Introduction: Propaganda and Political Marketing

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Introduction: Propaganda and Political Marketing Notes Introduction: Propaganda and Political Marketing 2 Stanley Kelley, Professional Public Relations and Political Power (1956) p. 210. 2 Hugo Young and Anne Sloman, The Thatcher Phenomenon (1986) p. 94. 3 Ibid., pp. 94-5. 4 See especially New Statesman's election edition, 10 June 1983. 5 For an account of the programme, see The Listmer, 16 June 1983. 6 Wendy Webster, Not A Man To Matcll Her (1990). 7 Philip Kleinman, The Saatchi & Saatchi Story (1987) p. 32. 8 Campaign, 30 November 1990. 9 Martin Harrop, 'Political Marketing', in ParliamentaryAffairs,July 1990, 43(3). 10 Interview with Peter Mandelson at the Labour Party conference, Black- pool, October 1986. 11 'Party Presence', in Marxism Today, October 1989. 12 Harrop, op. cit. 13 The £11 million figure is quoted in Eric Clark, The Want Makers (1988) p. 312. For a full account of the GLC campaign and its success in shifting public opinion, see Robert Waller, Moulding Political Opinion (1988). 14 Obse1ver, 24 December 1989. 15 Richard Rose, Influencing Voters (1967) p. 13. 16 See Michael Cockerell, Live from Number 10, pp. 280-1. 17 Quoted in HJ. Hanham, Ekctions and Party Management: Politics in the Time of Disraeli and Gladstone ( 1978) p. 202. 18 Serge Chakotin, The Rape of the Masses: The Psychology of Totalitarian Propaganda (1939) pp. 131-3. 19 Ibid., p. 171. 20 Ibid. 21 See Max Atkinson, Our Masters' Voices (1988) pp. 13-14. 22 Quoted in Michael Thomas, The Economist Guide to Marketing (1986). 23 Michael J. Baker, 'One More Time- What is Marketing?', in Michael J. Baker (ed.), Tile Marketing Book (1991). 24 Nicholas O'Shaughnessy, The Phmomenon of Political Marketing (1990) p. 2. 25 Harrop, op. cit. 26 O'Shaughnessy, op. cit., p. 23. 27 Michael J. Baker, op. cit. 28 Tom McBurnie and David Clutterbuck, The Marketing Edge (1987) p. 7. 29 See, for example, Roland Perry, The Programming of the President (1984). 30 O'Shaughnessy, op. cit., pp. 43-5. 31 See Michael J. Baker, op. cit. 299 300 Notes 32 See KeithJ. Blois, 'Non-Profit Organisations and Marketing', in Michael ]. Baker ( ed.), op. cit. 33 John Ramsden, Th8 Making of Conseroative Party Policy (1980) p. 3. 34 See Richard Kelly, 'Party Organisation', in Contemporary &cord, April 1991 4(4). 35 The 1988 AGM of the National Union of ConseiVative and Unionist Associations accepted a Model Rule which obliged constituencies to select candidates only from a list approved by ceo. Although the centrally approved list existed previously, it had not been formally binding on constituency associations. 36 Michael Cassell, 'Hard left softened up as party leadership scents bet­ ter times', Financial Times, 3 October 1989. 37 See Nick Grant (Labour's publicity director), 'A Comment on La­ bour's Campaign', in I. Crewe and M. Harrop (eds), Political Communica­ tions: The General Election of 1983 (1986). 38 The Guardian, 24 April 1991. 39 For an article which captures well the predominant view of the 'pres­ idential' nature of British campaigns, see Richard Holme, 'Selling the PM', in Contemporary &cord, Spring 1988, vol. 2 ( 1). See also Bob Franklin Packaging Politics (1994). 40 Larry Sabato, Tile Rise of Political Consultants: New Ways of Winning Elec­ tions ( 1981). 41 Ibid., p. 7. 42 For a general introduction to the American party system and the ef­ fect of campaign finance rules and primary elections, see MJ.C. Vile, Politics in the USA ( 1983). See also Philip John Davies and Fredric Waldstein (eds), Political Issues in America Today (1987). 43 Sidney Blumenthal, The Pennanent Campaign (1982) pp. 22-6. 44 Quoted in O'Shaughnessy, op. cit., p. 5. 45 Sabato, op. cit., p. 37. 46 Roland Perry, op. cit., pp. 153-74. 47 Ibid., pp. 170-1. 48 O'Shaughnessy, op. cit., p. 247. 49 Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism and Democraty, 5th edn (1976) p. 283. 50 See Jeffrey B. Abramson, F. Christopher Arterton, and Gary R. Orren, The Electric Commonwealth: The Impact of New Media Technologies on Demo­ cratic Politics, 1988. 51 Frank Luntz, Candidates, Consultants & Campaigns (1988) p. 227. 52 See, for example, Kathleen Jamieson, Packaging the Presidtmty (1984) pp. 446-52. 53 Harrop, op. cit. 54 There is debate about whether the media became less vigorous and critical during the period of Thatcher's governments. The main ele­ ments from opposite poles are summarised in two articles in Contem­ porary Record: Hugo Young, 'The Media Under Mrs Thatcher', Contemporary &cord, April 1990, 3(4); Jeremy Tunstall, 'The Media: Lapdogs for Thatcher?', Contemporary &cord, November 1990, 4(2). 55 Quoted in Sabato, op. cit., p. 144. Notes 301 56 O'Shaughnessy, op. cit., p. 154. 57 Harrop, op. cit. 58 Hilde T. Himmelweit et al., How Voters Decide (1981). 59 See, for example, A. Heath et al., How Britain Votes (1985). 60 John Curtice, 'Interim Report: Party Politics', in R. Jowell et al., British Social Attitudes: The 1987 Report (1987). 61 Harrop, op. cit. 62 Interview with Sir Tim Bell. 63 Interview with Patricia Hewitt, June 1990. 64 Quoted in Luntz, op. cit., p. x. 65 Interviews with Conservative Party marketing consultants and mem­ bers of George Bush's presidential campaign team. 66 D. Kavanagh, Politics and Personalities (1990) pp. 1-14. I Crusted Agent to Media Expert: The Changing Face of Campaigns 1 Lord Windlesham, Communication and Political Power (1966) p. 25. 2 HJ. Hanham, Elections and Pmty Management: Politics in the Time of Disraeli and Gladstone (1978) p. 201. 3 Ibid., p. 238. 4 Ibid., p. 237. 5 Ibid., p. 215. A number of historical studies of American political campaigning make a similar point. See, for example: Kathleen Hall Jamieson, Packaging the Presidency (1984); Gil Troy, See How Tiley Ran ( 1991). 6 Interview with Joe Haines. 7 Interview with Sir Tim Bell. 8 Quoted in Sidney Blumenthal, Permanent Campaign (1982) p. 33. 9 George Creel, How We Advertised America (1920) p. 4. 10 Ibid., p. 5. 11 Harold Lasswell, Propaganda Technique in the World War (1927) pp. 220-1. 12 T.H. Qalter, Propaganda and Psychological Wmfare (1962) p. 66. 13 G. Jowett and V. O'Donnell, Propaganda and Persuasion (1986) p. 125. 14 Ibid., p. 137. 15 Henry James Houston and Lionel Valdar, Modern Electioneering Practice (1922) p. 9. 16 Interim and Final Reports of the Committee on Party Organisation, April and June 1911. Conservative Party Archives. 17 Ibid. 18 Davidson was the fourth party chairman. A. Steel-Maitland was ap­ pointed the first party chairman in June 1911 as a result of the report of the Committee on Party Organisation. 19 See Robert Rhodes James, Memoirs of a Conservative: JC.C. Davidson's Memoirs ( 1969) pp. 270-2. 20 Ibid. 21 See R.R. James, Anthony Eden (1986) p. 191. 302 Notes 22 See Peter Stead, 'The British Working Class and Film in the 1930s', in Nicholas Pronay and D.W. Spring (eds), Propaganda, Politics and Film 1918-45 (1982). 23 Ibid. 24 This account relies on Keith Middlemas, Politics in Industrial Society (1979) pp. 131-2. 25 Quoted in Middlemas, ibid., p. 356. 26 See R.D. Casey, 'The National Publicity Bureau and British Party Propa­ ganda', Public Opinion Quarlerly, iii (1939) p. 624. 27 See Philip M. Taylor, Projection of Britain (1981). 28 J.A. Ramsden, 'Baldwin and Film', in Pronay and Spring (eds), op. cit. (1982). 29 Middlemas and Barnes, Baldwin (1969) p. 480. 30 Ramsden, op. cit. 31 J. Ramsden, A History of tile Conservative Party: The Age of Balfour and Baldwin (1978) p. 235. 32 Reports of the Conservative Party Conferences, 1924 and 1929. Con­ servative Party Archives. 33 See R.R. James, Memoirs of a Conservative (1969), p. 303. 34 BARB Establishment Survey, March 1990, quoted in Saatchi & Saatchi, Media Yearbook 1990. 35 Research carried out annually for the Independent Broadcasting Au­ thority (now the Independent Television Commission) confirms this. In 1992, for instance, television was cited by 71 per cent as the main source of world news and 62 per cent for UK news. 36 Joseph Klapper, Tile Effects of Mass Communication, (1960). 37 See Martin Harrop, 'Voters', in Jean Seaton and Ben Pimlott (eds), Tile Media in British Politics (1987), for a good summary of research thinking on media effects and voters. For discussion about the present state of communications research, see European Journal of Communica­ tion, vol. 5, 2-3,June 1990; for good introductions, see 0. Boyd-Barrett and P. Braham (eds), Media, Knowledge and Power (1987). 38 The terms 'marketing research' and 'market research' are now used interchangeably, but originally there was a difference. 'Marketing re­ search' was the more comprehensive concept, covering all market investigation, while 'market research' was narrowly limited to research about a particular product. 39 For an introduction to market research, see Peter Chisnall, Marketing Research (1981). 40 Letter to The Times, 23 April1965. It should be noted that Hutchinson's comments were almost certainly a criticism of Labour's campaign. 41 Lord Windlesham, op. cit., p. 79. 42 Robert Blake, The Conservative Party from Peel to Churchill ( 1979) p. 259. 43 Ibid., p. 260. 44 See Middlemas, op. cit., p. 355. 45 T.F. Lindsay and Michael Harrington, Tile Conservative Party 1918-70 (1974) p. 159. 46 Minutes of the Tactical Staff Committee, 23 July 1947 and 3 Septem­ ber 1947. Archives of the Conservative Party. Notes 303 47 Ibid., 17 June 1947. 48 Ibid., especially minutes for January and February 1948. 49 Blake, op. cit., p. 262. 50 H.G. Nicholas, The British General Election of 1950 (1951) p. 122. 51 Ibid., p. 39. 52 Ibid., p. 107. 53 Lord Windlesham, op.
Recommended publications
  • Coalition Politics: How the Cameron-Clegg Relationship Affects
    Canterbury Christ Church University’s repository of research outputs http://create.canterbury.ac.uk Please cite this publication as follows: Bennister, M. and Heffernan, R. (2011) Cameron as Prime Minister: the intra- executive politics of Britain’s coalition. Parliamentary Affairs, 65 (4). pp. 778-801. ISSN 0031-2290. Link to official URL (if available): http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsr061 This version is made available in accordance with publishers’ policies. All material made available by CReaTE is protected by intellectual property law, including copyright law. Any use made of the contents should comply with the relevant law. Contact: [email protected] Cameron as Prime Minister: The Intra-Executive Politics of Britain’s Coalition Government Mark Bennister Lecturer in Politics, Canterbury Christ Church University Email: [email protected] Richard Heffernan Reader in Government, The Open University Email: [email protected] Abstract Forming a coalition involves compromise, so a prime minister heading up a coalition government, even one as predominant a party leader as Cameron, should not be as powerful as a prime minister leading a single party government. Cameron has still to work with and through ministers from his own party, but has also to work with and through Liberal Democrat ministers; not least the Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg. The relationship between the prime minister and his deputy is unchartered territory for recent academic study of the British prime minister. This article explores how Cameron and Clegg operate within both Whitehall and Westminster: the cabinet arrangements; the prime minister’s patronage, advisory resources and more informal mechanisms.
    [Show full text]
  • A Year in Review, the Year Ahead
    2018: A YEAR IN REVIEW, 2019: THE YEAR AHEAD Foreword from Rt Hon Patricia Hewitt, Senior Adviser, FTI Consulting 2018 was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2017. Which was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2016. And there’s no sign of let-up as we move into 2019. The unresolved questions of Brexit - how? when? whether at all? - will inevitably dominate the coming year. Even if Theresa May brings back from Brussels a new political declaration sufficiently compelling to command a majority in Parliament - a highly unlikely prospect at the time of writing - the end of March will mean the start of a fresh, complex round of negotiations on a future trade deal, conducted under the shadow of the Irish backstop. For most people, that would be preferable to the collapse of Mrs May’s deal and, almost inevitably, the collapse of her government and a subsequent constitutional crisis. Faced with the choice between revoking Article 50 or leaving the European Union (EU) without a deal, the Commons could well produce a majority for a new referendum. Under the pressure of a leadership contest, the personal and political rancour in the Conservative Party could finally break apart Europe’s hitherto most successful party of government. A no-confidence vote that would be defeated today could command enough votes from the Brexiteers’ kamikaze tendency to force another General Election. And Labour - with most of its moderates MPs replaced by Corbynistas in last-minute candidate selections - could win on a ‘cake and eat it’ manifesto of a Brexit that would end free movement but provide frictionless trade (Irish backstop, anyone?).
    [Show full text]
  • New Labour, Old Morality
    New Labour, Old Morality. In The IdeasThat Shaped Post-War Britain (1996), David Marquand suggests that a useful way of mapping the „ebbs and flows in the struggle for moral and intellectual hegemony in post-war Britain‟ is to see them as a dialectic not between Left and Right, nor between individualism and collectivism, but between hedonism and moralism which cuts across party boundaries. As Jeffrey Weeks puts it in his contribution to Blairism and the War of Persuasion (2004): „Whatever its progressive pretensions, the Labour Party has rarely been in the vanguard of sexual reform throughout its hundred-year history. Since its formation at the beginning of the twentieth century the Labour Party has always been an uneasy amalgam of the progressive intelligentsia and a largely morally conservative working class, especially as represented through the trade union movement‟ (68-9). In The Future of Socialism (1956) Anthony Crosland wrote that: 'in the blood of the socialist there should always run a trace of the anarchist and the libertarian, and not to much of the prig or the prude‟. And in 1959 Roy Jenkins, in his book The Labour Case, argued that 'there is a need for the state to do less to restrict personal freedom'. And indeed when Jenkins became Home Secretary in 1965 he put in a train a series of reforms which damned him in they eyes of Labour and Tory traditionalists as one of the chief architects of the 'permissive society': the partial decriminalisation of homosexuality, reform of the abortion and obscenity laws, the abolition of theatre censorship, making it slightly easier to get divorced.
    [Show full text]
  • UK Border Agency
    UK Border Agency Title Instructions on drafting replies to MPs’ Correspondence Process Drafting of letters to enquiries from MPs’ and their offices 26 30 November Implementation Date November Expiry/Review Date 2009 2008 CONTAINS MANDATORY INSTRUCTIONS For Action Author All Ministerial drafting units within the UK Border Agency For Information Owner To all units in the UK Border Agency Jill Beckingham handling correspondence. Contact Point Processes Affected All processes relating to answering correspondence from Members of Parliament Assumptions Drafters have sufficient knowledge of their subject to accurately answer the questions raised by a Member of Parliament. NOTES 26 November Issued 2008 Version 3.1 Chapter 1 – General Advice on Correspondence Basics of Writing a Letter Letter Structure Addressing the Letter Opening Paragraph Middle Paragraphs Sign-off Enclosures Background Notes Parliamentary Conventions More than one MP has written about the same person Interim replies Requests from MPs for meetings Chapter 2 – Advice on Ministerial Correspondence Signing of Ministerial Letters Drafting for Ministers Annex 2.A – Phil Woolas Template Annex 2.B – Meg Hillier Template Annex 2.C – Home Secretary Template Annex 2.D – Chief Executive Template Annex 2.E – Home Secretary Stop List Chapter 3 – Advice on Official Replies Use of Official Reply Template Drafting Official Replies Signing Official Replies Annex 3.A – Official Reply Template Chapter 4 – Third Party Replies What is a third party? MPs acting on behalf of a relative of an applicant
    [Show full text]
  • Terrorism Knows No Borders
    TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS October 2019 his is a special initiative for SEFF to be associated with, it is one part of a three part overall Project which includes; the production of a Book and DVD Twhich captures the testimonies and experiences of well over 20 innocent victims and survivors of terrorism from across Great Britain and The Republic of Ireland. The Project title; ‘Terrorism knows NO Borders’ aptly illustrates the broader point that we are seeking to make through our involvement in this work, namely that in the context of Northern Ireland terrorism and criminal violence was not curtailed to Northern Ireland alone but rather that individuals, families and communities experienced its’ impacts across the United Kingdom, Republic of Ireland and beyond these islands. This Memorial Quilt Project does not claim to represent the totality of lives lost across Great Britain and The Republic of Ireland but rather seeks to provide some understanding of the sacrifices paid by communities, families and individuals who have been victimised by ‘Republican’ or ‘Loyalist’ terrorism. SEFF’s ethos means that we are not purely concerned with victims/survivors who live within south Fermanagh or indeed the broader County.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 3 50 Years Arguing with Neighbours: the UK's Complex
    Chapter 3 50 years Arguing with Neighbours: The UK’s Complex Relationship with the European Union Anne Wesemann Abstract 1969 determined the UK’s fate as an European Union (EU) Member State. Finally, with the ‘cock’ who crowed ‘NON’ twice making way, the route was clear for the UK to join the then European Community. The UK became a Member State in 1973 but it was neither smooth sailing to get to that point nor has it been since. The early years of membership were marked by doubts over the nature of the developing communities and the role the UK would be playing in that development were it to leave or remain. This led to a first UK referendum in 1975 on membership which confirmed the UK government’s decision to join. Forty-one years later, a second referendum decided the UK should leave and paved the way to a slow exit. In between lay numerous economic crisis and domestic as well as international political challenges. As the last full year of UK EU Membership, 2019 marks an end to a struggling ‘ever closer’ relationship. This chapter will shed some light on the 50 years of struggle between the what is now the European Union and the UK. It will draw on historical, political, economic and legal perspectives in examining the relationship. It will present an overview of the humble beginnings of the EU and the UK’s role in that, and the relationship’s stormy youth, when the world faced a global economic crisis. This chapter will examine whether the UK was being led or was leading in key matters of EU policy and law; in doing so it will consider arguments around sovereignty, or rather what there was to gain back after 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • Ministerial Reshuffle – 5 June 2009 8 June 2009
    Ministerial Reshuffle – 5 June 2009 8 June 2009 This note provides details of the Cabinet and Ministerial reshuffle carried out by the Prime Minister on 5 June following the resignation of a number of Cabinet members and other Ministers over the previous few days. In the new Cabinet, John Denham succeeds Hazel Blears as Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government and John Healey becomes Housing Minister – attending Cabinet - following Margaret Beckett’s departure. Other key Cabinet positions with responsibility for issues affecting housing remain largely unchanged. Alistair Darling stays as Chancellor of the Exchequer and Lord Mandelson at Business with increased responsibilities, while Ed Miliband continues at the Department for Energy and Climate Change and Hilary Benn at Defra. Yvette Cooper has, however, moved to become the new Secretary of State for Work and Pensions with Liam Byrne becoming Chief Secretary to the Treasury. The Department for Innovation, Universities and Skills has been merged with BERR to create a new Department for Business, Innovation and Skills under Lord Mandelson. As an existing CLG Minister, John Healey will be familiar with a number of the issues affecting the industry. He has been involved with last year’s Planning Act, including discussions on the Community Infrastructure Levy, and changes to future arrangements for the adoption of Regional Spatial Strategies. HBF will be seeking an early meeting with the new Housing Minister. A full list of the new Cabinet and other changes is set out below. There may yet be further changes in junior ministerial positions and we will let you know of any that bear on matters of interest to the industry.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ship 2014/2015
    A more unusual focus in your magazine this College St Anne’s year: architecture and the engineering skills that make our modern buildings possible. The start of our new building made this an obvious choice, but from there we go on to look at engineering as a career and at the failures and University of Oxford follies of megaprojects around the world. Not that we are without the usual literary content, this year even wider in range and more honoured by awards than ever. And, as always, thanks to the generosity and skills of our contributors, St Anne’s College Record a variety of content and experience that we hope will entertain, inspire – and at times maybe shock you. My thanks to the many people who made this issue possible, in particular Kate Davy, without whose support it could not happen. Hope you enjoy it – and keep the ideas coming; we need 2014 – 2015 them! - Number 104 - The Ship Annual Publication of the St Anne’s Society 2014 – 2015 The Ship St Anne’s College 2014 – 2015 Woodstock Road Oxford OX2 6HS UK The Ship +44 (0) 1865 274800 [email protected] 2014 – 2015 www.st-annes.ox.ac.uk St Anne’s College St Anne’s College Alumnae log-in area Development Office Contacts: Lost alumnae Register for the log-in area of our website Over the years the College has lost touch (available at https://www.alumniweb.ox.ac. Jules Foster with some of our alumnae. We would very uk/st-annes) to connect with other alumnae, Director of Development much like to re-establish contact, and receive our latest news and updates, and +44 (0)1865 284536 invite them back to our events and send send in your latest news and updates.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Why Media Researchers Don't Care About Teletext
    1 Why Media Researchers Don’t Care About Teletext Hilde Van den Bulck & Hallvard Moe Abstract This chapter tackles the paradoxical observation that teletext in Europe can look back on a long and successful history but has attracted very little academic interest. The chapter suggests and discusses reasons why media and commu- nications researchers have paid so little attention to teletext and argue why we should not ignore it. To this end, it dissects the features of teletext, its history, and contextualizes these in a discussion of media research as a field. It first discusses institutional (sender) aspects of teletext, focusing on the perceived lack of attention to teletext from a political economic and policy analysis perspective. Next, the chapter looks at the characteristics of teletext content (message) and reasons why this failed to attract the attention of scholars from a journalism studies and a methodological perspective. Finally, it discusses issues relating to the uses of teletext (receivers), reflecting on the discrepancy between the large numbers of teletext users and the lack of scholarly attention from traditions such as effect research and audience studies. Throughout, the chapter points to instances in the development of teletext that constitute so- called pre-echoes of debates that are considered pressing today. These issues are illustrated throughout with the case of the first (est.1974) and, for a long time, leading teletext service Ceefax of the BBC and the wider development of teletext in the UK. Keywords: teletext, communication studies, research gaps, media history, Ceefax, BBC Introduction When we first started thinking about a book on teletext, a medium that has been very much part of people’s everyday lives across Europe for over forty years, we were surprised by the lack of scholarly attention or even interest.
    [Show full text]
  • Holders of Ministerial Office in the Conservative Governments 1979-1997
    Holders of Ministerial Office in the Conservative Governments 1979-1997 Parliamentary Information List Standard Note: SN/PC/04657 Last updated: 11 March 2008 Author: Department of Information Services All efforts have been made to ensure the accuracy of this data. Nevertheless the complexity of Ministerial appointments, changes in the machinery of government and the very large number of Ministerial changes between 1979 and 1997 mean that there may be some omissions from this list. Where an individual was a Minister at the time of the May 1997 general election the end of his/her term of office has been given as 2 May. Finally, where possible the exact dates of service have been given although when this information was unavailable only the month is given. The Parliamentary Information List series covers various topics relating to Parliament; they include Bills, Committees, Constitution, Debates, Divisions, The House of Commons, Parliament and procedure. Also available: Research papers – impartial briefings on major bills and other topics of public and parliamentary concern, available as printed documents and on the Intranet and Internet. Standard notes – a selection of less formal briefings, often produced in response to frequently asked questions, are accessible via the Internet. Guides to Parliament – The House of Commons Information Office answers enquiries on the work, history and membership of the House of Commons. It also produces a range of publications about the House which are available for free in hard copy on request Education web site – a web site for children and schools with information and activities about Parliament. Any comments or corrections to the lists would be gratefully received and should be sent to: Parliamentary Information Lists Editor, Parliament & Constitution Centre, House of Commons, London SW1A OAA.
    [Show full text]
  • LOSE-UP Bernard Ingham
    LOSE-UP Bernard Ingham I always think of Bernard above his merits, after fumb- Ingham as 'the ruffian on the ling he was first demoted stair'. Partly because it fits then ruthlessly cut down and his heavy manner and a treated below those merits. facial expression modulat- Moore went in 18 months ing from scowl to snarl by from golden hero to dogfood. way of a derisive grin. But Yet the prime minister's also because WE Henley, Renaissance treachery, her when he created the phrase, capriciousness and essential was describing Death. falseness have never extended Bernard Ingham has been to her private office. Ber- Death to a number of Conser- nard Ingham could quote vative politicians. Patrick Lear to Cordelia: 'We'll wear Jenkin, his position weakened out...packs and sets of great by the Lords' rejection of ones that ebb and flow by the Mrs Thatcher's decision to moon'. Why such trust amid abolish the GLC, learned that capriciousness, such mons- he was at one with the angels trous durability? What are when Ingham told the press the affinities which hold this that it was all up with Jenkin. pair in a magnetic field? After John Biffen had com- Bernard Ingham is a pro- mitted the capital offence of duct of the Left and of the dissent it was Ingham, telling north of England (Hebden the lobby that he had become Bridge in Yorkshire's West 'semi-detached from the gov- Riding). As is well known, he ernment', who held out a has been a Labour council- signed death warrant.
    [Show full text]
  • Creativity and the Experts: New Labour, Think Tanks and The
    Schlesinger, P. (2009) Creativity and the experts: New Labour, think tanks, and the policy process. International Journal of Press/Politics, 14 (1). pp. 3-20. ISSN 1940-1612 http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/4895/ Deposited on: 22 January 2009 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk 1 CREATIVITY AND THE EXPERTS: NEW LABOUR, THINK TANKS AND THE POLICY PROCESS PHILIP SCHLESINGER CENTRE FOR CULTURAL POLICY RESEARCH UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW To be published in the International Journal of Press Politics 2009 Introduction This essay examines the role of expertise in the public debate on creative industries policy in the United Kingdom. Think tanks have been prominent in this. However, in the extensive literature on British think tanks, their relations with the fields of media, culture and communications have been completely neglected. This is a strange omission, given the centrality of these fields to public life – and not least, to the polity and economy. As well as addressing questions in public policy analysis, this article also contributes to the sociology of the intellectuals. It is the politico-intellectual field in which think tanks are situated - between universities and the political institutions. In that location, the connections between think tanks and news media (as well as the political system) are key because some key think tank players are also ‘media intellectuals’. The practice of think 2 tankery is above all about the mediation of ideas, and their brokerage in the public domain, with intended policy effects. We may argue, therefore, that think tanks – as producers of reproducible mediated discourse – are themselves part of a wider communications industry.
    [Show full text]