Journal of Xi'an University of Architecture & Technology ISSN No : 1006-7930

MANAGEMENT DEVELOPMENT: AGROINDUSTRIAL EXTRACTIVISM IN AREAS OF COCA COLONIZATION, MAPIRIPAN POLIGROW (META, ) CASE STUDY

Castro-Garzón, Hernando Profesor, Escuela de Administración y Negocios. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, Universidad de los , Villavicencio, Colombia.

Lopez Garzón, Alvaro Andres Maestrante en Estudios del Desarrollo Local. Universidad de los Llanos.

Rodríguez Miranda, Juan Pablo Profesor Titular. Facultad del Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales. Universidad Distrital Francisco José de Caldas. Bogotá, Colombia.

ABSTRACT The areas of coca colonization in southern Meta are characterized by social and geographical isolation. In this context, between 1980 and 2009, Mapiripán experienced a development local model based on an enclave economy of illicit crops, which allowed an accelerated process of population and economic growth. With the end of the bonanza, the experienced an economic and social crisis, which represented a huge challenge for the management of local development due to the social, economic, political conditions associated with the armed conflict and the cocaine bonanza. In this context, in 2009 the Agroindustrial company Poligrow arrives in Mapiripán whose investments meant a turning point for the development of the municipality, with effects that today show positive and negative impacts, from the significant increase in formal employment, the improvement in the benefit of domiciliary public services and the configuration of new forms of economic and political dependence. However, Poligrow's operation is currently becoming a real development alternative for the municipality due to the eventual frustration of illegal crop substitution projects, which according to the latest balances are being left on paper. Keywords: Coca economy, agroindustry, local development management, substitution of illicit crops, extractivism.

INTRODUCTION Local development programs in the areas of coca colonization have focused mainly on the substitution of illicit crops for rural economy projects. Likewise, a central role has been assigned to government agencies in the provision of economic and social infrastructure. In the Mapiripán municipality this reality overlaps the incursion of large private capitals through an extractivist model1 they have had a significant impact on the management of

1 It is necessary to distinguish two types of "extractivism." The first originates in the mining and energy sectors, and includes the exploitation of precious metals, oil, gas and minerals, which are mainly destined for export. The second is generated in the agricultural sector, and includes extensive monoculture plantations, which are usually managed by large companies (Ornelas, 2016). In the latter category, products such as soy,

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local development, and have become an option for overcoming illicit crops. At this juncture, it is necessary to recognize the historical difficulties to achieve local development in areas of coca colonization, such as Mapiripán, due to its prolonged geographic, social and economic isolation. The understanding of the problems and effects that may be generated in this scenario leads us to review previous studies on the relationships between Local Development and extractivism. In this regard, it has been conceptualized from different perspectives, which have led to a long and controversial academic and political debate. On the one hand, the Latin American critical tradition against large extractive projects, especially the agro-mining export enclave model, which finds intellectual references in the works of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto , the interpretation of the development of the underdevelopment by André's Gunder Frank; the Celso Furtado interpretation with his structural analysis of dependence, and in criticism of the rentier economies of Ruy Mauro Marini, among other authors, who, in a nutshell, argue that the positive effects of extractivism on local societies, the work markets and/or nature are null. (Alimonda, 2015). In this regard, researchers like Héctor Alimonda wonder, will it be at least true that these activities constitute an indispensable source for our states to finance social policies? Are they effectively doing it? And what is the cost to the public sector of the implementation and operation of extractive economies? On the other hand, the neo-liberal doctrines that have integrated the concept of 'local development' into the dynamics of turning “the market” into the engine of development, beating the old Benefactor State, in this regard Cárdenas (2002) review;

“For this, it is necessary to de- subsidize the State and municipal territories, sincere their capitalist potentials in the light of the requirements of the new accumulation patterns and return to the valorization of“ the local private initiative ”as opposed to the inertia and inefficiency of state bureaucracies and of centralized planning (…) Under the central concept of competitiveness, it is proposed to push local to the global market to compete for investments, capitals and technology that allow them to create jobs for their inhabitants and worry about the training of their human resources, as well as, for enhancing certain qualities that make them attractive in the eyes of potential investors.” (p59-60). Similarly, for Restrepo and Peña (2018), the neoliberal position of local development is part of the stimulus to direct foreign investment, from which multiple benefits are expected for the country by generating taxes and public investment, mainly in infrastructure and security. This approach is accompanied by the search for the development of national productive chains around primary activities, while using surpluses to finance social and territorial policies, as well as investment in research in science and technology. For these researchers, “Extractive temptation reinforces an ancestral characteristic of Latin American states, centralism and presidentialism, where national powers selectively distribute

palm oil, cereals and bananas are usually included, since they are produced on a large scale, with a high level of technology and for export purposes.

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their social and economic interventions in regional territories, so as to reinforce the inequalities in development capacity and political power of the different territories”. (Restrepo and Peña, 2018). The academic records consulted have coincided in pointing out that the reorientation towards the local in Latin America is a tendency that is faced with great difficulties of diverse order. Thus, for Lucas Pozzo (2002): In first place, there are severe restrictions of local institutions, in addition to the lack of a local culture sufficiently established in our societies. Second, we find the conceptual and methodological crisis of local planning. (p12). Specifically, on the precariousness of local governments, Pozzo (2002, P15-16) points out, for example:

a) Very insufficient financing structures. b) Multiple and aggregative functions, little compatible with local development schemes. c) Severe insufficiencies of qualified professional personnel and effective selection and promotion mechanisms. d) Serious communication problems between the municipality, social organizations and the community.

Given these problems, local development management becomes a central element. Certainly, research on 'local development management' has addressed the issue based on the need to generate local autonomies through processes of strengthening regional societies. In particular, the role of local agents and actors in making-decision has been studied, where municipal government and citizens, ONGs and businessmen participate, who can generate incentives for cooperation, responsibility and management improvement. (Pozzo, 2002, p17). To Pozzo;

At first, it is essential to recognize the growing complexity of public administration that, at present, implies the coordination and direction of the relationship between various systems: economic, social, organizational, legal, administrative, etc. Understanding and concretizing these actions requires the construction of a new administrative culture, in which the responsibility of staff and civil servants, the protection of constitutional rights, true political representation, participation and public information prevail.” (Pozzo, 2002, p17).

In a similar sense Sergio Bossier points out that;

“The transformative local process requires the combination of: decisive leadership by the most relevant local agents, the top management of the ; organizational

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consensus, expressed in the explicit will of cooperation between government, business and local civil society; and relevant knowledge, that is, information and skills appropriate to the particular local reality generated specifically from the strategic planning process. This is the fundamental and synergistic tripod on which local development processes are based” (Bossier, 2000: 96). (Pozzo, 2002, p27). These aspects, which seem so difficult to achieve today, given the critical situation of both administrative and representation structures, as Pozzo suggests, are nevertheless an indispensable condition in any local development strategy. (Pozzo, 2002, p17). Based on this background, this article will present and analyze the effects on local development management derived from the implementation of an agroindustrial extractivist scheme, in a geographical context characterized by the historical economic and social dependence on illicit crops.

DEVELOPMENT Geographical, economic and social context of local development in Mapiripán before the entry of Poligrow: Territorial isolation and the coca boom: The study area is one of the least 'developed' territories of the Colombian Orinoquia; As Gutiérrez (2005) points out, there are no large cities and the have a fragile urban structure due to the economic and social singularities of their population in different periods. In particular, the south of Meta (where Mapiripán is located) has been a region defined as peripheral, with very little state presence, low access to education and health and low economic and social integration to the rest of the country. (Gutiérrez, 2005; García, 2003). However, since the late 70s of the 20th century, this region has been receiving migratory flows expelled from the interior of the country or attracted by the bonanza periods of some export products, especially marijuana and coca, introduced by drug trafficking groups. According to Gutiérrez (2005), coca production was stimulated by the isolation and relative spatial marginality of the area, the existence of alternative export routes (large rivers, clandestine runways) and the proximity of large border spaces without surveillance. (Gutiérrez, 2005, p29). Especially in the Orinoquia and the Amazon, “agro- industrial companies” of coca paste production and processing were established, which thanks to geographical isolation made it possible for them to assemble large laboratories.

In particular, the arrival of coca in the municipality generated a relatively stable process of population and occupation of the territory, where hundreds of peasant settlers are founded and linked to the crop with the hope of improving their living conditions. (Montenegro, 2013). On this situation Arcila (2011) concludes that since it is a product whose raw material is the foliage of a plant, it was obvious that its cultivation would attract large amounts of labor towards rural areas, willing to participate directly and indirectly in the bonanza (Asilah, 2011, p49).

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In the 1980s, the Farc entered the municipality and were responsible for taking care of the coca crops of drug traffickers in exchange for the charge of the “weight”, also introducing a normative-coercive structure that regulated social and economic relations between the civilian population, with which the guerrillas consolidated their influence in the peasant economies of coca production. From this time, as described by Gutierrez; (...) at the social level, the illicit economy becomes a source that helps to solve some important deficiencies in the process of colonization and settlement of wastelands. Paradoxically, in the face of the wasteland occupation policy, sustained by the State for a long time, and its clear institutional and environmental limitations or due to the social conflicts it raised, the resources from the illicit economy served to sustain relatively stable peasant occupation processes of territories in the Orinoquia and Amazonia. (2005, P10). In the words of Asilah, coca represented for the Amazon the same as coffee for the Andean region of the early twentieth century: its integration into a global economy by covering the demand for a commodity (2011, p48). Certainly, with the introduction of coca, a process of ' municipalization ' and ' urbanization ' in the territories involved was triggered: Almost all of the current municipalities, which were previously police inspections or municipal corrections, acquired their age of majority in full cocaine bonanza. These include municipalities in southern Meta such as Puerto Rico, Uribe, Mapiripán and . (Asilah, 2011, p48). Among the particularities of these 'new' municipalities, as was the case of Mapiripán, created in 1989, government marginality and distrust in local and departmental State institutions stand out, a context exacerbated by the prevailing situation of armed conflict has determined the fragility of state sovereignty in much of the Goal. (Gutiérrez, 2005, p16). It is also worth mentioning that with the coca colonization serious processes of environmental deterioration deepened. Indeed, García (2003) found that illicit crops are one of the main environmental problems facing the Country; (…) Since they press forests, destroy ecosystems, biodiversity and social and human capital. It is estimated that for each hectare of coca planted, two hectares of forest are destroyed, and for each hectare of poppy, 2.5 are destroyed, especially affecting the high Andean ecosystem and the Amazon region. (Garcia, 2003). According to the research of Montenegro (2013), in the mid-1990s, Mapiripán became one of the municipalities with the highest level of production and area planted with coca, as a result of the establishment of large production laboratories. In parallel, the national government launched a policy of eradicating illicit crops that combined various forms of forced and voluntary eradication. In this framework, the National Alternative Development Plan (PLANTE) was developed in 1994 in order to complement forced eradication campaigns, through social investments to prevent, curb and eliminate the production of illegal crops, limited to areas of peasant and indigenous economy. (Garcia, 2003).

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At the end of the nineties Mapiripán was a strategic drug trafficking corridor because of its privileged geographical location on the Guaviare river, with access to the Orinoco. (Montenegro, 2013, p38). Thus, for the year 2000: The main source of employment in the municipality is the production, exploitation and commercialization of coca that generates around 150,000 wages per year in 5,000 hectares of coca (...) For reasons of public order caused by armed groups outside the law, the commercialization of Livestock and agricultural products are quite limited, as this has been gradually being restricted. (Mapiripán, 2000, P 122). At the same time, García (2003) found that in the coca-growing areas; The high income obtained by the crop, generated a process of social transformation, reflected in excessive consumption, prostitution, lack of foresight for the future and loss of identity as a rural community, conditions that added to the presence of subversive groups, have worsened the situation. In the case of Mapiripán, the scenario worsens even more with the entry of new illegal armed actors who sought to dispute the territory with the FARC. Among them, the AUC, a paramilitary group that began to gain more and more control over the areas dedicated to coca cultivation since 2000. In fact, in 2001 the drug trafficker Miguel Arroyave bought the AUC Centauros Block for seven million dollars from the Castaño house. Thereafter, the group focused on controlling the growing areas of coca in the department (González, 2007; Montenegro, 2013, p38). The territorial control of the paramilitary groups, would be prolonged notoriously until 2011, date on which the crisis of the cocaine economy was consolidated, which hit the rural and urban population of Mapiripán, for whom only the alternative had existed commercial that offers the cultivation and chemical processing of coca. (Gutiérrez, 2005).

Arrival of the Poligrow company in the Mapiripán municipality, context and impact: Political, economic and social scenario of Mapiripán in 2008: At the time of the first contacts of Poligrow investors with Mapiripán, in 2008, the municipality was characterized by major problems of governance and organizational weakness of civil society. (Gutierrez, 2005, p3-4). In addition, the rural economy was in a recent crisis due to the decisions of the illegal armed groups and the unforeseen effects of the implementation of the drug control policy and Plan Colombia. From the social aspect, the families of this coca zone, whose members are predominantly young and almost half women, faced multiple conditions of vulnerability; On this issue, the Ideas for Peace Foundation and UNODC found that: Contrary to the idea that participating in this illicit economy is profitable, what the results of the survey show is that the levels of development and quality of life of the families involved in the crop are well below if compared to the population Rural in Colombia. These families face important social and economic gaps, in the middle of a cycle of exclusion and poverty. (…) Regarding extreme monetary poverty, 35% of households that are in areas of coca cultivation are in this category, more than double that recorded in populated centers and dispersed rural areas, where according to information from the DANE this percentage is 15.4%. (UNODC-FIP, 2018, p9-11).

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At that time (2008), it is evident that the challenges for the State were multiple and demanded political will, resources and time. It was considered that overcoming these problems did not only compete with the National Government, but should involve the affected communities, local authorities and also the private sector. (UNODC-FIP, 2018, p9). Consolidation of the incentives of the National Government to the agroindustrial sector of the oil palm: In the midst of this situation, national governments decided to strongly support the cultivation of oil palm2, agricultural sector that had a long history in the country. First introduced in 1932, but only until 1945 began its commercial cultivation by the United Fruit Company in the Magdalena department (Indepaz, 2013). Thereafter, crop growth is continuous, but relatively slow compared to countries like Indonesia or Malaysia. From its origins, palm cultivation has been systematically supported by the government and union management of the National Federation of Palm Oil Growers (Fedepalma) (Ospina Bozzi, 2013). (Montenegro, 2013, p26). This moment of consolidation traces its direct antecedents in 2001, when Pastrana President travels to Malaysia and invites palm entrepreneurs in that country to invest in oil palm in Colombia; Also, since the beginning of his government in 2002, Uribe President assumes the production of biofuels as one of the strategic axes of his agricultural policy (Ahumada Rueda, 2013; Mingorace et all, 2004). Álvaro Uribe arrives at the presidency with the idea and decision to promote biofuels (Mesa, 2009). During the two governments of Álvaro Uribe (2002-2010), various tax and fiscal incentives are granted to the palm sector. Access to land and other productive factors is also granted. (Indepaz, 2013). // President Santos seems to have ratified his commitment to the advancement of palm activity by having affirmed: “at the end of our government, in 2014, we hope to have exceeded the goal of 600 thousand hectares cultivated, with which Colombia will continue to consolidate as the first producer of palm oil in the Americas” (Montenegro, 2013, p27-28). In 2007 the government defines its strategy for the development of the palm sector through the document Conpes 3477 of July 2007. According to Montenegro (2013), the policy objective defined in the document is: “increase competitiveness and production of palm agroindustry, in an economic, environmental and socially sustainable way, taking advantage of the country's exploit and the potential of a growing market, in order to offer new opportunities for development, employment and well-being in rural areas” (Conpes, 2007). Later, in 2008, the government's strategy to promote the production of biofuels is defined through document Conpes 3510 of 2008. The objective of the document is: “Take advantage of the economic and social development opportunities offered by emerging biofuel markets” (Conpes, 2008) (Montenegro, 2013, p28).

2 The palm is a permanent crop, of late yield, that has a life cycle of approximately 25 years and that begins its productive cycle three years after sowing. In addition, being an agroindustry, it requires strong capital investment and a continuous expansion of its physical base (land) (Indepaz, 2013). The palm provides raw material for the manufacture of edible oils and fats, soaps, etc. (Fedepalma, 2012). (Montenegro, 2013, p27)

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The arrival of Poligrow: In 2008, through the ProColombia management, it was facilitated and accompanied by the arrival of the Italian- Spanish company Poligrow, a firm that sought an area in the mezzanine to plant oil palm with a project over 60 years and with an investment of more than US $ 70 million. (Diario de Occidente, 2019, April 21). Since its entry, the company has been heavily questioned because the lands where it operates have a turbulent past (El Espectador, August 20, 2012); First, the initial owner of the Macondo estate was an Antioquia farmer who left his land and left the region in 1999, in the midst of paramilitary violence. Since then, although the farmer has assured that he did not sell his land, they passed through several owners, before being bought by Poligrow in 2009. (Montenegro, 2013, p42). Since those years in Colombia there has been an intense debate about the development of oil palm crops. In general terms, the environmental impacts of the activity and the idea that there are relations between the crop and the armed actors, particularly the paramilitaries, have been discussed. In this regard, there are research papers that explore the relationship between the cultivation of oil palm and the armed conflict in the municipality of Mapiripán, in accordance with the hypothesis that paramilitary violence in the municipality has been a factor that has enabled the implementation of cultivation (Montenegro, 2013), as an example, researchers on this issue have also addressed the growth of the palm sector in other regions of Colombia; In the Lower Atrato Chocoano region, it has been proven that palm, political and military businessmen collaborated with paramilitary groups in the dispossession of black communities from their lands to plant palm (Franco and Restrepo, 2011). For these facts, Colombian justice has condemned several politicians and businessmen (Supreme Court of Justice, 2013). Similarly, in regions such as Tumaco, cultivation has been linked to human rights violations, forced displacement and illegal land occupation (Indepaz, 2013, Segura 2008). Other studies have argued that the crop has influenced displacement processes (Goebertus, 2008). In contrast, there are studies that deny the link between palm and conflict and suggest that the majority of violent actions by armed groups have occurred in regions other than palm trees (Rangel, Tobón and Betancur, 2009). (Montenegro, 2013, p1). Despite multiple accusations, the multinational Poligrow continued its operation. Thus, in 2010, the palm firm created the Poligrow Foundation through which it developed programs and projects in the community, focused on various lines of action such as education, strengthening of productive projects, quality of life, coexistence, values, culture of legality, among others. (Diario de Occidente, 2019, April 21). Also, the continuity of Poligrow's expansion and consolidation has been assured in the long term, for example, in 2018 it was announced: The investment of 18 million dollars to expand and modernize its palm oil extraction plant in the Mapiripán municipality, Meta. On the other hand, Poligrow's growth will also be marked by the increase of 7,000 to 15,000 hectares planted with oil palm. The areas will be consolidated through negotiations with investors and private producers, through schemes such as contract farming or

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through participations and business alliances, the company said. (Weather, 2018, January 5).

Analysis of the effects on the management of the Mapiripán local development after 10 years of Poligrow operation: By 2019, Colombia established as the fourth largest producer of palm oil in the world and the first in America, with nearly 500,000 hectares planted that generate more than 140,000 direct and indirect jobs. In the case of Mapiripán, palm oil became the mainstay of the economy and is responsible for the social and economic transformation of the municipality. (Diario de Occidente, 2019, April 21). In other words, the agro-industrial presence of the crop allowed the socioeconomic conditions of the population of Mapiripán to have changed radically, since it contributes 80% to the economy of the municipality, showing work alternatives and improvement in their quality of life (Agronegocios, 6 de agosto). In this regard, the various testimonies of residents of Mapiripán highlight the changes that have occurred: A new era of legality began to be lived, illicit crops were left behind and today, more than 80% of the Mapiripán workforce is employed by Poligrow in sowing, harvesting and production of palm oil, with more than 650 work places. This is stated by Luis Ángel Rivera, an operator in harvesting and harvesting palm fruit, 'before, what for no one is a secret, we worked with illegal crops and that was the entrance of the municipality, comes eradication by the State and then Poligrow arrives, whose project brought an extreme change, a leafy tree that provides shade, opportunities, employment. The teacher María Isabel Mendivelso, states that: 'An indicator of progress is that today more children and young people attend schools permanently, so do those of the Jiw and Sikuani indigenous communities, who previously remained in the streets. This as a result of new employment conditions and stability of their parents, added to the disappearance of the conflict and a new culture of legality. The family recovered and with it the education of Mapiripán '. (Diario de Occidente, 2019, April 21). On the other hand, given the need for investors to generate a business that offers economic profitability, processes of rapprochement and conciliation with the community have been initiated to identify the expectations and needs of the population, strategically seeking to avoid judicial and administrative demands, caused by social or environmental conflicts. Although there was a flaw in the prior consultation processes to design socialize with the participation of all the actors, the communication processes have been gradually strengthened among the different actors (Rodríguez González, I. 2014). For Jersson Espinosa, coordinator of the House of Culture of the municipality, Mapiripán lives a change reflected in the living conditions of its people. 'Today the houses are made of material, brick, cement, paint, which would be normal in another city, in the past they were of barter and that is a reflection of the income and generation of employment in the population. Mapiripán has emerged from darkness to light '. Literally, as Espinosa states, which is the second largest municipality in the department of Meta and one of the 20 with the greatest agro-industrial potential

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due to its extension in Colombia, it went from darkness to light. (Diario de Occidente, 2019, April 21).

Before 2011, Mapiripenses had less than 8 hours of electricity per day. As a result of an alliance made by Poligrow, the Ministry of Mines and Energy with the support of the Governorate of Meta creates the Mapiripán - Electrimapiri electrification plant, allowing the supply of electricity to the population 24 hours a day. 'The commitment made by this multinational for Mapiripán has contributed to improving the environments, the revival of trade, and the beginning of the arrival of tourists. Having 24 hours of energy has transformed the daily dynamics of everyone's life, 'says Ricardo Jara, technical director of Electrimapiri. (Diario de Occidente, 2019, April 21).

With the palm came peace, employment and electricity, at a time when new investment is coming, streets are starting to pave, new commercial premises are opened and more home construction and hotels have expanded the number of rooms, as in the case of La Posada de Lucy, which went from four to 16 in recent years, says its owner, Lucy Miranda de Carrero. (Diario de Occidente, 2019, April 21). At the local level, Poligrow has managed to form an alliance with the Mapiripán City Hall, receiving loans of 55.3 million Colombian pesos (COP), to develop road improvement works. At the same time, on the other hand, the Poligrow Foundation together with Electrimapiri, promotes the project “Self-supply of energy from vegetable oil in the Municipality of Mapiripán”, financed by the Inter-American Development Bank and some German and Korean cooperation agencies. (Finzi, 2017, p40). Even during a ceremony commemorating the 20 years of the Mapiripán massacre, Meta, Mónica Espinosa Valencia, delegate of the departmental committee of victims of that municipality, thanked that: "We have the support of a private company called Poligrow that has allowed Mapiripán to move forward." "This is a company that trusted us as a municipality, as residents and that, directly or indirectly, is the one that sustains the economy of our municipality and that has acted as State with us, the victims," he added. (Economy today, 2017, July 20). One of the entities that has visited frequently this area is the Center of Studies of the Orinoquía (CEO) of the University, appreciating the impact that the development of agro-industrial initiatives in previously qualified lands as not fertile for the agricultural sector has had on the population of Mapiripán. The CEO, Carlos Montenegro, said that "we had a great interest in analyzing how a foreign company could generate a transformation there and appreciate how its inhabitants received it." It was thus that the entity discovered in several visits as with the impact of the cultivation of oil palm “a transformation was understood on how the villagers should do it and assume this productive activity. They worried about strengthening their community and protecting the environment,” added Montenegro. (Agronegocios, 6 de agosto).

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However, despite the benefits described, there has been a transformation in land tenure as a consequence of the fact that the implementation of this business model requires the use and, failing that, the purchase of large areas of land, increasing the problem of the concentration of land and means of production. Finally, there is a conditioning of sovereignty as a result of the implementation of a development model that despite generating more benefits than problems, is imposed without consulting with the population its implementation. (Ciro Rodríguez Estefanía, 2018). Certainly, Poligrow has managed to build a dense network of multidimensional strategic alliances that have allowed it to legitimize the project at both local, national and international level. Proof of this, since Expo Milano 2015, Poligrow rubbed its institutional links in both Italy and Colombia. Indeed, during the official visit to Colombia of the Italian Prime Minister, Matteo Renzi, Carlo Vigna Taglianti acknowledges having participated in a private meeting with Juan Manuel Santos President (Comisión Intereclesial Justicia y Paz, 2016a), which testifies to the highest level of insertion in the institutional circuits of the General Director of the Poligrow company. (Finzi, 2017, p40-41). On the other hand, from the point of view of the logic of accumulation, the analysis of Svampa (2012) in relation to the new “Consensus of commodities”, indicates that new conditions are being created to strengthen forms of dispossession and expropiation, generating new forms of dependence and domination. In this regard, Machado (2012) states that “new” territories are produced, intervened by the action of capital investment and functionally configured to meet the requirements of capital, that is, to be “converted” into efficient, productive profitable and competitive territories. According to Machado (2012), his action also shapes the bodies, altering them based on the demands of capital, regarding their penetration through investment in a given context (Finzi, 2017, p27), According to the previous researcher:

There is a risk that the “corporate social responsibility” of the corporations that operate the mega extractive enterprises will colonize even the most intimate aspects of community life; they invade the daily life and create a structured imaginary from the centrality of said exploitation. (Finzi, 2017, p30).

Thus, by 2019, agroindustrial extractivism as a mode of local development management in Mapiripán (Meta) municipality, showed positive effects due to the revitalization of the economy. On the one hand, it is mainly generated by the hiring of personnel directly with the private sector, having as main effect the liquidity of cash from the residents of the municipality, which additionally involves the generation of other sources of income attached to the cultivation of Palm, which has improved unemployment and underemployment indicators. The above is manifested in the formalization of employment with work benefits. (Calderón Uribe L, 2018). Poligrow as a containment alternative to the current 'threat' of returning to illicit crops:

With the creation of the Comprehensive National Program for the Substitution of Crops for Illicit Use (PNIS), as a result of the peace agreement between the government and the Farc,

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the farmers saw the opportunity to replace coca with some other legal work and not represent them problems with armed groups that control this business. (Semana Rural, 2019);

The Immediate Action Plan was reflected in written commitments that have several short-term components and with a final horizon of two years. The first component of support to families with monthly or bi-monthly payments for a total of $ 12 million in the first year, plus $ 1.8 million for bread-take projects and two productive projects, short and long term, worth $ 19 million and also $ 3.8 million / family for technical assistance. To this package of $ 36 million / family are added other contributions of urgent social welfare to the elderly, infants, health care and education, support for employment of employees and credits or resources for associative projects, infrastructure plans Fast execution, sustainability and environmental protection. The total can be estimated at $ 60 million family pesos in the first year, without including the formalization or access to land in a progressive manner and the beginning of the set of territorial plans provided for in the Final Agreement and in public social investment policies. This means that only the PAI, understood as the initial fee for the Comprehensive Replacement Programs, would have a value of $ 24 billion pesos if it was intended to serve the 100,000 families that are covered by the agreements already signed and another 100,000 that are asking to be included. (González, 2017, p4).

According to figures from the National Integral Program for the Replacement of Illicit Crops (PNIS, 2018), 700 families are linked in Mapiripán, who reported 846 hectares of coca. The murder of the leader María Magdalena Cruz Rojas is reported in Mapiripán and the displacement of 6 families linked to the PNIS, due to pressure from the FARC Dissidents. Clearly, the breach of the agreement not only has implications for the trust and credibility of the institutions, but also generates a high risk of reseeding and the possible increase in the hectares of coca. (FIP, 2018, p34. Sample of the high risks of recultivation is the increase in hectares of coca; while in 2016 the number of hectares cultivated reached 146,000, in 2017 it reached the historical figure of 209,000, representing an increase of about 43%, according to calculations by the Office of National Policy for Drug Control of the White House (El Espectador, 2018), so productive substitution projects are staying on paper and how they lead to serious frustration. Delays in subsidy payments for those who stopped cultivating, security threats against substitution verifiers and technical difficulties to start productive projects are obstacles to this process. Unfortunately, the distance between demand is growing for the implementation of voluntary agreements and the capacity or speed of response that the government has shown (González, 2017, p4).

CONCLUSIONS Coca colonization, understood as a phenomenon of a mobile and temporary nature, typical of the extractivist bonanzas, promoted a process of local development in geographically isolated areas, where government agencies had minimal participation. In this way,

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the passing extractivism of the cocaine bonanza left behind a permanent population that is adrift due to the lack of substitution options that approach the profitability of the cocaine economy. Given the difficulties and challenges for the viability of crop substitution programs for illicit use, agroindustrial investment in isolated areas and without infrastructure, has tested in the case of Mapiripán a local development model based on private investment, which has developed social management and infrastructure projects. Thus, in these areas of agricultural frontier, one moves from one extractivism to another, where the legality gives support and sustainability over time to the new agro-industrial products, although these undermine the productive diversification and political autonomy of the municipality. In this case, the relations and cooperation for the management of local development between private companies, government agencies and communities, has a strong dependence on the actor - business agent, who, therefore, defines the way forward. Thus, the reading of the local reality in Mapiripán reflects the realization of the Neoliberal Local Development strategy, as Cárdenas points out, under the central concept of competitiveness it is proposed to push local cities to the global market to compete for investments, capitals and technology that allows them to create sources of work for their inhabitants and worry about the training of their human resources, as well as, to enhance certain qualities that make them attractive in the eyes of potential investors. (Cárdenas, 2002, p59-60). Regarding this point, Pozzo (2002, p6) points out that one of the main axes of problems to be solved in this context for the management of local development are those related to the need to increase the technical and management capacity of municipal governments. This is why a profound change is fundamental that has to do with the logic of the action of its agents, and in which transparency, efficiency and opportunity must be fundamental pillars of a new way of managing at the local level.

REFERENCES

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6. CONPES. (2007). Documento Conpes 3477, estrategia para el desarrollo competitivo del sector palmero colombiano. Departamento Nacional de Planeación. Consejo Nacional de Política Económica y Social. 7. CONPES. (2008). Documento Conpes 3510, lineamientos de política para promover la producción sostenible de biocombustibles en Colombia. Departamento Nacional de Planeación. Consejo Nacional de Política Económica y Social. 8. Contagio Radio. (2015, 28 de octubre). Poligrow, Expo Milán y elecciones en Mapiripán. https://www.contagioradio.com/poligrow-expo-milan-y-elecciones-en- mapiripan/ 9. Darío Indalecio Restrepo Botero y Camilo Andrés Peña Galeano, «Territorios en disputa: Tensiones entre «extractivismo», derechos étnicos, gobiernos locales y medio ambiente en Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador y Perú », International Development Policy | Revue internationale de politique de développement [En línea], 9 | 2017, Publicado el 09 febrero 2018, consultado el 08 mayo 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/poldev/2508 ; DOI : 10.4000/poldev.2508 10. Diario de Occidente. (2019, 21 de abril). Mapiripán, el renacer de la esperanza. https://occidente.co/nacionales/mapiripan-el-renacer-de-la-esperanza/ 11. Diario El Tiempo Sección Economía y Negocios 5 de enero de 2018. 12. Economía hoy. (2017, 20 de julio). Víctimas de Mapiripán destacan aporte socioeconómico de ítalo española Poligrow. consultado el 08 mayo 2019. https://www.economiahoy.mx/noticias/noticias/8511439/07/17/Victimas-de- Mapiripan-destacan-aporte-socioeconomico-de-italo-espanola-Poligrow.html 13. El Espectador. (2018, 17 de agosto). Sustitución voluntaria de cultivos de uso ilícito, en veremos. https://www.elespectador.com/colombia2020/pais/sustitucion- voluntaria-de-cultivos-de-uso-ilicito-en-veremos-articulo-857033 14. El Tiempo. (2018, 5 de enero). Poligrow invertirá US$ 18 millones en planta extractora. consultado el 08 mayo 2019. https://www.eltiempo.com/economia/empresas/poligrow-invertira-us-18-millones- en-planta-extractora-en-el-meta-168420 15. Finzi, Giacomo. (2017). El caso de Poligrow en Mapiripán, Meta: entre acaparamiento (ilegal) de tierras y capitalismo verde. Reporte de caso. Ciencia Política, 12.24 (2017): 21-50. 16. FIP. (2018) ¿En qué va la sustitución de cultivos ilícitos? La implementación, los rezagos y las tareas pendientes. Fundación Ideas para la Paz -FIP-. Bogotá, enero - marzo 2018. http://ideaspaz.org/media/website/FIP_sustitucion_final.pdf 17. García, et al. (2003). PROPUESTA PARA LA SUSTITUCIÓN DE CULTIVOS ILÍCITOS MEDIANTE MODELOS AGROFORESTALES. XII congreso forestal mundial. Québec City, Canada. http://www.fao.org/3/xii/0587-b5.htm 18. González Posso, Camilo. (2017). Balance de un año de implementación de la política de sustitución de cultivos de coca. http://www.indepaz.org.co/balancede-un- ano-de-implementacion-de-la-politica-de-sustitucion-de-cultivos-de-coca/ 19. Gutiérrez Lemus, Omar. (2005). Análisis de la economía política de la coca en el departamento del Meta 1982 – 2004. Estudio financiado por la Agencia Sueca de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo, ASDI. 20. Héctor Alimonda. (2015). Provocaciones sobre el tema “Extractivismo y Desarrollo”. Polis [En línea], 41 | 2015, Publicado el 19 septiembre 2015, consultado el 09 mayo 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/polis/10925

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21. MAPIRIPÁN. (2000). Esquema de Ordenamiento Territorial, alcalde Conrado Salazar Cardona. 22. Montenegro Perini, Gabriel. (2013). Agroindustria y conflicto armado en el meta: palma de aceite en el municipio de Mapiripán (1997-2013). Trabajo de grado. Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, facultad de ciencias políticas y relaciones internacionales, carrera de ciencia política. Bogotá D.C. 23. Montenegro Perini, Gabriel. (2013). Agroindustria y conflicto armado en el meta: palma de aceite en el municipio de Mapiripán (1997-2013). Trabajo de grado. Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, facultad de ciencias políticas y relaciones internacionales, carrera de ciencia política. Bogotá D.C. 24. PNIS. (2018, 31 de septiembre). Programa Nacional Integral para la Sustitución de Cultivos Ilícitos – PNIS, estado de avance. http://www.camara.gov.co/sites/default/files/2018- 10/Anexo%202.%20DIRECCI%C3%93N%20PARA%20LA%20SUSTITUCI%C3 %93N%20DE%20CULTIVOS%20ILICITOS.PROPOSICI%C3%93N%20072%20 -%202018_0.pdf 25. Pozzo Ardizzi, Lucas. (2002). Los nuevos desafíos para la gestión del desarrollo local. Millcayac, Anuario de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, año 1, número 1, 2002, Mendoza, Argentina. 26. Rodríguez González, I. (2014). Despojo, baldíos y conflicto armado en Puerto Gaitán y Mapiripán (Meta, Colombia) entre 1980 y 2010. 27. Rojas Bustos, Juan (2017) Transformaciones ambientales generadas por la expansión del cultivo de palma de aceite (Elaeis guineensis) en el departamento del Meta. UNAL. 28. Semana rural. (2019, 25 de enero). La sustitución va lenta en uno de los municipios donde más se sembró coca. https://semanarural.com/web/articulo/sustitucion-coca- pnis-meta-parques-nacionales/795 29. UNODC, FIP. (2018) ¿Quiénes son las familias que viven en las zonas con cultivos de coca? Caracterización de las familias beneficiarias del Programa Nacional Integral de Sustitución de Cultivos Ilícitos (PNIS).

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