Prime Minister’s Question Time, 33, state premiers 50, 83, 171–2 80–1 stock-takes, 51–2, 54, 58–9, 61 principal-agent model, 68 Straw, Jack, 52, 60, 139 strong leader, strong leadership, 16, Question Time (Australia), 81 136, 147, 159, 166–7 reshuffles, 49, 53–4, 137–9 talkback radio, 136, 152–4, 170 rhetoric, 52–3, 130, 138, 140–1, Tampa, 166, 193 143–62 Taskforces, 47, 54, 113–5, 117–8, 119, Rhodes, Rod, 13, 18–20, 23, 89, 163, 202 204 Taylor, Matthew, 54, 91–3, 97, 102–3, see also core executive, 118 presidentialisation (critique of) television, 143–4, 151–4, 169, 176 Riker, William see heresthetics Thatcher, Margaret, 14, 19, 20, 27, 51, royal prerogatives, 33–5, 185, 197 53, 55, 60, 74, 77, 92, 129, 141, Rudd, Kevin, 42, 66, 73, 106, 108, 156, 163, 169, 172, 176, 203 119, 128, 172, 173, 176, 185, Thatcherism 4, 137 2020 Summit, 119 Theakston, Kevin, 9, 11–12, 67, 95–6, Ruddock, Philip, 49 196 Thomson, Peter, 131 Schumpeter, Joseph, 194 ‘travelling’, 26 SCONS, Secretaries Committee on Turnbull, Andrew, 55, 57, 85, 93–4, National Security, 46 105, 108–9, 198 see also NSC Turnbull, Malcolm, 85, 199 SCU, Strategic Communications Unit, 96, 154 Uhr, John, x, 160, 166, 183, 204 Seldon, Anthony, 15, 20, 59, 90–1, See also ‘lattice of leadership’, 166 103, 128, 129, 131, 136, 141, 149, United States, 7, 26, 149, 157, 171 158 see also presidential leadership, Senate, 29, 72, 82–3, 133, 147–8, 157, September 11, war in Iraq 191, 193, 200 September 11 2001, 83, 135, 149, 157, Walter, James, 3, 6–7, 11, 17, 48, 170, 174 50–1, 61, 124, 197 Shergold, Peter, 45, 90, 105, 107, war in Iraq, 5, 53, 141, 150, 166, 177, 111–12 ‘Washminster’, 29 Short, Clare, 52, 59 water, Murray-Darling plan, 50, 61, SIEV see children overboard 176 Sinodinos, Arthur, 97–9 Weber, Max, 10, 22, 51 ‘skill in context’, 8–9, 20, 84, 87 Weller, Pat, 15–17, 27, 73, 133–4, Skowronek, Stephen, 12, 145 196–7, 203 Smith, John, 67 Whitlam, Gough, 16–17, 99, 113, Smith, Martin, 18–20 153, 197 see also core executive Wilson, Harold, 11, 64, 92, 95 ‘sofa government’ 51, 55, 58, 89, 110 Wilson, Richard, 51, 91, 101 see also ‘denocracy’ WMD, weapons of mass destruction, special advisors, 77–8, 96–7, 103, 116 134 growth in numbers, 116 Wright, Tony, 89