Implications for NATO, the EU, and Russia
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European Perspectives
APRIL 2020, VOLUME 11, NUMBER 1 (19) EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVES INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL ON EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVES EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVES International Scientific Journal on European Perspectives EDITOR: Milan Jazbec ASSISTANT EDITOR: Nataša Šuštar B. EDITORIAL BOARD Matej Accetto (Católica Global School of Law, Portugal) • Dennis Blease (University of Cranfield, UK• Vlatko Cvrtila (University of Zagreb, Croatia) • Vladimir Prebilič (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia) • Albert Rakipi (Albanian Institute for International Studies, Albania) • Erwin Schmidl (University of Vienna, Austria) • Vasilka Sancin (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia) • Uroš Svete (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia) • Katja Zajc Kejžar (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia) • Jernej Zupančič (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia) • Mitja Žagar (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Slovenia) • Jelica Štefanović Štambuk (University of Belgrade, Serbia) EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Murat Bilhan (Istanbul Kultur University, Turkey) • Erhard Busek (Institute for the Danube Region and Central Europe, Austria) • Mustafa Cerić (University of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina) • Victor Jackovich (Jackovich International, USA) • Jacques Rupnik (Centre for International Studies and Research, France) • Goran Svila- nović (RCC, Bosnia and Herzegovina) • Savo Kentera (Centre for International Relations, Montenegro) EDITORIAL OFFICE ADDRESS European Perspectives is a peer-reviewed international scientific journal, published twice a year (in April and October) by International Institute for Middle -
Lawrencían Chronicle 2015
LawrencíanDepartment of Slavic Chronicle Languages and Literatures 2015 The University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas Editor: Ani Kokobobo Vol. XXVI Layout: Pam LeRow www.ku.edu/~slavic/ Fall, 2015 An Interview with Oleksandra Wallo by Ani Kokobobo Tell us a bit about yourself. When did you come to the U.S.? What are some of your academic and teach- ing interests? I was born and grew up in L’viv—a city in Western Ukraine that played a major role in the Ukrainian cultural revival in the late Soviet era and eventually in the move- ment for Ukraine’s independence from the Soviet Union. In those early years of independence, I participated in a student exchange program called FLEX (Future Leaders Exchange Program) sponsored by the US State Depart- ment in an effort to build better relationships with the former Soviet republics. This program brought me to the United States for the first time: for ten months I lived with an American host family and studied at a public high school. In many ways, this program determined book project based on my dissertation. I also hope to my future path in life—upon my return to L’viv, I chose have a chance to teach a course on contemporary Slavic to major in English and English-Ukrainian translation at women’s writing sometime in the future. the university, and in the early 2000s I decided to return Besides literature, I also have strong research and to the United States for graduate work in languages and teaching interests in second language studies and Slavic literature. -
Worlds Apart: Bosnian Lessons for Global Security
Worlds Apart Swanee Hunt Worlds Apart Bosnian Lessons for GLoBaL security Duke university Press Durham anD LonDon 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Designed by C. H. Westmoreland Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. To my partners c harLes ansBacher: “Of course you can.” and VaLerie GiLLen: “Of course we can.” and Mirsad JaceVic: “Of course you must.” Contents Author’s Note xi Map of Yugoslavia xii Prologue xiii Acknowledgments xix Context xxi Part i: War Section 1: Officialdom 3 1. insiDe: “Esteemed Mr. Carrington” 3 2. outsiDe: A Convenient Euphemism 4 3. insiDe: Angels and Animals 8 4. outsiDe: Carter and Conscience 10 5. insiDe: “If I Left, Everyone Would Flee” 12 6. outsiDe: None of Our Business 15 7. insiDe: Silajdžić 17 8. outsiDe: Unintended Consequences 18 9. insiDe: The Bread Factory 19 10. outsiDe: Elegant Tables 21 Section 2: Victims or Agents? 24 11. insiDe: The Unspeakable 24 12. outsiDe: The Politics of Rape 26 13. insiDe: An Unlikely Soldier 28 14. outsiDe: Happy Fourth of July 30 15. insiDe: Women on the Side 33 16. outsiDe: Contact Sport 35 Section 3: Deadly Stereotypes 37 17. insiDe: An Artificial War 37 18. outsiDe: Clashes 38 19. insiDe: Crossing the Fault Line 39 20. outsiDe: “The Truth about Goražde” 41 21. insiDe: Loyal 43 22. outsiDe: Pentagon Sympathies 46 23. insiDe: Family Friends 48 24. outsiDe: Extremists 50 Section 4: Fissures and Connections 55 25. -
Commentary European Army
Commentary European army: a problematic dream? *This Commentary is written by Elisa Telesca and Sergio Caliva Rue de la Science 14, 1040 Brussels [email protected] + 32 02 588 00 14 European army: a problematic dream? Outline Historical background ....................................................................................................................... 2 The Pleven Plan and the European Defense Community ........................................................................ 2 Renewed efforts towards cooperation in European defence .................................................................... 2 Current debates ................................................................................................................................. 3 Juncker’s statements in 2015 ...................................................................................................................... 3 Macron vs. Trump ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Merkel as gamechanger ............................................................................................................................... 4 Parallel EU military initiatives: EI2 and PESCO ........................................................................... 5 Advantages and disadvantages of a European army ..................................................................... 6 Cons, obstacles and criticism of military integration: is a European army a needed -
HQ Eurocorps
26th Feb. 2015 Brussels Subcommittee on Security and Defence Lieutenant-general BUCHSENSCHMIDT Commander Eurocorps EUROCORPS, a tool for the European Union, NATO and UN Use it or lose it ! 1 EUROCORPS is an Army Corps Headquarters: Similar to its sister HRF HQs but also Unique in its kind Has reached a turning point in its existence. 2 CENTRAL LOCATION WITHIN HRF COMMUNITY 3 RAPIDLY DEPLOYABLE OPERATIONAL NRF 7 NRF 15 A UNIQUE STATUS 1992, La Rochelle : a political will Directly subordinated to CHODs and POL DIR 2009, Treaty of Strasbourg : Financial and legal autonomy A UNIQUE SUBORDINATION Common Committee (CoCo) Auditing Air Committee Eurocorps Committee Committee (AUDITCOM) (ECC) (ACEC) Naval Budget & Coordination Financial Info Info Board Committee (NCB) (BFC) ANs ANs Security Info Committee ANs Expert Groups (ECSC) HQ EC ECSAB Resources Board EC HQ Board A UNIQUE GEOGRAPHICAL SITUATION European Parliament A European capital Council of Europe European Court of Human Rights Strasbourg Higher education center National School of Administration (ENA) University of Strasbourg Institute of Political Studies (IEP) Council of Europe 8 Force structure Total Eurocorps: Permanent XXX +/- 1100 HQ 400 X MN 700 MNCS MN II I I HQSPT Signal CIS MN DEU MN X DEU/FRA FGB Other TCN 5 000 Privileged Force generated Capabilities 9 A UNIQUE MULTINATIONAL STRUCTURE 5 6 Framework Nations Germany Belgium France Luxembourg Spain • Mastered multinationality • Responsibility and burden sharing • Lower cost for each nation 3 Associated Nations AN ENHANCED MULTINATIONALITY -
Death of an Institution: the End for Western European Union, a Future
DEATH OF AN INSTITUTION The end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? EGMONT PAPER 46 DEATH OF AN INSTITUTION The end for Western European Union, a future for European defence? ALYSON JK BAILES AND GRAHAM MESSERVY-WHITING May 2011 The Egmont Papers are published by Academia Press for Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an independent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision- making process. *** President: Viscount Etienne DAVIGNON Director-General: Marc TRENTESEAU Series Editor: Prof. Dr. Sven BISCOP *** Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations Address Naamsestraat / Rue de Namur 69, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Phone 00-32-(0)2.223.41.14 Fax 00-32-(0)2.223.41.16 E-mail [email protected] Website: www.egmontinstitute.be © Academia Press Eekhout 2 9000 Gent Tel. 09/233 80 88 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.academiapress.be J. Story-Scientia NV Wetenschappelijke Boekhandel Sint-Kwintensberg 87 B-9000 Gent Tel. 09/225 57 57 Fax 09/233 14 09 [email protected] www.story.be All authors write in a personal capacity. Lay-out: proxess.be ISBN 978 90 382 1785 7 D/2011/4804/136 U 1612 NUR1 754 All rights reserved. -
The European Army and the PESCO: NATO Or Nothing Visit Web Receive Newsletter
Opinion Paper 97/2019 28 October 2019 Edgar Jiménez García* The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing Visit Web Receive Newsletter The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing Abstract: The long-lasting question of the European Union’s integration in security and defence is reappearing now due to the multiple external threats and internal tensions that the Union is facing. On this context, the recent creation of PESCO has been a significant effort at providing the EU with the strategic autonomy it needs to tackle these challenges. The implementation of the cooperative PESCO framework, along with the already functioning EU Battlegroups, might set the basis for another long-lasting project: the European Army. However, any endeavour towards the creation of this hypothetical army must be carefully framed because of its geopolitical consequences. Its foundation, while theoretically possible, might not be convenient due to the potential conflicts that may arise with NATO and with the United States of America. Keywords: Common Foreign and Security Policy, European Army, EU Battlegroups, European Union, NATO, PESCO, strategic autonomy, USA. How to quote: JIMÉNEZ GARCÍA, Edgar. The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing. Documento de Opinión IEEE 97/2019. enlace web IEEE y/o enlace bie3 (consultado día/mes/año) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Opinion Papers shall be responsibility of their authors, without necessarily reflecting the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense . Opinion Paper 97/2019 1 The European Army and the PESCO: NATO or nothing Edgar Jiménez García Introduction: Does the European Union need an army? The European Union has constituted itself as an international player with global interests1, excelling in the fields of economy, trade and cooperation, yet, it has always shown weakness when facing menaces concerning its own security and defense. -
The European Union Challenge As an Actor in Crisis and Conflict Management
AIR & SPACE POWER JOURNAL en Español 4th Trimester 2018 The European Union Challenge as an Actor in Crisis and Conflict Management MAJOR MANUEL LOPEZ-LAGO, SPANISH AIR FORCE fter an apparently easy victory in the Afghan war by American troops in October 2001, Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) had reached a crossroad by the time Obama en- tered office. In his campaign for the presidency during 2008, he had claimed that Ame- rican Armed Forces were losing the war in Afghanistan. Regretfully, the International ASecurity Assistance Force in Afghanistan (ISAF) mission, led by NATO, had failed to fulfill the political goal of stabilizing the country, “the graveyard of the empires,” and the European Union (EU) itself did not actively fight. To make things worse, NATO troops had to work within a lot of caveats, which kept them from implementing many military operations. Consequently, nations less burdened with caveats like theUnited States, the United Kingdom and Australia, had to take most of the burden of the military operations. On December 1, 2009, President Barack Obama announced in a national televised address at the Military Academy in West Point that he was ordering a surge of 30,000 troops in Afghanistan. Despite Obama’s decision, the process to approve the surge required a great deal of “pulling and hauling” by the major actors who had access to and influence on the president.1 Consequently, the plan for the surge included a date of withdrawal, which gave a clear message to military com- manders that the time to achieve political ends had a deadline. -
(Pesco) AS a STEP TOWARDS the EUROPEAN DEFENSE UNION
THE PERMANENT STRUCTURED COOPERATION INITIATIVE (PeSCo) AS A STEP TOWARDS THE EUROPEAN DEFENSE UNION Boštjan Peternelj Independent consultant on defence matters [email protected] Petar Kurečić University North, Department of Journalism, Koprivnica, Trg Žarka Dolinara 1, Croatia [email protected] Goran Kozina University North, Department of Business Economics, Varaždin, Trg 104. brigade 3, Croatia [email protected] ABSTRACT More than six and a half decades after the Pleven Plan, which aimed to create the European Defense Community (EDU), the EU member states still need to formulate and elaborate a bold vision for the EU’s defense integration consistent with current concerns about the security environment and austerity. Political talk about the “EU army” is a double-edged sword. There is no unifying vision for a leap towards a greater EU role in security and defense. The political debate flared up among by EU member states when the topic is the development of military programme under the EU security community. Security changes and challenges for the European security could force states to rethink about restructuring of national armies that might be transformed and interrelated into European army and put under the unified EU’s command. Out of 28 EU member states, with one supposed to leave the EU rather soon (the United Kingdom), 23 member states have signed the Permanent Structured Cooperation Agreement (PeSCo), thereby fulfilling the respective provisions of the Lisbon Treaty. PeSCo might be the right step in that direction. Keywords: The European Union (the EU), Permanent Structured Cooperation (PeSCo), the European Defense Union (EDU), NATO, Russian Federation. -
Position of the Hungarian Government and of the Hungarian Parties in the EP on Symbolic European Issues
Position of the Hungarian Government and of the Hungarian parties in the EP on symbolic European issues 2 Executive Summary The purpose of this joint study of VoteWatch and Policy Solutions is to examine the voting patterns of Hungarian Members of the European Parliament in order to figure out whether Hungarian political parties have the same positions on key issues in both Brussels and Budapest. For this reason, we explored how Hungarian MEPs voted in the European Parliament using VoteWatch.eu and compared it to their respective national party’s position by using Policy Solutions. On the website Képviselőfigyelő you can check the votes by the Members of the Hungarian Parliament as well as the speeches delivered by leaders of the Hungarian parties in question. We narrowed down our scope of analysis to a number of symbolic and politically relevant topics, which included foreign policy, the refugee crisis, as well as the rule of law and human rights. Not only does this methodology allow us to explore various voting patterns, but also to observe if these patterns are valid indicators of certain descriptions of Hungarian political parties or not. With respect to Hungary’s governing Fidesz, in the majority of cases its MEPs voted in line with the European People’s Party. However, by doing so, in some cases this led to discrepancies with Fidesz’s official position in Hungary. Interesting cases included Russia, in which despite the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán urged to end the sanctions regime, Fidesz MEPs endorsed a tougher European stance against Putin. Similarly, while government officials have continuously expressed their support for Turkey’s accession, Fidesz MEPs voted for obstructing the country’s path to the EU. -
A European Army Within What Framework?
EUROPE, STRATEGY, SECURITY PROGRAMME A EUROPEAN ARMY WITHIN WHAT FRAMEWORK? (3/5) BY FRÉDÉRIC MAURO LAWYER AT THE PARIS AND BRUSSELS BARS, ASSOCIATE RESEARCHER AT IRIS & OLIVIER JEHIN INDEPENDENT JOURNALIST, CONTRIBUTOR TO THE BRUXELLES 2 (B2) BLOG APRIL 2019 Series of five insights published by IRIS and GRIP on the concept of European army. ANALYS IS #3 ANALYSIS #3 –EUROPE, STRATEGY, SECURITY PROGRAMME / April 2019 s envisaged in the Treaty on European Union (TEU), European defence is afflicted by many limitations that are designed to ensure that it cannot encroach on the collective defence set in place within the NATO framework A and that it remains in the inter-governmental domain, so as to preserve the decision-making powers of the member states. The chief limitations are: the fact that this European defence, the “common security and defence policy” (CSDP), is subordinate to foreign policy, the “common foreign and security policy” (CFSP); the fact that there is no institution able to take on the front-of-house role, such as a High Representative for Defence; the fact that its scope is limited to the management of external crises by means of the military missions and operations set out in advance by the Treaty; the unanimity rule and the fact that military operations cannot be paid for out of the European budget. Given these conditions, the creation of a “European army” at the service of “common defence” would require treaty change or, if that should prove impossible, getting round this by means of separate agreements. Depending on what the state parties may want, we feel that there are three possible alternatives. -
Policy Briefs
Rethinking EU Crisis Management From Battlegroups to a European Legion? Niklas Nováky Summary June 2020 This paper discusses an idea to create a European Legion that has been put forward by Radoslaw Sikorski, MEP. This would be a new kind of EU military unit, made up of volunteers rather than national contingents contributed by the member states. The idea stems from Sikorski’s desire to reform the EU’s existing battlegroups, which have been operational for 15 years but have never been used, despite numerous opportunities. The paper argues that although the EU’s 2007 Lisbon Treaty imposes heavy restrictions on the Union’s ability to deploy military force, it does not rule out conducting operations with a volunteer force. At the same time, a volunteer-based European Legion force would have to be created initially by a group of member states outside the EU framework. These states could then make it available to the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy as, for example, a permanent battlegroup. An existing model would be the multinational Eurocorps. Keywords CSDP – Crisis management – Battlegroups – European Legion – European Council – Eurocorps 1 Introduction Since the EU’s Common (formerly European) Security and Defence Policy (ESDP/CSDP) became operational in 2003, the Union has launched a total of 13 military operations within its framework. Of these, eight have been executive in character, meaning that they were authorised to use force if this had been deemed necessary to fulfil their mandate. The most recent CSDP military operation is Operation IRINI in the Mediterranean, which the EU launched on 31 March 2020 to help enforce the UN’s arms embargo on Libya.