Meta, Colombia) Case Study

Journal of Xi'an University of Architecture & Technology ISSN No : 1006-7930 MANAGEMENT DEVELOPMENT: AGROINDUSTRIAL EXTRACTIVISM IN AREAS OF COCA COLONIZATION, MAPIRIPAN POLIGROW (META, COLOMBIA) CASE STUDY Castro-Garzón, Hernando Profesor, Escuela de Administración y Negocios. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, Universidad de los Llanos, Villavicencio, Colombia. Lopez Garzón, Alvaro Andres Maestrante en Estudios del Desarrollo Local. Universidad de los Llanos. Rodríguez Miranda, Juan Pablo Profesor Titular. Facultad del Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales. Universidad Distrital Francisco José de Caldas. Bogotá, Colombia. ABSTRACT The areas of coca colonization in southern Meta are characterized by social and geographical isolation. In this context, between 1980 and 2009, Mapiripán experienced a development local model based on an enclave economy of illicit crops, which allowed an accelerated process of population and economic growth. With the end of the bonanza, the municipality experienced an economic and social crisis, which represented a huge challenge for the management of local development due to the social, economic, political conditions associated with the armed conflict and the cocaine bonanza. In this context, in 2009 the Agroindustrial company Poligrow arrives in Mapiripán whose investments meant a turning point for the development of the municipality, with effects that today show positive and negative impacts, from the significant increase in formal employment, the improvement in the benefit of domiciliary public services and the configuration of new forms of economic and political dependence. However, Poligrow's operation is currently becoming a real development alternative for the municipality due to the eventual frustration of illegal crop substitution projects, which according to the latest balances are being left on paper. Keywords: Coca economy, agroindustry, local development management, substitution of illicit crops, extractivism. INTRODUCTION Local development programs in the areas of coca colonization have focused mainly on the substitution of illicit crops for rural economy projects. Likewise, a central role has been assigned to government agencies in the provision of economic and social infrastructure. In the Mapiripán municipality this reality overlaps the incursion of large private capitals through an extractivist model1 they have had a significant impact on the management of 1 It is necessary to distinguish two types of "extractivism." The first originates in the mining and energy sectors, and includes the exploitation of precious metals, oil, gas and minerals, which are mainly destined for export. The second is generated in the agricultural sector, and includes extensive monoculture plantations, which are usually managed by large companies (Ornelas, 2016). In the latter category, products such as soy, Volume XII, Issue IV, 2020 Page No: 1865 Journal of Xi'an University of Architecture & Technology ISSN No : 1006-7930 local development, and have become an option for overcoming illicit crops. At this juncture, it is necessary to recognize the historical difficulties to achieve local development in areas of coca colonization, such as Mapiripán, due to its prolonged geographic, social and economic isolation. The understanding of the problems and effects that may be generated in this scenario leads us to review previous studies on the relationships between Local Development and extractivism. In this regard, it has been conceptualized from different perspectives, which have led to a long and controversial academic and political debate. On the one hand, the Latin American critical tradition against large extractive projects, especially the agro-mining export enclave model, which finds intellectual references in the works of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto , the interpretation of the development of the underdevelopment by André's Gunder Frank; the Celso Furtado interpretation with his structural analysis of dependence, and in criticism of the rentier economies of Ruy Mauro Marini, among other authors, who, in a nutshell, argue that the positive effects of extractivism on local societies, the work markets and/or nature are null. (Alimonda, 2015). In this regard, researchers like Héctor Alimonda wonder, will it be at least true that these activities constitute an indispensable source for our states to finance social policies? Are they effectively doing it? And what is the cost to the public sector of the implementation and operation of extractive economies? On the other hand, the neo-liberal doctrines that have integrated the concept of 'local development' into the dynamics of turning “the market” into the engine of development, beating the old Benefactor State, in this regard Cárdenas (2002) review; “For this, it is necessary to de- subsidize the State and municipal territories, sincere their capitalist potentials in the light of the requirements of the new accumulation patterns and return to the valorization of“ the local private initiative ”as opposed to the inertia and inefficiency of state bureaucracies and of centralized planning (…) Under the central concept of competitiveness, it is proposed to push local cities to the global market to compete for investments, capitals and technology that allow them to create jobs for their inhabitants and worry about the training of their human resources, as well as, for enhancing certain qualities that make them attractive in the eyes of potential investors.” (p59-60). Similarly, for Restrepo and Peña (2018), the neoliberal position of local development is part of the stimulus to direct foreign investment, from which multiple benefits are expected for the country by generating taxes and public investment, mainly in infrastructure and security. This approach is accompanied by the search for the development of national productive chains around primary activities, while using surpluses to finance social and territorial policies, as well as investment in research in science and technology. For these researchers, “Extractive temptation reinforces an ancestral characteristic of Latin American states, centralism and presidentialism, where national powers selectively distribute palm oil, cereals and bananas are usually included, since they are produced on a large scale, with a high level of technology and for export purposes. Volume XII, Issue IV, 2020 Page No: 1866 Journal of Xi'an University of Architecture & Technology ISSN No : 1006-7930 their social and economic interventions in regional territories, so as to reinforce the inequalities in development capacity and political power of the different territories”. (Restrepo and Peña, 2018). The academic records consulted have coincided in pointing out that the reorientation towards the local in Latin America is a tendency that is faced with great difficulties of diverse order. Thus, for Lucas Pozzo (2002): In first place, there are severe restrictions of local institutions, in addition to the lack of a local culture sufficiently established in our societies. Second, we find the conceptual and methodological crisis of local planning. (p12). Specifically, on the precariousness of local governments, Pozzo (2002, P15-16) points out, for example: a) Very insufficient financing structures. b) Multiple and aggregative functions, little compatible with local development schemes. c) Severe insufficiencies of qualified professional personnel and effective selection and promotion mechanisms. d) Serious communication problems between the municipality, social organizations and the community. Given these problems, local development management becomes a central element. Certainly, research on 'local development management' has addressed the issue based on the need to generate local autonomies through processes of strengthening regional societies. In particular, the role of local agents and actors in making-decision has been studied, where municipal government and citizens, ONGs and businessmen participate, who can generate incentives for cooperation, responsibility and management improvement. (Pozzo, 2002, p17). To Pozzo; At first, it is essential to recognize the growing complexity of public administration that, at present, implies the coordination and direction of the relationship between various systems: economic, social, organizational, legal, administrative, etc. Understanding and concretizing these actions requires the construction of a new administrative culture, in which the responsibility of staff and civil servants, the protection of constitutional rights, true political representation, participation and public information prevail.” (Pozzo, 2002, p17). In a similar sense Sergio Bossier points out that; “The transformative local process requires the combination of: decisive leadership by the most relevant local agents, the top management of the city; organizational Volume XII, Issue IV, 2020 Page No: 1867 Journal of Xi'an University of Architecture & Technology ISSN No : 1006-7930 consensus, expressed in the explicit will of cooperation between government, business and local civil society; and relevant knowledge, that is, information and skills appropriate to the particular local reality generated specifically from the strategic planning process. This is the fundamental and synergistic tripod on which local development processes are based” (Bossier, 2000: 96). (Pozzo, 2002, p27). These aspects, which seem so difficult to achieve today, given the critical situation of both administrative and representation structures,

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