CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE I
Cultural Pathways for Sustained Peace Among the Tugen of Kisanana, Baringo County, Kenya
Marion Jebichii Kiprop
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies at the University of Manitoba in Partial
Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Department of Peace and Conflict Studies
University of Manitoba
Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada
Copyright © 2021 Marion J. Kiprop CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE II
Abstract
The study sought to explore and understand how the Tugen (a Nilotic sub-group of the
Kalenjin speaking groups of Kenya who practice both farming and livestock keeping), of
Kisanana, Kenya, sustain peace in day-to-day life. Specifically, the research aimed to answer the following research questions: (i) how do the integral elements of culture shape the community’s pathways towards sustained peace?; (ii) how does culture influence the community’s perceptions and experiences of conflict and the community’s response mechanisms to conflict?; and (iii) how does the fulfillment of community members’ basic needs and the needs for autonomy and bonding/belongingness lead to sustained peace? The study was conducted using ethnographic fieldwork techniques, including participant observation, individual and group interviews, and focus group discussions. The findings showed that ideological culture prevents conflicts over property and that culture influences how the group perceives and experiences conflict.
Additionally, conflicts that occur in families and in the community are mitigated within the community at the level in which they occur ranging from the family level, inter-clan level, and the communal level. The findings also showed that peace among the Tugen is achieved when community members’ basic needs (food, clothing, shelter) and psychological needs (autonomy and bonding / belonging) are met within the family and the community at large. This study adds to existing literature on culture and conflict, cultures of peace, Indigenous processes of peacemaking, and human needs and cultures’ orientation towards peacefulness.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE III
Dedication
To Kigen, Kayla, Ashley, and Ariana CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE IV
Acknowledgements
This work would not have been complete without the support, guidance, and counsel of my advisor, Dr. Javier Mignone, and my dissertation committee members, Drs. Stephanie Stobbe and Eliakim Sibanda. I owe them alot of gratitude. It would be impartial not to mention my previous dissertation advisor, Dr. Hamdesa Tuso, whose work inspired my choice of research focus in culture of conflict, and who remained supportive from the beginning of my PhD work to the end. I would also like to acknowledge the guidance of a previous committee member, Dr. Robert Phillips. I appreciate his constant support and encouragement. I also want to acknowledge and thank my external examiner Dr. Douglas Fry for the time he took to read and dissertation. Dr. Fry offered insightful comments regarding my research questions and the conclusions I was drawing. On the field, I was supported by Mzee Gilbert Bowen, Kogo Teriki Kap Ng’eny, the late Mzee Rengeleyo, and Mr. Billy Kipng’etich, his wife Edith, and their three children. Their support made this work possible. I appreciate their support immensely.
I would also like to mention my deep gratitude to the organizations and institutions that provided me with financial support to complete my PhD work. I would like to acknowledge the Cardinal Theodore E. McCarrick Peace and Conflict Studies Graduate Fellowship, the Rabbi Michael Melchior Peace and Conflict Studies Graduate Fellowship, the St. Paul's College Peace & Conflict Studies Award, and the International Graduate Student Scholarship from the University of Manitoba, and the P.E.O International Peace Scholarship.
I would also like to acknowledge the constant support and encouragement of my family. First, I owe deep gratitude to my father, Prof. James Tuitoek, who took the time to read my dissertation and offered insightful comments. I would also like to thank my mother, Daisy Tuitoek, for her insurmountable support and encouragement. I would also like to acknowledge by brothers Billy, Andy, and Ray, and my sister Jebas for being the ever supportive siblings. I also want to acknowledge the efforts of Dr. Karen Soiferman. Dr. Soiferman read my thesis several times and offered objective feedback on my work. I would also like to give a big thank you to my cousins Eva and Eric Birir and their two girls Renee and Chelsea, and to Kigen Birir; they have been my support system while in Winnipeg. A big thank you also goes to Dr. Martin Nyachoti, Gertrude Nyachoti, and their children Elvis, Eunice, and Emmanuel; they have also remained an important support system while here in Winnipeg.
Lastly, I would like to thank my friends who have offered support in various ways throughout the duration of my PhD studies. I would not have gotten to the end were it not for the support of the late Rosa Jimenez, Kevin Found, Scott Calder, Erin O’hara, Cory Oldford, Dr. Maureen Flaherty, Dr. Masha Kardashevskaya, Dr. Chigbo A. Anyaduba, and Dr. Obasesam Okoi. This work is a testament to the importance of the support I received from my community of friends.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE V
Table of Contents Title Page…………………………………………………………………………………………I Abstract ...... II Dedication ...... III Acknowledgements ...... IV List of Tables………………………………………………………………………………...….IX List of Figures………………………………………………………………………………...….X Chapter One: Introduction ...... 1 Initial Impressions of the Tugen Community ...... 2 Cultural Pathways (Values) for Peace……………………………………………………………………………..6 Tiliandi (Relationships) and the principle of reciprocity ...... 6 Konyit (Respect) ...... 11 Conflict and Conflict Response Mechanisms…………………………………………………………………….14 The Assurance of Fulfilled Human Needs ...... 18 Conceptual Background for Goal of Study and Research Questions………………………………….…………..21 Goal of Study……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 24 Research Questions………………………………………….……………………………………………………24 Relevance of Study ...... 25 Contributions of Present Study to Studies About the Tugen ...... 31 Significance of the Present Research to the Areas of Peace and Conflict Studies……………..……………….36 Organization of the Dissertation ...... 39 Chapter Two: Research Context...... 44 Study Site ...... 44 Geographic Landcape ...... 48 Roads and Transportation ...... 49 Kisanana Centre ...... 50 Situating the Study in the Kenyan Ethnic Landscape ...... 51 The People of Kisanana ...... 52 Settlement Patterns in Baringo, 1800s-1900s ...... 53 How the Tugen got to Kisanana ...... 56 The Settling of the Tugen in Kisanana ...... 58 Tugen Forms of Subsistence ...... 60 Cooptation into the National Economy ...... 63 The Impact of School-Based Education ...... 64 School Based Education, Informal and Formal Employment………………………………………………..64 Formal Education, Formal Employment, and Shifting Relations Within the Family………………………68 CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE VI
Tertiary Institution Saturation and Youth Unemployment…………………………………………………73 Chapter Three: Literature Review ...... 76 Definitions of Core Concepts ...... 77 Defining Culture……………………………………………………………………………………………..77 Definitions in Conflict Resolution Studies…………………………………………………………………...81 Defining Conflict, Conflict Settlement, Management, and Resolution ...... 81 Definitions in Peace and Conflict Studies…………………………………………………………………....89 Defining Peaceful Cultures………………………………………………………………………………….95 Review of Studies on Key Topics Relevant to the Dissertation…………………………………………………97 Culture and Conflict………………………………………………………………………………………….97 Comparative Studies………………………………………………………………………………….…97 Cultural Variance in Conflict Resolution Bases on Holistic Single Case Studies…………………..….106 Peaceful Cultures………………………………………………………………………………………………..122 On Human Nature and the Propensity for Peace…………………………………………………………....122 Peaceful Cultures: General Trends and Themes………………………………………………………….....127 Human Needs and Peace…………………………………………………………………………………...... 134 Chapter Four: Methodology ...... 144 Rationale for the Case Study Approach ...... 144 Rationale for Ethnographic Fieldwork Techniques ...... 147 Rationale for Qualitative Data Analysis ...... 149 My Role as Researcher / Positionality ...... 150 Research Timeline and Research Households ...... 153 Processes of Recruitment ...... 155 Procedures of Participant Observations, Focus groups, and Group and Individual Interviews ...... 157 Data Analysis ...... 163 Reporting Research Findings ...... 167 Ethical Considerations ...... 167 Chapter Five: The Ideological, Social, and Material Aspects of Tugen culture ...... 170 Ideological Culture within Tugen Society ...... 170 Tugen Traditional Mandate – Cultural Survival ...... 170 Tugen Views about Human Nature (Socialization in Tugen Society) ...... 172 Tugen Views about the Nature of the Universe ...... 181 Tugen Views about the Natural and Supernatural Worlds ...... 184 The Intersection of Ideological Culture and Livestock Resources ...... 187 The Ideological Mechanisms for Preventing Conflict over Material Resources ...... 190 Tugen Social Culture ...... 195 CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE VII
Tugen Clans, Ortinwek ap Tugen...... 195 Participant Clans…………………………………………………………………………………………198 Tugen Clans, Totems, and Clan Stories of Triumph and Resilience……………………………………199 Clan Intermarriage as an Opportunity for Building and Establishing Tiliandi (Relational Reciprocity)………………………………………………………………………………………………..201 Tugen Age-sets ...... 206 Age-sets, Age Differences, and Konyit (Respect) ………………………………………………………..211 Chapter Six: Tugen Experiences of Conflict and Tugen Conflict Response Mechanisms...... 215 Perceptions of Conflict Among the Tugen ...... 215 Porie (War) ...... 216 Kepirgei (To Fight)...... 220 Competition that Degenerated to Violence Between Members of Different Age-sets…………………...223 Kepirgei as Competitive Joking Instances………………………………………………………………..233 Competition as a Way of Identifying Exceptional Individuals………………………………………….. 238 The Misdeeds of Discrimination and Mistreatment...... 243 Discrimination and Mistreatment Blamed on Household Heads…………………………………….. ..246 Discrimination in the Home: Women as Moral Compasses………………………...………………….. 249 Discrimination and Mistreatment: Response Mechanisms……………..……………………………….. 250 Criss-crossing each other (disagreements) recorded in the community and the relevant response mechanisms ...... 259 Mediation in the home, arbitration and deliberations outside the home, and negotiations between families and clans…………………………………………………………………………………………………267
Chapter Seven: The Tugen Family, Social Cohesion, and Ceremonies of Social Inclusion . 272 The Character of the Tugen Family ...... 273 The Family and the Fulfillment of Basic Needs ...... 277 Tumwek, Festivities as Avenues for Social Inclusion and Sustaining Peace ...... 287 Marriage ...... 288 The Roles of Key Tilia, Relations in the Marriage Festival ...... 299 The Thanksgiving Ceremony and the Reassertion of Tiliandi (Reciprocal Relationships) ...... 300 The Chamgaa Thanksgiving Ceremony…………………………………………………………………301 Rituals as Vehicles for Strengthening Peaceful Bonds………………………………………………………...307 Chapter Eight: Discussion ...... 310 Essential Findings ...... 310 Important Deductions from Research Findings ...... 319 The Tugen, A Peaceful Culture ...... 332 CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE VIII
Strengths and Limitations of the Study ...... 342 Implications of the Study...... 346 Areas of Future Research and Exploration ...... 348 References…………………………………………..………………………………………….351 Appendices ...... 371 Appendix 1: Glossary of terms…………………………………………………………………………………..371 Appendix 2: Study participant profiles and occupations ...... 374 Appendix 3: Research legs, timeline, names of households and number of days spent in each household during the duration of research ...... 378 Appendix 4: Observation Protocol ...... 380 Appendix 5: Guiding Interview and Focus Group Questions ...... 381 Appendix 5A. Guiding Interview Questions - Adults ...... 381 Appendix 5B. Guiding Interview Questions – Children (7-17 years old) ...... 384 Appendix 5C. Guiding Focus Group Questions – Adults ...... 385
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE IX
List of Tables
Table 1: The population of ethnic groups in Kenya (2019 census)……………………………51 Table 2: Households, research schedule and activities, and number of participants………….162 Table 3: Tugen clans and sub clans represented in Kisanana………………………………….199 Table 4: Tugen male and female age-sets……...……………………………………………….207 Table 5: Tugen age-set, opening years, and approximate years of initiation………….……..209
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE X
List of Figures
Figure 1: A map showing the location of Kenya in Africa………………………………………45 Figure 2: The map of Kenya showing the location of Baringo County………………………….46 Figure 3: The map of Mogotio Constituency showing the Mogotio Constituency’s County Assembly Wards (CAW)………………………………………………………………...47 Figure 4: Movements in Baringo and the Nakuru corridor in the 1800s………………………...54 Figure 5: Kabon clan, sub-clans, and Kipyegen families………………………………………197
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 1
Chapter One: Introduction
This ethnographic case study was conducted among the Tugen of Kisanana, a sub- location of Baringo county, Kenya. I used a case study approach to conduct an examination of how this community maintains peace in day-to-day life. Specifically, the goal was to address the following questions: how the integral aspects of culture shape the group’s pathways toward peace; how culture influences the group’s perceptions of conflict and the group’s conflict response mechanisms; and how the fulfillment of basic needs and the needs for bonding (and belonging) and autonomy contributes to the securing of sustainable peace in this Tugen society.
I used ethnographic fieldwork techniques including participant observation, focus group discussions, and individual and group interviews. Participant observation entailed partaking in the daily life of residence in Kisanana with research participants in activities, including cooking, cleaning, herding livestock, going to the market, and participating in group ceremonies, festivities, and rituals such as weddings, graduation ceremonies, and ceremonies of thanksgiving.
Focus groups, individual and group interviews entailed asking groups and individuals questions based on semi-structured question protocols that aimed at understanding the culture of the Tugen community, deciphering the community’s general worldview, and exploring conflict and conflict response mechanisms in the community. Fieldwork research entailed interviewing 55 informants.
I utilized qualitative data analysis techniques including open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. From the answers gathered, I developed a narrative text with thick description for the final presentation of research findings.
On how the aspects of culture shape the group’s pathways toward peace, I found that spiritual beliefs in tengek (sin) and ng’ogi (curses) deters individuals from infringing on the property rights of others, thus preventing conflict in the community. Social culture also shapes CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 2 the pathways towards peace. Through the relational concepts of tiliandi (relational reciprocity) and konyit (respect), the community is able to ensure that there are avenues through which peace is built through clan and age-set social systems and processes.
In terms of how the community experiences conflict, I found that they classify it as porie, kepirgei, keus kei and kesas kei. When it comes to conflict arising from the need for territorial advancements and wealth acquisition, the Tugen speak of porie (war) with outsider groups.
There are also conflicts between age-sets over access to power and the privileges that come with power; these are conceptualized as kepirgei (fighting). There are also misdeeds (acts of wrongdoing) rendered against members of the community; these are conceptualized as kesas kei
(literally discrimination) and keus kei (mistreatment). Then there are disagreements referred to as kesir-sir gei (criss-crossing one another), meaning rubbing each other the wrong way or friction, which occurs amongst members of the community.
In terms of how this Tugen society functions to meet member’s basic needs and the needs for bonding and autonomy, I found that there are structural arrangements that allow for the fulfillment of these needs. The fulfillment of these needs in society leads to sustained peace amongst members of the community as members do not find the system failing them. The system, rather, supports individuals into fully functional members of the community by promoting their survival and overall wellbeing.
Initial Impressions of this Tugen Community
On the first day of arrival at one of the primary households that I resided in, I arrived at my host’s home to a warm welcome and a big feast that had been prepared for me. The children that I interacted with would later tell me how much they prepared for my arrival. They made sure the compound was clean by sweeping it to get rid of all the cow dung and they washed my CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 3 mosquito net, which they said was full of dust since it had never been washed. They slaughtered a goat for my arrival. From my personal observation, and according to 18 of the research participants, guests among the Tugen are to be welcomed with open arms as they are said to bring blessings. One indication of generosity is the slaughtering of a goat for guests visiting a home. It is frowned upon and viewed in negative light when a family fails to slaughter a goat for its guests. I was thus made to feel welcome and important by the family.
The family I was staying with heard that I was coming from Australia to conduct research. It is likely that the reason that community members kept referring to Canada as
Australia is that the few individuals from Kisanana who have traveled abroad for study have gone to Australia. Those who have gone to Australia have found a resident of Kisanana who has helped them settle in their new country of residence as students. This is one of my first impressions about Kisanana, that of helping phik ab kaa (people of home). Interviewees mentioned that phik ab kaa (people of home) who reside abroad either live together or in close proximity to each other. The common practice of helping each other was a thread that repeatedly came up during data analysis.
My warm welcome to Kisanana had nothing to do with my arrival from Canada though, it all had to do with the web of relations that I shared with my host family based on kinship, age- set1 ties, and friendship ties. In fact, the Tugen of Kisanana would not be open to welcoming guests from another country who have no ties, particularly those intending to conduct research. I was told of a story of a foreign man who engaged in deception in order to gain social and physical access to conduct research in a neighbouring village (Kiprop, 2018). There was a
European man who went to conduct research in a neighboring village and was, initially, sent
1 Age-sets are segregated groups of indivduals born at around the same time (within a span of 12 to 15 years) and most importantly, those who undergo the childhood to adulthood rite of passage together. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 4 away because the community does not generally welcome strangers let alone let them participate in communal activities. To gain social access the European researcher returned several months later asking to marry one of the village girls; the circumstances of their courtship remain unclear.
Following marriage, the European man was allowed to participate in communal activities and was given access to the social and cultural lives of communal members. Several months later, the researcher asked to travel to Europe to attend to some family matters. He left and was never heard from again (Kiprop, 2018). This story demonstrates the distrust that members of Kisanana have for outsiders and mostly foreigners who wish to conduct research with the community. An outsider will thus have a difficult time gaining access into the community.
The story also brings to fore two important ethical principles that have been suggested as requisite for conducting Indigenous research; the principles of respect and reciprocity (Wilson,
2008). Incidentally, the principles of respect and reciprocity are, also, of importance when building and maintaining relationships among the Tugen. According to Wilson (2008) respect is
“more than just saying please and thank you, and reciprocity is more than giving a gift” (p. 86).
In this case, respect is about opening oneself to the possibilities and probabilities of the data collection process, which is often unpredictable and prone to uncovering truths and knowledge that are different from one’s own. Reciprocity is about the willingness to engage with research participants in ways that will ensure that they receive some incentive in participating in research.
Often, an important incentive is the chance to participate and have a voice in the creation of knowledge regarding an aspect of their lives and in their own experiences (Given, 2008). The principles of respect and reciprocity became important cornerstones on which I ensured the ethical collection of data and how I handled this data, and how I related to research informants. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 5
While conducting research, I was viewed as an insider with kin, age-set, and friendship ties. I belong to the Kipsegecha sub-clan2 whose daughters go by the name Kimoi. The host family I am referring to belongs to the Kipyegen sub-clan3 whose daughters go by the name
Kabon. Their patriarch is a Kabon man. Their matriarch is from the Kipsegecha sub-clan going by the name of Kimoi. As a result, all the sons and their families looked at me as their mother, given the shared kin-related name amongst Kimoi daughters. They accorded me the same level of respect that they give to their matriarch. My step-grandmother belongs to the Kipyegen sub- clan. By virtue of belonging to the Kipyegen sub-clan, I viewed my host family as a granny family, that is Kap Kugo (house of granny). I was thus treated the same way that grandchildren are treated, with reverence4 and care. In the same token, I related with my hosts the same way that I relate to my grandparents, with respect and a with duty for care. Additionally, one of the sons in Kap Kugo is my father’s age-set mate. He thus saw me as his daughter and treated me as such, with a duty for care, and I gave him the same respect that I give to my father. There was also a friendship that had been established between my primary contact and the family that hosted me. This friendship went a long way in ensuring that I received a warm welcome to the home during my stay.
The Tugen of Kisanana are a people who pride themselves in what interviewees referred to as atepto nigararan (good behavior). This good behaviour (or goodness) is one based on the
2 Kispegecha is a sub-clan of the Kimoi clan.
3 Kipyegen is a sub-clan of the Kabon clan.
4 Grandchildren and grandparents are viewed with reverence in Tugen society given the meanings that derive from the status held by grandchildren and grandparents. Grandchildren are seen as the reincarnated spirits of their grandparents. Elders with grandchildren are seen as blessed since they are known to have led good lives that have ensured that they are reborn in their grandchildren. Should they die, the elders know that their spirits will live on in their grandchildren. Grandchildren therefore are held in the same regard as grandparents, as important figures in Tugen society who hold the same status, that of grandparens and the spirits of grandparents. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 6 establishment of networks of reciprocity and mutual caring that ensures that individuals are well cared for within their families and across the community. This good behavior is also one that manifests in piik chigororon (good people). A good person in Kisanana is one who is generous with their time and resources, that is they are willing to give of their time and resources to others.
Additionally, a good person is one who cares for their relatives and friends and is known to come to their aide during difficult times such as when they are ill. Goodness also manifests in people who are respectful to others and show this respect in their interactions by listening to others and giving others a chance to speak during conversations, and by adhering to the cultural rules of decorum that prevent individuals of different ages and genders from engaging in conversations that might be deemed indecent. These were my initial impressions of this Tugen community.
Cultural Pathways for Peace5
Tiliandi (Relationships) and the principle of reciprocity
One theme that emerged from talking with study participants and from personal observation was that of tiliandi. When talking about the ties that bind people together, whether kinship ties, age-set affiliation, or friendship ties, research informants talked about tiliandi, tilia or tiliet, translating to mean relationship and relation in Tugen language. The principle of reciprocity prompts the Tugen to engage in kind acts of service towards those with whom one shares a relationship based on either friendship, kinship, and/or age-set membership. The status of friendship is however held in high regard since individuals extend kind acts towards others not out of kinship and/or age-mate affiliated-obligations, but out of choice and the virtue of being a good person. Friendship is established when individuals, including those one might not be
5 What follows (tiliandi, konyit, conflict and conflict response mechanisms, and fulfilled human needs) is a narration of contextual information gathered from interviews and personal observations during fieldwork.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 7 related to, extend acts of kindness towards others which will be remembered during future interactions and will be reciprocated in the future. For my case, the primary contact who referred me to my host family had established a long-time tiliandi (friendship relationship) following the primary contact’s participation in the raising of funds for the purchase of hearing aids for a member of my host family. In this case, reciprocity formed part of the friendship. This is what prompted the high level of respect that was accorded to me; the level of respect that might not have been given to a relative and/or even an age-set mate, manifesting in the clearing of the compound and cleaning of the mosquito net. My treatment in the home based on the friendship relationship shared with my primary contact speaks to the reciprocal relationships held by the
Tugen of Kisanana. This reciprocity is instrumental in ensuring that individuals care for each other and rally towards each other during difficult times thus ensuring survival in an unpredictable world.
Tilia (relations) built on kinship, age-set membership, and most importantly friendship form the intricate web of relations that is the glue that holds Tugen society together. One individual by virtue of belonging to a family (and clan) and an age-set can be a father, a son, and a grandfather to one person. This arises from the layer upon layer of kindred relations emerging from marriage and age-set membership. Additionally, one can hold a relationship of reciprocity with another based on past acts of service toward that individual. In all these relationships, individuals are expected to reciprocate kind acts towards others and are expected to rally around one another during difficult times since it is believed that it is inevitable that individuals will need assistance in the future.
The Tugen espouse values of generosity, with their time and their resources, and care when it comes to how they relate with each other. With their time, the residents of Kisanana CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 8 willingly give when they visit with each other in their homes and when they meet each other while running their daily errands (e.g., when they go to the market). The people of Kisanana are never in a hurry and will always spend time to am emooo (to share with each other news of how one and one’s kin are doing). News about how one and one’s kin are doing is shared with the intent of knowing so that necessary measures are taken to care for someone who might be in need of help.
The Tugen care for each other by being generous with their resources in the support of members of the community during times of crisis and need. This is made evident when the community gathers to help out a family in times of need such as in helping them raise funds to pay for their medical bills, to pay school fees for their children, to pay for marriage ceremonies, and to cover funeral expenses. Their individual survival and the survival of the cultural root, silangwe6 (meaning genetic survival) is dependent on the survival of family and communal members through the caring and protection of each other.
The generosity and care that is seen among the people of Kisanana is extended to individuals once tiliandi (a relationship of reciprocity) has been established in greetings.
Greetings amongst members of Kisanana are extended and are always aimed at determining the kind of relationship the individuals who are interacting share. Greetings among the Tugen of
Kisanana often entail the tracing of each other’s tilia (set of relations), including their house of origin, that is their father’s clan and their mother’s clan. When people meet for the first time, they always ask about each other’s house of origin by asking Ibo kap ng’o? (whose house do you belong to?). If their house of origin is known then no further questions are asked since from the
6 Silangwe in Tugen language comes from the word root as in the roots of a tree. A deeper meaning is transplanted to genealogy to refer to genetic genealogy and thus the reference to genetic root. In terms of cultural survival, the Tugen refer to the continuance of silangwe to mean genetic preservation of a family, and by extension, a clan and the community at large. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 9 house of origin, one can decipher the clan one belongs to if they know the house of origin well enough. If one does not know the house one speaks of, they will ask about their clan. The Tugen go beyond greetings and first names. They ask many questions to establish the relations to know the person in great detail.
Here is an example of an introductory conversation that ensued between a 50-60-year-old male informant and I:
P: Maanai lakwani, ng’o lakwani?
I have not known this child, who is this child?
MK: A Jebichii7
I am Jebichii.
P: Jebichii nibo kap ng’o?
Jebichii of whose house?
MK: Nibo Kap Tuitoek.
Of the house of Tuitoek.
P: Tuitoek nibo ano?
Tuitoek from which region?
MK: Nibo Kibotany.8
Of Kibotany.
7 Jebichii is my middle (Tugen) name.
8 Kibotany is a community bordering Kisanana to the west. The people of Kibotany are also Tugen. Kibotany and Kisanana are separated by a small hill known as Koitegan. Kibotany is approximately a thirty-minute drive to Kisanana centre. Both Kibotany and Kisanana are part of Mogotio constituency. They are however in two different sub-locations with Kibotany being a part of Mugurin sub-location and Kisanana being part of Kisanana sub-location. Kibotany and Kisanana for a long time, during colonialism, formed part of the administrative unit known as Pokor- Keben which extended to include Kisanana, Mogotio, and Emining Divisions. My father is from Kibotany. My paternal grandparents live in Kibotany.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 10
P: Kame ng’ung ko Teriki nibo Kap Mulwee?
Is your mother Teriki of the house of Kimulwo?9
MK: Eh.
Yes.
P: Ah, kanain. Kigitunji nigitupche welin ng’wong en Kibotany, nga ii konyiten.
Ah, I have known you. My sister is married to your clan in Kibotany. You are a
respectful relation.
Once a kind of tiliandi (reciprocal relationship) has been established participants go ahead to ask about how one’s relatives are doing. Is their health okay? How are the livestock owned by their relatives fairing? How about the children? What schools are they attending and how are they doing in school? All these questions are aimed at making sure that news about relations are shared amongst one’s set of tilia should there emerge a need for help. Stories about how families are doing form the subject of a large part of conversations amongst tilia (set of relations) as they aim to ensure that their relational ties and theirs are faring well. In cases where someone’s health is jeopardized, the people of Kisanana are often informed through these daily conversations and are known to rally around the person in need to raise money for their treatment. This speaks to the atepto nigararan (goodness) of the people of Kisanana that participants spoke of.
9 The Tugen language distinguishes between paternal and maternal relatives by referencing one’s clan when referring to one’s paternal lineage and saying Kap mama, house of mama when referring to one’s maternal relatives. An individual will thus be asked what clan one belongs to to distinguish one’s paternal relatives and will be asked “an Kap mama kwo ano?,” meaning “and where is the house of mama?” when one wants to know a person’s maternal relatives. Additionally, an uncle on the mother’s side are referred to as mamae while aunts are referred to as mama, and an uncle on the father’s side are referred to as father and/or clansmate and an aunt on the paternal side are referred to as senge, meaning aunt. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 11
Konyit (Respect) in relationships
Konyit is a theme that also emerged from talking with research participants and from personal observations. Konyit is an important principle that is laced in the relationships of the
Tugen people. Respect is first viewed in terms of age. Younger individuals are culturally expected to show respect to older individuals. For example, a younger individual cannot approach an older individual to initiate greetings; it will be viewed as disrespectful. A younger individual will thus wait for older age-set individuals to initiate greetings and guide conversations. Konyit (respect) is manifested when individuals are aware of their place based on the age-set groups they occupy to prevent what is referred to as kesir-sir gei (the criss-crossing of each other). To criss-cross one another is viewed as the act of crossing someone, thus causing friction with that person or rubbing off someone the wrong way. Criss- crossing occurs when younger individuals challenge what is viewed as the authority of older age-groups by breaking normative codes of respect. These codes of respect are well known by communal members and are adhered to by individuals in the community.
In addition to waiting for older individuals to initiate greetings and guide conversations, another normative code of respect adhered to by the people of Kisanana has to do with the relationships of reciprocity. Individuals sharing tiliandi (reciprocal relationships) are expected to treat each other with respect. This respect is manifested in greetings and in conversations where individuals give each other space to speak and listen to each other without interruption. Listening to each other is seen as one of the values associated with respect. Reflectively responding to another is one value that ensures that individuals are listening to each other. An individual for example is expected to respond reflectively by repeating back the content of the communication conveyed by the one who has been speaking. The act of reflecting back on what one has been CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 12 saying in communication is important especially as communal members are expected to report back to their families and friends any concerns that might be troubling the one with whom they have been talking to. This ensures that community members are kept aware of the goings on in the community and are alerted when an individual and/or family are going through a hard time.
Perhaps it is important to mention here that the Tugen10 and other Kalenjin speaking groups are listening cultures like the Mbuti of the Democratic Republic of Congo who prefer quietness and harmony (Boulding, 2000)). Araap Sambu (2011) explains it this way:
The useful collective name, Kalenjiin, according to one influential source, was coined in
the mid-forties by a group of students of Alliance High School. The name Kalenjiin, as it
stands, is a contraction of a complete sentence which means “I tell you,” or “I have told
you...” ka a lee nchi iin or ka-a-le-nchi-in(yee), “I have told you.” Most Kalenjiin
pronounce the syllable nch as if it was nj, preferring to utter ranj for the English word
“ranch,” for example, and the same combination in what would have been Kaalenchiin
gave way phonetically to Kaalenjiin. And because of the poorly vocalised writing of the
language, which practice was the order of the day for most of the 20th century, this soon
gave way to the much shorter and more familiar “Kalenjin.” All Kalenjiin speakers have
the habit of drawing the attention of the listener by stating “I have told you” each time
they want to say or re-emphasise something they think must be understood. (p. 3)
The above statements speak to the nature of Tugen interaction; that of mostly listening and talking only when necessary. This is evident on the Kalenjin radio station, KASS FM, with kass translating to the word “listen.” The motto of the radio station is, Kimnatet naet, translating to
“knowledge is strength.” When someone thus says, Kalenjin ii, they are imploring one to listen
10 The Tugens are among seven Kalenjin speaking groups; the other six are the Nandi, Kipsigis, Keiyo, Marakwet, Sebei, and Pokot. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 13 to them by saying, “I am telling you,” “Let me tell you,” or “I have told you,” depending on what they are referencing. This explains the value of listening as one that is associated with respect.
Another way that respect is manifested is in the issues of decorum and the distinctions made when entering spaces occupied by different age and gender groups. Topics of discussion are guided by norms that ensure that younger individuals are not exposed to topics that are meant for adults only. Topics related to sexuality and matters troubling adults especially married couples are kept out of spaces occupied by children. Additionally, when entering spaces occupied by different genders, there are topics that are allowed and others not allowed. Conflicts that occur within the household between sisters-in-law are kept within the spaces occupied by women.
When entering spaces occupied by individuals of the same age-set and the same gender, respect is demanded. In these spaces, individuals view each other as equals and thus demand that they be respected. In such spaces, competition is common with individuals striving to emerge as most competent in matters ranging from dressing nicely, debating about politics and other matters of communal concern, being a better cook, and being a good keeper of a home.
Competition is more intense in spaces occupied by men of the same age-set. Men engage in more serious arguments especially about politics and matters concerning the community from how the cattle dip should be managed to how local schools should be run. Historically, men have engaged in competition that have led to fights between the age-sets over power to control the affairs of the land. Summatively, in spaces occupied by individuals of the same gender and the same age-set, individuals demand respect by striving to emerge as the most competent in matters that the group engages in. In these cases, respect is earned and not easily given as is the case with interactional spaces occupied by individuals of different ages and different genders. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 14
Conflict and Conflict Response Mechanisms
Conflicts occurring between members sharing reciprocal and respectful relations are viewed, by the Tugen, as misdeeds committed against one another in the manner of discrimination and mistreatment. Discrimination is perceived as the unequal treatment of another when compared to how other individuals are treated and accorded privileges. This discrimination manifests as the infringement of the need for belongingness on the part of the aggrieved party.
Mistreatment on the other hand manifests in the neglect of an individual or individuals within one’s set of reciprocal and respectful relations. This neglect is seen in the failure to provide for the basic needs of one’s relations thus breaking a basic natural law where individuals are supposed to be provided for.
Discrimination and mistreatment occurring within the family are blamed on household heads who are said to have poor leadership skills. In their poor leadership, household heads favor some children over others. As such the household head may provide for the needs of a set of children while ignoring the needs of other children. This not only manifests in polygamous households where fathers are seen to favor the children of one household over the other but also in monogamous households where fathers provide for some children and fail to provide for others. In cases of discrimination and mistreatment, women are seen as moral compasses who reprimand their husbands for behavior that is deemed improper since this behavior is known to invite curses that will afflict one’s children in future. To prevent against curses and bad omen, women remain vigilant in admonishing their husbands and in making sure that their husbands do not discriminate and/or mistreat the children of another house and/or some children over other children of the same house. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 15
In terms of response mechanisms, for cases of disputes occurring in the family, there are several avenues of resolution depending on the persons involved. Cases involving a father and his sons and male adult children are handled by a pool of arbitrators drawn from the neighbourhood; that is if admonishment from wives and other women in the family does not work. The pool of arbitrators from the neighbourhood are selected based on the possession of qualities of courage, integrity, and wisdom. The arbitrators seek out the truth in these cases and refer to communal social norms before making a decision on who is right and wrong after which actions are taken to restore justice for the aggrieved party/ies.
When it comes to disputes between women in the family specifically, between a mother and her daughters and between sisters, elderly women in the family are called to mediate by calling caucuses to listen to both sides and to offer a way forward in terms of resolution.
Between a mother and her daughters, grandaunts are called to talk to their grandnieces for infringing on the rules of respect that are expected within spaces occupied by the young and the old; usually, the young are supposed to listen to those older than them thus preventing disputes between individuals of different ages. In cases where there are disputes, elderly women, mainly grandaunts are called to talk to the young women. The reason grandmothers are not called is to prevent accusations of favouritism following the determination on who is right and who is wrong. On the other hand, disputes between sisters are mediated by paternal aunts. Paternal aunts, in such cases, call for caucuses where they speak with the disputing parties to establish the truth. Following this, they determine who is on the wrong based on the ideals of fairness and make a decision on the steps that need to be taken to rectify the issues of contention. The paternal aunts then follow up with the disputing parties every now and then for several weeks CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 16 following the decision made to ensure that the resolution is being adhered to by both parties. For disputes between sisters, mothers stay out of the way so as to prevent accusations of favoritism.
Disputes recorded in the household between a husband and wife are taken seriously as they are viewed as destructive to the family and by extension damaging to the relationship between two clans. In cases of domestic mistreatment, the first instance of resolve is relegated to the women in the family. A woman who feels threatened and/or mistreated by her husband will approach her sisters-in-law and/or her mother-in-law to seek refuge. The women from her husband’s family will then approach the husband’s age-mates to ask them to intervene with the hope that mistreatment will stop. If nothing changes, the wife can decide to go back to her parents’ home where inter-clan modes of resolution will ensue. In such cases, drastic changes are often needed to ensure that the wife returns to her husband. These drastic changes often entail reparations, for example payment of livestock being made to the wife for wrongs committed against her. Additionally, promises for future steps to be taken to prevent future disputes will be made before the wife returns to her husband’s home.
Instances of criss-crossing (kesir-sir gei) that spill over to the community are resolved based on the kind of dispute. Disputes over land between a father and his sons where a father fails to distribute land to his sons and/or fails to distribute land evenly to his sons are resolved by neighborhood arbitrators. Tugen inheritance norms and the value of fairness are ascribed to in order to reach a decision on what a father needs to do to mend the damage he may have caused with his decision to disinherit some of his sons and/or to favor some of his sons over others in the division of land. Disputes over land between a husband and his wife are negotiated by representative clan members. A wife who feels aggrieved when her husband denies her land and/or sells her land will rely on her clanmates to negotiate and talk to her husband on her CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 17 behalf. Often, once a man has decided to sell one of his pieces of land and thus relocate one of his wives, not much can be done since a woman does not have much say on the matter since land is said to belong to the man. Women and her clanmates wait for future opportunities, particularly during marriage, to renegotiate her rights to land. If there is a marriage between the clan of the wife and that of the husband in future, it does not matter how long ago the injustice was done to a woman; during the marriage her clansmen will negotiate for the repayment of the sold land as a condition for marriage. In the case of land disputes between a man and his wife, interested third parties step in to negotiate the issues.
There are instances of kerir-sir gei (criss-crossing each other) resulting from the crime of stealing. If an individual is found to have stolen property, mainly livestock, the crime is treated as a disagreement. If the thief confesses to his crime in front of a pool of neighbourhood arbitrators, then he will be asked to give back the stolen property. In cases where the accused does not confess and there is no evidence to show that the accused stole the property, then the pool of arbitrators will not pass any judgement and will leave the matter to fate with the belief that the crime of stealing will be revealed in future as curses and bad omen afflicting the children of the one responsible for the theft. Lastly, families are often admonished for harboring thieves if there are cases of serial stealing. In such cases, families shun and shame their own for bringing a bad name to the family in their acts of stealing. Some families take the matter into their hands and punish by whipping and caning the culprits so as to stop them from engaging in stealing.
Some families take more terminal measures with instances recorded of some killing the culprits in order to salvage the family name. Taking such terminal measures is known to invite curses that follow those who punish the culprits especially since the spilling of another person’s blood is forbidden in Tugen culture. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 18
The Assurance of Fulfilled Human Needs
The Tugen socio-cultural system is structured in a way that ensures the fulfillment of basic physiological and safety needs of individual members. The safeguarding of basic needs in the institution of the family, and in the community at large, is assured through the cohesive working of personnel traversing the economic, educative, and political spheres. In the economic sphere, adults in the community participate in activities such as livestock production and farming and within the domestic sphere activities related with food preparation. In these activities they are ensuring that the family’s basic needs are met. The activities fit within traditional gender roles with men involving themselves in activities related with livestock production and women engaging in food handling and preparation. Cultivation activities for domestic use are shared by both men and women in the family and the community at large. Larger agricultural activities (for cash crops) are also shared by men and women participating in farming activities for sale with the surplus being stored for family and communal use. In these activities, the family and communal physiological needs for food are met.
In the educative sphere, basic needs are met as individuals within their age and gender teams are trained on their roles as members of society. Children are in the care of adults and are exempt from participating in any hard labor activities. However, children work under the tutelage of older individuals in the community. Young girls are placed under the care of older girls and women and participate in activities related to food handling and preparation. For example, when cooking, younger girls help prepare ingredients for cooking while the women cook. During this process young girls are being trained and socialized into the roles that they will occupy when they come of age. Young boys are placed under the tutelage of male youth and adult men. The young boys serve as helpers for older boys and men. For example, younger boys CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 19 are often asked to hold the legs of a goat or cow when the animal is being skinned. In the educative sphere, young members of the community also involve themselves in activities related with the fulfillment of the basic needs of the family.
In the political sphere, the communal needs for security are fulfilled in matters of decision-making regarding security matters. Security affairs are determined by the age-set in power, that is the warriors. For the Tugen, internal security is cultivated in an environment that allows for the fulfillment of group physiological needs. An important privilege awarded to an age-set belonging to the ruling warrior (ages approximately 20-30) group relates to the access to power and authority for public decision making. Some matters in Tugen society, determined and/or influenced by age-set decision making, have been related to a variety of things including the brewing and selling of alcohol and the enforcement of time curfews in times of internal and/or external threat. In public decision making, the warrior group ensures the safety and security of the community should there be real and/or perceived threats.
In addition to the safeguarding of basic physiological and safety needs, the Tugen of
Kisanana value social inclusion that ensures that group members’ needs for bonding
(belongingness) are assured. In their interaction and in everyday living, the Tugen are a group that value the recognition of others as important key relations based on one’s relational ties with them. In this recognition, the Tugen are validated and acknowledged for the roles they play in the family either as aunts and uncles, parents, and grandparents and are thus assured of feelings of belongingness as everyone is made to feel included in the daily affairs of the family and the community within the interactional spaces they enter with others. The important key relations that are recognized in Tugen are kame (mother), kwanda (father), tupche (sibling), mamae
(uncle), senge (aunt), chitab ore (clanmate), and chitab kokwet (neighbour). These key relations CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 20 are replicated depending on one’s clan and the relational ties shared. These key relations are also recognized and reasserted in daily interactions such as in greetings and conversations carried out when individuals visit with each other in their homes, meet at the market, at the cattle dip, at tea cafes, and before and during church. In the recognition and reassertion of these forms of relations, individuals are guarded against what might be perceived as kesas chi (discrimination), that is when one is offered preferential treatment. For example, during a family function such as a wedding, validating and acknowledging the presence of one’s paternal aunts and failing to acknowledge one’s maternal aunts will be taken in deep offence by one’s maternal relatives – this will be seen as discrimination.
Another important need that is secured and safeguarded within the Tugen family and community is the need for individual autonomy. While valuing social inclusion, the Tugen believe in according adults and children the autonomy to make independent decisions in the interactional spaces that they enter. Children are allowed the freedom to explore, learn, and experience life with their peers within their play spaces. For example, during play, children are allowed to interact with each other without interference from adults. Should children fight over toys, parents and adults will leave them to resolve the fights on their own and will not intervene.
Additionally, despite what is seen as the tied fates of individuals within the Tugen community of
Kisanana where individual decisions are known to impact the group’s capacity for continued genetic and subsequent cultural survival, individuals are accorded the freedom to choose their own paths. There are clear mechanisms for accountability where one’s key relations (tilia) are deemed to have done their duty when they offer warnings against behavior that might be deemed detrimental to the genetic survival of the family and, by extension, the clan. An example of an action that might be deemed detrimental to the family and the clan is when an individual chooses CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 21 to marry from a clan that an individual’s clanmates are forbidden from marrying. In such an instance, an individual’s family, relatives, and clanmates warn the individual from making a mistake that they believe will lead to regret, for example in the deaths of one’s children in the future owing to the breaking of forbidden clan rules and taboos. Warning an individual is deemed enough in fulfilling the responsibility to be accountable to one’s set of relations and should individuals proceed with their actions despite the warning, they will be told – as a 50-60- year-old female informant summatively stated, “we have told you, you have not listened. Now the problem is yours. When you suffer regret in future, you will not say that we did not warn you.” When individuals decide to break these rules, such as marrying from a forbidden clan for various reasons including a history of conflict between the two clans, it will be up to them to deal with the consequences of their choice.
Conceptual Background for Goal of Study and Research Questions
This study is informed by literature falling under the topics of (i) culture and conflict, and
Indigenous models of resolution, (ii) peaceful cultures and cultural “technologies for peace”
(Kemp, 2004, p. 1), (iii) human nature and the propensity for peace, and (iv) human needs and peace.
For the purposes of this study, culture is understood as the totality of human experience that embodies a group’s “philosophy, worldview, behavior patterns, arts, and institutions”
(Falola, 2001, p. ix). Peaceful cultures are defined as those that have orientated themselves towards peace despite the potential for violence (Boulding, 2000; Kemp, 2004). There are different notions of conflict that result in the different definitions of conflict resolution.
According to Coser (1956, p. 8) conflict is “a struggle over values and claims to scarce status, power, and resources” which implies that conflict can only be resolved competitively. For Pruitt CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 22 and Kim (2004, pp. 7-8) conflict is understood as a “perceived divergence of interest” which implies that conflicting parties can resort to mutually agreeable resolution processes that brings the conflict to an end. Further, the field of peace and conflict studies looks at conflict not simply as micro instances occurring between individuals and/or groups – or as Mitchell (1981)) conceptualizes as conflict situations – but seek to account for conflict attitudes and conflict behavior. Mitchell’s triadic view of conflict correlates with Galtung’s (1990) triadic view of violence which includes structural violence, cultural violence, and direct violence and Miall,
Ramsbotham and Woodhouse’s (2005) triadic structure of peace which includes peacekeeping, peacemaking, and peacebuilding.
On the question of culture and conflict, some scholars have focused on developing comparative models of classification to account for cultural variance in the approach to conflict.
Common frames of analysis include the collectivist – individualist typology (See Abrams, Ando,
& Hinkle, 1998; Hofstede, 1980; Leung, 1988; Li, Vazsonyi, & Dou, 2018; Triandis, 2010) and the high-context – low-context typology (See Augsburger, 1992; Croucher et. al., 2012; Hall,
1976). Some variables examined under these comparative typologies include group perception of the sense of self (Chowdhury, Jeon, & Ramalingam, 2016; Markus & Kitayama, 1991), group communication styles (Augsburger, 1992; Iwao, 1993; Triandis, 1994), conflict behavior and conflict styles (Augsburger, 1992; Kawashima, 1963; Triandis & Vassiliou, 1972), and the nature of third-party intervention processes (Abu-Nimer, 1996; Gulliver, 1979; Menkhaus, 2016;
Merry, 1989; Osamba, 2016; Tuso, 2016). Other scholars, in the interest of cultural relativity, have considered the question of culture in conflict based on holistic single-case studies. In holistic single-case studies scholars have considered cultural worldviews (See Cormier, 2016;
Galtung, 1997; Pannikar, 1982; Quince, 2016; Tuso, 2016) and the socio-historical conditions CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 23 that shape the ways in which people make sense of the world and by extension, their approach to conflict (See Cook, 1997; Fry & Bjorkqvist, 1997; Robarchek, 1997; Quince, 2016).
On human nature, peace, and violence, this study is informed by the notion put forth in the Seville Statement of Violence (1986) challenging the idea that human nature is prone to violence and aggression, rather the tendencies for aggression and conflict are rooted in learned behavior and environmental influences. The belief in the inevitability of conflict and violence within human societies is attributed by Boulding (2000) and Davis-Vengoechea (2004) to the primary foci placed on the conflicting nature of human societies, and not on human peaceable tendencies. The focus on the peaceable aspects of human nature can reveal the dynamic nature of peace where peace and violence can exist on a continuum in socieities, with some societies engaging in violence at different points in history while engaging in peaceful behavior at other points. How then are peaceful societies to be defined if they are prone to engage in forms of violence at different points in time? Peaceful societies as Kemp (2004) notes, are those that have identified “cultural technologies for peace” (p. 1), that is the cultural pathways for sustained peace.
A review of the literature shows different ways in which socieites that have been identified as peaceful have achieved the status of peacefulness. While there is variation in peace technologies, the literature shows that peaceful societies espouse the value of nurturance allowing for group member interdependence (Robarchek, 1997); emphasize socialization practices that teach nonviolence (Fry, 1997); value respect and the autonomy of others (Gardner,
2004); exercise self-restraint and self-control (Hollan, 1997); ascribe to spiritual beliefs that deter violence (Howard, 2004); and resort to interested third parties for conciliation processes
(Robarchek, 1997). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 24
On human needs and peace, Burton (1979) stresses the importance of the fulfillment of the needs of identity, recognition, security, participation (and later, development) in ensuring cooperative behavior. Additionally, on human needs, the capabilities approach sheds light on the importance of securing basic needs that provides individuals the capacity to meet the goals that they have set out for themselves (Sen, 1999; Max-Neef, 1991; Nussbaum, 2000). The capabilities approach is also related to the ideal of human dignity that is viewed as requisite for human functioning in society (Nussbaum, 2000). Boulding (2000) and Clark (2002) further reinforce the importance of needs as they list the needs for meaning (Clark, 2002), belongingness/bonding and autonomy (Clark, 2002; Boulding, 2000) as the pathways to ensuring peace in societies.
Goal of Study
The goal of the study was to explore and understand how the Tugen of Kisanana are able to secure sustained peace in day-to-day life. Mainly, the study sought to explore the cultural values and the cultural techniques needed for continued peace to reign in this Tugen society.
Research Questions
Main Research Question
How does the Tugen community of Kisanana maintain peace in day-to-day life?
Specific Research Questions.
1. How do the integral aspects of Tugen culture (including values) shape the group’s
pathways towards peace?
2. How does culture influence Tugen perceptions and experiences of conflict, and Tugen
conflict response mechanisms or the mechanisms for resolving conflicts? CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 25
3. How does the fulfilment of human needs contribute to the securing of peace in Tugen
society?
Relevance of Study
This study is significant in adding to the literature on cultures of peace and harmony.
Some of the literature specializing on cultures of peace include Boulding’s (2000) book, Cultures of peace: The hidden side of history, the collection of chapters in Kemp and Fry’s (2004) book
Keeping the peace: Conflict resolution and peaceful societies around the world, Fry’s (2006) book, The human potential for peace: An Anthropological challenge to the assumptions about war and violence, Fry’s (2007) book, Beyond war: The human potential for peace, and the chapters in Fry and Bjorkqvist’s (1997) book, Cultural variation in conflict resolution:
Alternatives to violence.
Boulding (2000) examines cultures of peace and underscores the importance of shifting focus from the warring nature of mankind towards looking at mankind’s peaceable tendencies.
She mentions that there are cultures of peace all around us including women’s cultures, the behaviors of children, grassroots organizations, religious organizations, and Indigenous cultures.
She proposes that looking at these alternatives is instrumental in paving way for a peaceable future for humankind (Boulding, 2000). The collection of chapters in Kemp and Fry’s (2004) book delves into specific cases of peaceful cultures to illustrate what can be learned from these societies. The collection begins with critiques of Hobbesian views that humans are prone to warlike behavior and the explanation that peace is a dynamic that can co-exist with instances of violence. The collection concludes with the listing of characteristics and features of peaceful societies including the practice of self-restraint, self-control, and the utilization of mediators to bring about peace in the face of conflict. Fry’s (2006) book also seeks to refute the common CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 26 claim that humans are warlike by nature. Fry (2006) provides examples from the Yamonamo and from hunter-gatherer societies to refute the warlike-nature-of-man theory. In general, the book’s common thread is that humans have the capacity to limit war and the capacity to resolve conflict without resorting to violence. Fry’s (2007) book written in the backdrop of increasing conflicts in the world, least of all the war on terror, also seeks to debunk the theory that humans are prone to engage in violent behavior. Fry (2007) introduces cases from Indigenous societies including the Semai of Malaysia and the Lozi of Zambia to illustrate that an alternative to violent resolution of conflicts is possible. Fry and Bjorkqvist’s (1997) book is predicated on the idea that there are human societies around the world that have developed successful mechanisms for resolving conflicts without violence. The book is based on three main themes: that nonviolence exists in certain societies; that culture is important in shaping how societies respond to conflict; and that it is important to expand the range of alternatives to violence that exist by conducting non-violence research in societies that are deemed peaceful and/or those that engage non-violent means to resolve disputes.
The above works speak to the importance of studying culture in peace and conflict studies. Culture shapes people’s perceptions and informs how they approach conflict and conflict resolution. A study of culture can provide insight on the perceptions that shape and drive individual behavior during conflict and during the conflict resolution process. Culture also shapes an individual’s or group’s identity, that is, their sense of self. In shaping identity, culture can be a factor in conflicts that arise over intangible interests such as identity and human dignity.
Acknowledging the important undercurrent of culture in conflict can be instrumental in shaping the processes designed for conflict resolution. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 27
This study, also, contributes to research that focuses on Indigenous peacebuilding and third-party intervention processes. Among valuable literature that looks at Indigenous processes and third-party intervention are: Augsburger’s (1992) Conflict mediation across cultures;
Stobbe’s (2018) Conflict resolution in Asia: Mediation and other cultural models; Kyoon-
Achan’s (2013) dissertation Original ways: An exploration of Tiv and Inuit indigenous processes of conflict resolution and peacemaking; Davidheiser’s (2004) dissertation The role of culture in conflict mediation: Toubabs and Gambians cannot be the same; Tuso and Flaherty’s (2016)
Creating the third force: Indigenous processes of peacemaking; and Zartman’s (2000)
Traditional cures for modern conflicts: African conflict medicine. This present study adds to the above rich literature in the areas of culture and conflict, and indigenous peacebuilding processes.
Augsburger (1992) explores how conflict is mediated across different cultures around the world. The book utilizes stories and folk tales to introduce the various mechanisms for mediation. The book then explores cultural concepts such as honor, shame, face, and dignity and their role in the successful mediation of disputes. Stobbe (2018) explores cultural mediation processes across societies in Asia and examines how mediation continues to occur in tandem with formal court processes. The collection of chapters shows that there are different ways upon which mediation is taken on in different societies. Some societies employ purely Indigenous mechanisms while others employ hybrid models (of Indigenous and formal systems). Kyoon-
Achan’s (2013) study contrasted two Indigenous conflict resolution processes; the Tiv of Nigeria and the Inuit of Canada. Kyoon-Achan (2013) found similarities in the creative ways in which the two communities resolve disputes. These similarities included the use of stories, songs, and proverbs, dance, and puppetry as tools for resolving differences. Davidheiser (2004) in his dissertation does a comparative study among three communities in the Gambia to understand the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 28 impact of culture on the mediation process and on individual mediators. His findings showed that culture was crucial in determining how mediators guided the mediation process. Additional variables that influenced individual mediator processes were gender, age, and religion.
Conclusively, Davidheiser (2004) underscored the importance of looking at culture when approaching mediation and other conflict resolution processes. Tuso and Flaherty’s (2016) book is comprised of an assemblage of cases from different parts of the world showcasing different
Indigenous conflict resolution processes. In addition to including pure and hybrid Indigenous processes, the book contains chapters focusing on other important aspects to consider when looking at peacemaking including gender, rituals, music, and stories. Zartman (2000) put together a collection of essays on the topic of conflict management. The chapters in the book examine how traditional models of conflict management in the African tradition can be employed to contemporary conflicts.
The importance of considering Indigenous processes of peacemaking and peacebuilding in peace and conflict studies cannot be underscored enough. Indigenous cultures are containers of rich knowledge that provide alternatives to mainstream (Western) models of conflict resolution. Considering Indigenous processes of peacemaking means that we are looking, using different lenses, at ways in which justice can prevail while at the same time ensuring that relationships can be restored. Giving credence to Indigenous processes also means that we are breaking the norms that have given supremacy to Western models of conflict resolution. In breaking these norms, we are accepting that cultures are different and specifically that
Indigenous cultures have their own ways of successfully managing and resolving disputes. This means that conflict resolution mechanisms will consider the context within which conflict occurs CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 29 with efforts being put in place to employ diverse Indigenous methods to the resolution of conflict.
Additionally, much has been said about human needs and the propensity for human aggression should basic human needs be suppressed. Burton (1990a), in Conflict Resolution and
Prevention discusses his problem-solving workshops that showcased how a focus on human needs helped in the resolution of disputes. Another set of scholars who have focused on human needs include Coate and Rosati (1988) in The power of human needs in world society; and
Avruch and Mitchell (2013) in Conflict resolution and human needs: Linking theory and practice.
Coate and Rosati (1988) introduce the concept of human needs to international relations.
More specifically, they argue that individual (and international) behavior is predicated on the fulfilment and/or the deprivation of human needs. The authors apply the human needs approach to issues such as terrorism, conflict resolution, and human rights. In the co-edited book by
Avruch and Mitchell (2013) different authors contribute their understanding of basic human needs, both in theory and practice. 30 years after Burton introduced basic human needs theory to conflict resolution, the authors presented in the co-edited volume strive to explore where the theory (and its applicability) stands in present day.
Perhaps, at this juncture, it is important to define human needs and to explain how human needs changed the way we do conflict resolution. Human needs have been defined in two ways.
First, as “the drivers of peoples’ actions” and “the motives behind human behavior” (Guillen-
Royo, 2014, para. 1). Secondly, human needs have been conceptualized as “societal requirements” that are “necessary for people to avoid serious harm and participate in their society” (Guillen-Royo, 2014, para. 1). Conflict resolution scholars, mainly Burton (1990) and CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 30
Rothman (1997) speak of human needs, not in a hierarchical order like Maslow (1954) but as simultaneously being sought after by humans. These scholars, also, expanded human needs to include identity, justice, freedom, and participation (Burton, 1990a; Rothman, 1997). The application of human needs theory changed the way we do conflict resolution in that it led scholars and practitioners to move away from looking at only tangible interests when doing conflict resolution. They moved toward focusing on intangible interests that are non-negotiable.
As such, the conflict resolution process moved from one based on interest-based negotiation to one based on collaborative problem solving where human needs are explored to achieve mutually agreeable solutions.
In addition to contributing to the above body of knowledge on human needs and conflict, and human needs and human capabilities, the present study contributes to a new area of focus, that of showing how a culture is designed to be able to meet the basic needs of its members and how the meeting of these needs contributes to peace in society. Specifically, the present study focused on culture as a tool for meeting group members’ needs and how in meeting basic needs culture contributes to sustained peace. In looking at how culture meets the needs of societal members, the group’s socio-cultural system including ideologies, social system, and the orientations that shape how material resources derived from the physical environment are used are all important in pointing to the way culture is designed to meet the needs of societal members.
The specific needs that culture meets can be drawn from Maslow (1954) to include physiological needs, security needs, belonging needs (bonding), and self-esteem needs
(autonomy). The present study, however, also considers Malinowski (1960) and Mary Clark
(2002) ideas that include among the basic needs, needs for bonding, and needs for autonomy. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 31
Conceptually, the present study considers as basic needs the need for food, thermal comfort, and security, provided for by the nuclear and extended family. Furthemore, bonding needs are similar to the needs for belongingness while autonomy needs are similar to the needs for self esteem.
Malinowski’s (1960) and Clark’s (2002) conceptualizations of human needs come from their explanation of what happens when they are not fulfilled. According to Malinowski (1960) when human basic needs are not met and/or when the societal requirements for the fulfillment of basic needs are absent, then culture (in the broader sense of the term as a psychological tool for meeting individual and group needs) will turn on individuals and the group to cause harm.
According to Clark (2002) when propensities for bonding and autonomy are not met, individuals are prone to act aggressively as a sign of frustration. When the needs for bonding and autonomy are met, individuals in their societies will act in peaceful and cooperative ways. These conceptualizations of needs are relevant to Tugen society given that the Tugen have cultural arrangements in place to ensure that society functions in a way that facilitates the fulfillment of these needs. These cultural arrangements are found in the way society is structured through the nuclear and extended family, the clan, and the community, to ensure that group members’ societal needs are met.
Contributions of the Present Study to Studies About the Tugen
This case study is the first in-depth study to be conducted among the Tugen of Kisanana.
There are other studies that have been conducted among the Tugen community in Baringo county, Kenya – specifically Anderson’s (2002), Kandagor’s (1993), Kandagor and Moindi’s
(2019), Kiptala’s (2017) and Chepchieng, Tarus, and Osamba’s (2015). David Anderson (2002) in his book, Eroding the commons: The politics of ecology in Baringo, Kenya 1890-1963, provides a historical and ecological view of the changes that occurred in Baringo encompassing CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 32 the area in the Rift Valley Plains, including Kisanana all the way up North to the areas surrounding Lake Baringo before and during colonialism. Anderson’s (2002) study is the first that touches on the Tugen and the Il Chamus of Baringo as a whole with a main focus on how they adapted to ecological changes and the control of land use in the region masked as a development agenda. Specifically, Anderson (2002) looks at the different narratives that informed the conflict over the Baringo lowlands between the African herder (the Tugen) and
European settlers. For the African herder, the land was open for use as had historically been the case when they would seasonally move their livestock up and down from Tugen hills to the
Baringo lowlands to graze. For the European settler, land set aside for colonial settlement was to be protected from the African herder whose patterns of grazing were viewed as problematic and the reason for the degradation of the land in Baringo. As a result, the African herder was subjected to colonial policies that limited the number of livestock that a household could graze in the region and European farms were declared out of bounds for African stock. While Anderson’s
(2002) study provides a comprehensive history that touches on the people (Tugen) of Baringo and the land occupied by the Tugen as a whole, no study has been conducted exclusively amongst the Tugen of Kisanana sub-location. Anderson’s (2002) study has a broader scope looking at history, ecological change, and environmental policies. The present case study is more limited in scope and looks specifically at the cultural ways in which the Tugen of Kisanana experience conflict, the role that culture plays in shaping these experiences, and the ways in which the fulfillment of human needs secures peace for the people of Kisanana.
Kandagor (1993) in The economic transformation of the Tugen of Kenya, 1895 to 1953 examined: (i) the ways in which Tugen society changed from 1895 to 1953; (ii) the impact that other groups including Il Chamus, Pokot, Asians, and Europeans had on the changes recorded in CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 33
Tugen society; (iii) the economic changes that occurred in Tugen society; and (iv) the impact of external factors on the economic transformation of Tugen society. Kandagor (1993) argues that the economic changes that occurred in Tugen society started with the influence of outside groups who contacted the Tugen for trade and later for colonial control. Additionally, he argues that missionary work, government education, and technological advancement influenced these changes. Some of the changes identified by Kandagor (1993) include: (i) a move from traditional methods of agriculture, from only planting sorghum and millet to the introduction of new crops and new technologies such as fertilizers and farm equipment; (ii) a move from barter trade
(exchanging livestock for honey and grain) to a cash economy; (iii) the adoption of new breeds of cattle (Jersey and Sahiwal) thus increasing milk production; and (iv) moving away from home to seek employment in government officers and white settler farms. Conclusively, Kandagor
(1993) attributes two factors to the major transformation of the economic structure of Tugen society, the incorporation into the colonial economy and colonial education that transformed the agricultural sector. Kandagor’s (1993) study is comprehensive in providing a history of the economic structure of the Tugen society. The scope of his study is limited to the economy. It does however shed light on the history of the Tugen people and the impact that colonial rule had on Tugen society, a history that is pertinent to the understanding of the current make-up of
Tugen society. My research is distinct from Kandagor’s (1993). First, it is limited to the Tugen of Kisanana sub-location. Second, in seeking to account for the ways in which culture influences the community’s experiences of conflict, I delved into the social, ideological, and cultural structure of Tugen society. In doing this, I conducted an in-depth examination of the culture of the Tugen of Kisanana by exploring the three elements of culture (material, social, and ideological) as put forth by Clark (2002). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 34
Kandagor and Moindi (2019) also conducted research among the Tugen and the Pokot with the purpose of deciphering the church’s (Africa Inland Church) role in securing peace between the two warring communities at the border of North Baringo sub-county (occupied by the Tugen) and Tiaty sub-county (occupied by the Pokot). The Tugen and Pokot communities have engaged in conflicts over land access for livestock support and there has also been a history of cattle raiding between the two communities which have continued to deepen divisions
(Kandagor & Moindi, 2019). The research by Kandagor and Moindi (2019) explores the measures taken by the African Inland Church to help mitigate the conflicts that have occurred between the two communities. Their findings detail the steps taken by the church in their purpose to mitigate these conflicts. These steps include the setting up of conflict resolution forums wherein they discuss the biblical principles of reconciliation, the setting up of new churches in conflict prone areas to prevent conflict outbreaks, and the organizing of meetings with stakeholders in the community including representatives from government agencies to map out long-term resolution to the conflicts between the two communities. Some of these long-term solutions include pressuring the government to speed up land adjudication processes, to set up industry for jobs in places identified as mineral spots, and to set up a game reserve at the border of the two counties to prevent border encroachment (Kandagor & Moindi, 2019). The research by Kandagor and Moindi (2019) contributes to the areas of the role of religious organizations and principles, and spirituality in conflict resolution and reconciliation. Additionally, their study adds to the literature on the theory of non-violence that has informed spiritual modes of resolution as employed by practitioners such as Gandhi and Martin Luther King. The research by
Kandagor and Moindi (2019) focuses on the Tugen of North Baringo sub-county, not the Tugen of Kisanana sub-county. Kandagor and Moindi (2019) also look at third-party intervention by an CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 35 outside agent, the church, and not at the cultural modes of conflict resolution that might be employed by leaders from the two communities. This research, on the other hand, looks at the area of Kisanana sub-county in-depth and focuses on the ways that culture influences the community’s experience of conflict and peace, conflict prevention, and conflict response mechanisms. Specifically, this study looks at the third-party intervention processes where women, clan and family elders, and neighborhood arbitrators are called to intervene in conflicts occurring in the community.
In the article The origin of the Tugen of Baringo County and their practice of Indigenous education: A historical perspective, Kiptala (2017) writes about the Tugen indigenous system of education. In discussing Tugen education, Kiptala (2017) examines the characteristics of Tugen education. These characteristics include (i) life-long learning where individuals are taught from birth to death through the different stages of life; (ii) skill development where individuals are taught about how to perform tasks including cooking, home management, and livestock management; and (iii) teaching orally through stories, riddles, and songs. Kiptala (2017) also writes about the goals of Indigenous education which is to equip members with the skills and attitudes that would enable them to function in society, to perform tasks according to their gender and age, and to develop the idea of communal spirit towards work. Kiptala’s (2017) study is instrumental in delving into the socialization process in her description of indigenous education in Tugen society.
Chepchieng, Tarus, and Osamba (2015) in their article The role of Indigenous education in children and youth behavior modification among the Tugen people of Baringo sub-county,
Kenya explore formal and informal education in Tugen society. In their study, they examine the role of elders in informal education which they categorize as education that is conducted in day- CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 36 to-day living through storytelling, folktales, riddles, and proverbs. They also explore formal education in Tugen society, that is, education that is structured around age as individuals transition from one age and status role to another including childhood, youth years, adulthood, and elderhood. Chepchieng, Tarus, and Osamba (2015) also explore the values that inform the education process in Indigenous Tugen education. These values, which play “a role in producing youth who were morally upright and hardworking” include “honesty, hard work, respect, truthfulness, obedience and good manners” (p. 196). Chepchieng, Tarus, and Osamba’s (2015) study is instrumental in shedding light on the socialization process of the Tugen that is aimed at moulding individuals into functional members of the Tugen society. The work of Kiptala (2017) and Chepchieng, Tarus, and Osamba (2015) contributes to the literature on Indigenous education where training is structured into age and gender teams where individuals learn with their groups about societal mores, traditions, and practices. While these works have looked at how individual behavior is moulded, the present study contributes to another aspect of socialization, one that focuses on how individuals are socialized by families and communities to be orientated towards peace. Additionally, this study contributes to knowledge on how socialization processes, both primary and secondary, for children and adults are geared toward communally acceptable forms of conflict response mechanisms.
Significance of the Present Research to the Field of Peace and Conflict Studies
This study contributes to the field of peace and conflict studies by touching on subjects that are found within the field. First is the contribution to the area of culture and conflict. The focus on the influence of culture on the orientations toward conflict is important in shedding light on the way individuals and communities make sense of their world. Individuals and communities orientating toward the in-group in the way they perceive the world, that is those CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 37 that view others as essential for their survival, will tend to approach conflict as a collective process that requires collaboration. In this sense, the resolution of conflict depends on the interdependent workings of those that are involved and on interested third parties. On the other hand, individuals and communities that orientate towards self sufficiency will view conflict as an individual process. The resolution of conflict is thus seen as a process whose resolution requires the effort of the parties in dispute without impacting others and/or the community at large. The present study sheds light on these understandings of culture and conflict. Specifically, it examines how Tugen worldviews impact how individuals and communities think about conflict, the mechanisms put in place to respond to these conflicts, and the general orientations toward peace. Additionally, the study demonstrates how the three elements of culture – ideological, material, and social – shape the group’s pathways toward peace.
In the same way that culture influences worldviews and subsequent views of conflict and peace in general terms, the present study contributes to the discussion of the way worldviews shape approaches to relationships in specific terms. Communities orientating towards group interdependence are described by Pannikar (1982) and Galtung (1997) as those that fit in with the net metaphor when viewing relationships. In this sense, relationships are viewed as a net; the survival of these relationships depend on the holding together of individual knots. Conversely, communities orientating towards individual independence are described as those that fit in with the knot metaphor where individual knots are seen as surviving on their own (Galtung, 1997;
Pannikar, 1982). Communities described as those fitting in with the net metaphor are all about interdependence in ensuring individual and group survival. Relationships in these communities are seen as paramount and superior to the individual seeking out sole survival. In these communities, mechanisms for ensuring that relationships survive have been put in place. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 38
Conflicts occurring in these communities are handled and approached in a way to ensure the survival of these relationships. Some of the mechanisms put in place to ensure relationship survival amidst conflict include the valuing of respect, reciprocity, deterrence, avoidance, mutual caring, face-saving, and so on. The present study sought to contribute to this rich aspect of conflict prevention and conflict response mechanisms based on the maintenance of relationships.
Specifically, the study shows how the maintenance of relationships of reciprocity and respect help secure sustained peace amongst residents of Kisanana sub-location.
This study also contributes to the area of Indigenous processes of peacebuilding. It will be partial not to mention that the field of peace and conflict studies emerged and developed in the west. The subsequent modes of conflict resolution developed by analysts and practitioners in the field have been, to a large extent, western oriented. This does not negate the fact that
Indigenous societies around the world have engaged in conflict and in conflict resolution mechanisms for millennia. The difference between Western modes of conflict resolution and
Indigenous methods is that Indigenous methods had not been recorded and/or documented in books until the recent past, when scholars with an interest in Indigenous modes of resolution took it upon themselves to carry out the task. As already mentioned, some of the publications focusing on Indigenous methods of conflict resolution include Zartman (2002), Fry (2002), Fry’s and Bjorkqvist’s (1997), Augsburger’s (1992), Stobbe (2018), Stobbe (2015), Kyoon-Achan
(2013), Davidheiser (2004), and Tuso and Flaherty (2016). The present study contributes to the literature on Indigenous methods of conflict resolution. In the study, I document the kinds of disputes between different categories of people in Tugen society with the aim of showing how the community has developed ways of addressing and handling these disputes.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 39
Organization of the Dissertation
So far, in this chapter, I have introduced some general comments about the dissertation which aims to explore and understand how the Tugen of Kisanana are able to sustain peace in everyday life and the cultural mechanisms that have been put in place to respond to conflict.
In chapter two, I provide information on the research context that is Kisanana. I start with the location of Kisanana on the map, then proceed to provide ethnographic details that touch on the people occupying Kisanana, weather conditions, transportation, forms of livelihood, and places of family settlement. I also provide a historical sketch touching on changes in the settlement patterns in Baringo including the area of Kisanana from the 1800s to the 1900s starting with the time the Maasai controlled the Baringo lowlands including the areas of
Kisanana to the time when the Tugen moved and settled in these areas. Additionally, I provide some comments about the changes in Tugen subsistence activities following the cooptation of the community into the capitalist system following colonialism and after independence when the community embraced school-based education. Finally, I touch on the challenges of unemployment facing the youth of present day Kisanana who have resorted to trying their hands in personal businesses and/or have resorted to moving out the village to nearby towns in search of employment.
Chapter three provides a review of the literature that informs this study. I provide the working definitions of culture, conflict, conflict settlement, conflict management, and conflict resolution as used in conflict resolution studies. I also provide definitions found in peace and conflict studies including concepts related to peace and violence. I also define peaceful cultures.
I then review the literature on culture and conflict based on comparative studies and based on holistic single case studies. Furthemore, I make some comments on human nature and the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 40 propensity for peace before proceeding to review literature that shows the general themes and trends emerging in societies that have been described as peaceful. I then conclude the chapter with a review of literature on human needs and peace.
Chapter four is about methodology. I begin by providing rationales for the approaches and methods that informed this study; the case study approach, ethnographic fieldwork techniques, and qualitative analysis of data. I then discuss my role as researcher and my positionality as it pertains to the community in the study given my maternal ancestral links, before proceeding to provide a timeline of fieldwork data collection working with five primary research households. I then describe the processes of participant recruitment, and of data collection. I also describe how the data was handled and explain data analysis procedures and how research findings are presented. I conclude chapter four with a brief mention of ethical issues that I considered while conducting the study.
Chapter five answers question one of the dissertation, that is how the integral aspects of culture (including values) shape the group’s pathways towards peace. This chapter focuses on the three elements of culture (ideological, social, and material) that are relevant to the way the Tugen experience conflict. It begins with a mention of the Tugen traditional mandate, that is the purpose to which the group organizes (to ensure continued cultural survival). There is then a discussion of the ideological elements of Tugen culture by mentioning the group’s view about human nature, about the nature of the universe, and about the natural and supernatural worlds.
Chapter five then discusses social culture, specifically clan social organization and age-set social organization and mentions how Tugen clans provide avenues for building reciprocal (tilia) relationships and how Tugen age-sets are organized to ensure konyit (respect) amongst members of different ages who enter into singular interactional spaces. Chapter five also comprises of a CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 41 discussion of an aspect of Tugen material culture, livestock ownership. In discussing livestock ownership, a reference to the ideological mechanisms that prevent intra-group conflict over material resources (livestock) are, also, detailed. These ideological mechanisms are stories, myths, and legends that are told over generations about the consequences of infringing on the property rights of others that deter individuals from committing acts that might result in conflict over material resources.
Chapter six is a comprehensive exposition of how the Tugen experience conflict. It answers the second question of the dissertation, which is how culture influences the group’s perceptions and experiences of conflict, and the group’s conflict response mechanisms (that is the mechanisms that have been put in place to resolve conflicts). It begins with conceptualizations of conflict as perceived by the Tugen to include porie (war), kepirgei (to fight), kesas kei (to discriminate against each other), and keus kei (to mistreat one another). The chapter continues with an exploration of acts of wrongdoing that are recorded amongst members sharing reciprocal tiliandi, relationships. These wrongdoings are referred to as (i) kesas kei, which means to discriminate against an individual relation measured and determined by how one treats other individuals occupying a similar relational space as the victim thus infringing on that victim’s social needs for belongingness, and (ii) keus kei, which refers to the mistreatment of one’s relational others defined by neglect and failure to assure their physiological and safety needs while within one’s full capacity to meet those relations’ needs. The chapter concludes with a discussion of disagreements that occur amongst members of the community and/or disputes that escalate to involve members of different clans.
Chapter seven seeks to answer research question three: how the fulfillment of human needs (basic, autonomy, and bonding /belonginess) leads to sustained peace in the community. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 42
There are three ways in which the Tugen are able to sustain peace. Through the family, individual members’ physiological needs and the needs for belonging and bonding are met thus assuring that individuals remain content in their quest for meaning as they are made to belong and are assured of their survival. Secondly, in stratified age and gender teams, social cohesion emerges as individuals work to fulfill their status roles. The apparent social cohesion contributes towards peace by preventing role strains amongst members. Social cohesion, in this sense, is a cultural imperative necessary for the fulfillment of group members’ needs. Finally, through
Tugen festivities including those of marriage and thanksgiving, the Tugen are able to ensure sustained peace through the reassertion of the principles of reciprocal and respectful relations among key relations with whom individuals have a duty for care including parents, siblings, maternal and paternal aunts and uncles, maternal and paternal grandparents, clanmates, and neighbors.
Chapter eight is the discussion. It begins with a summary of the research questions and a discussion of the findings based on the research questions. Chapter eight then proceeds to make an exposition on the main deductions from the research findings where the concepts of worldviews, culture, conflict, and peace are discussed while making reference to existing literature and the findings from the case study. In discussing the important deductions from the research findings, the chapter also makes a mention of the character of third party intervention processes found in Indigenous societies that apply to the Tugen including, the utilization of mediators drawn from a specific demographic in society, the utilization of mediators that are known to espouse certain valued characteristics, the importance of truth-telling during third intervention processes, the restoration of relationships as the main aim of third party intervention processes, and the importance of rituals in the processes of building peace in society. The chapter CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 43 also seeks to point to evidence to show that the Tugen can be categorized as a peaceful culture with support from existing literature on peaceful societies. In doing this, it makes a mention of the characteristics of the Tugen society that renders it a peaceful society. Chapter eight concludes with the implications of the study to our world today, the limitations and strengths of the study, and the areas of future research and exploration.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 44
Chapter Two: Research Context
The purpose of this chapter is to familiarize the reader with the research context by first, situating the study site within the Kenyan administrative and geographic landscape. Second, in the chapter I provide an ethnographic sketch of the research location, followed by a description of the Kenyan ethnic landscape, and a historical overview of settlement patterns in Baringo including a mention of how the Tugen ended up settling in Kisanana. I also explain the location’s historical forms of subsistence including a mention of changes in subsistence activities following colonialism and the cooptation into the national capitalist system. Finally, I discuss recent unemployment challenges facing the youths of Kisanana.
Study Site
This study was conducted in Kisanana sub-location, Mogotio constituency, Baringo
County in the former Rift Valley Province of Kenya (see Figure 1).
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 45
Figure 1
A map showing the location of Kenya in Africa
Kenya
(“Africa Map,” n.d.).
Before the promulgation of the new Kenyan Constitution in 2010, Mogotio was one of the two constituencies (the other being Eldama Ravine) of Koibatek district. Under the 2010
Constitution, Koibatek district was amalgamated into Baringo County (see Figure 2) which is made up of six sub-counties: Baringo North, Baringo Central, East Pokot, Marigat, Koibatek, and Mogotio (Baringo County Government, 2016).
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 46
Figure 2
The Map of Kenya showing the location of Baringo County
Baringo County
(Baringo County Government, 2015, p. 11).
Mogotio sub-county has three county assembly wards11 (CAW): Mogotio, Emining, and
Kisanana (see Figure 3).
11 Under the Kenyan constitution, each county has a county assembly whose representatives are drawn from county assembly wards, one from each county. Mogotio constituency thus, has three county ward representatives in the Baringo county assembly. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 47
Figure 3
The map of Mogotio Constituency showing the Mogotio Constituency’s County Assembly
Wards (CAW)
Kisanana sub-location
(“IEBC,” n.d.).
Kisanana ward covers an area of 487.13 square kilometers with a population of approximately
16,658 (Baringo County Government, 2016). Kisanana ward comprises of 23 sub-locations12;
Cheberen, Waseges, Kiribot, Nyalilbuch, Kabuswo, Kamasai, Oldebes, Chomiek, Molo Sirwe,
Mugurin, Mukuyuni, Turkulu, Kapnosgei, Kipnyun’guny, Ol Kokwe, Kibomui, Chepyuan,
Tinosiek, Koisaram, Ng’endalel, Koitumet, and Kisanana (Baringo County Government, 2016).
12 Sub-locations are low level subdivision units in Kenya under locations. What were referred to as locations in Kenya’s previous constitution are now referred to as county assembly wards in Kenya’s current constitution.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 48
Kisanana sub-location covers approximately 14.8 square kilometers and has a population density of 51 people per square kilometer (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2010). Kisanana sub- location has a population of 761 (377 female, 384 male) people with a total of 165 households
(Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2010).
Geographic Landscape13
Kisanana is a semi-arid location with temperatures ranging from 15-32 degrees Celsius depending on the season; it gets cooler during the rainy season (Wetangula, Kubo, & Were,
2010). There are usually two seasons of rainfall in Kisanana; from March to July, and from
September to November. The people of Kisanana predominantly participate in crop and livestock production. Some sections of land in Kisanana comprise of steeps and rolling hills while other sections comprise of flat land. The hilly sections are used for herding goats since goats eat twigs, leaves from trees, and browse. The hilly sections are also locations where families have set up residence. The flat lands support crop production and are also used for grazing cattle and sheep since these animals eat grass.
When land was adjudicated and transferred from white settler farmers to families in
Kisanana, agreements were made to divide land to larger families (based on clan affiliation) to ensure that each large family had sections for both livestock and crop production. Each cluster family (comprised of up to four related cluster of families) have access to hilly sections where they have set up residence and where they herd goats and flat plains where they engage in crop production and herd cattle and sheep.
13 The information that follows (geographic landscape, and roads and transportation) was gathered from observations and personal conversations with respondents during fieldwork.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 49
Families in Kisanana, when it comes to crop production, engage in family cluster cultivation where the crops grown are divided to each family for storage and subsequent use throughout the year. Some families have further subdivided the flat plains to each single family to ensure that each family is in charge of its own cultivation affairs. In terms of resources such as water and salt licks, each family cluster has a dug waterhole and central salt lick for animal use.
There is also one communal plunge dip for pesticide treatment. The plunge dip is managed by elected members (elected during an organized baraza (deliberation/arbitration council) aimed at discussing communal affairs) of the Kisanana community. Every week, money is collected for plunge dip treatment to buy pesticide and to manage the flow of animals from each family. In any case, the separation of hilly sections from flat plains to families and the management of resources including water, salt, and the plunge dip ensures that there is an environment of harmony where conflicts over land and resource use do not erupt.
Roads and Transportation
There are two roads that lead to Kisanana, one from Mogotio via Oldebes to the west and one from Nakuru via Ndabibi to the south. To the north, from Ndabibi, is the road that leads to
Chomiek and Ng’endalel. To the east before getting to Ndabibi is the road that leads to
Kamukunji, Nakuru county. The roads leading to Kisanana are rocky. The soil is clay with some sections of murram. During rainy seasons, the road is slippery with a combination of fine clay soil and slippery rocks that make the roads nearly impassable.
The common form of transportation in Kisanana are motorbikes operated by young men, mostly of the Kipnyigeu (born approximately between 1973 -1984) and Nyongi (born approximately between 1985 - 1997) age-sets.14 There is also a bus that leaves Kisanana for
14 A common feature of Tugen social organization are age-sets. The Tugen use age-sets to differentiate people of different age- groups and to differentiate historical events as experienced by different generations in the community. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 50
Nakuru via Mugurin sub-location and Mogotio town at 7 am every weekday and returns by 6 pm. There is also a personal car service rendered by the owner who carpools for a fee and drives to Nakuru via Ndabibi and Kamukunji every weekday by 6:30 am. On the weekends, those seeking to travel out of Kisanana rely on motorbikes that drop them off either in the neighboring
Mogotio town to the east or at Kamukunji to the south where public transport vehicles leave for the neighbouring town of Nakuru.
Kisanana Centre
While approaching Kisanana from Ndabibi and from Oldebes, one can see the often busy
Kisanana centre which has several family-owned shops, a butchery, several tea cafes, and other businesses ranging from a maize mill, clothes shops, and a credit union. The businesses operate on the left and right sides of the road in Kisanana centre which is at the junction where the road from Ndabibi, from Oldebes, and to Chomiek and Ng’endalil meet. There are three schools in
Kisanana; a kindergarten, a primary school, and a secondary school. There is one health centre in
Kisanana.
Around Kisanana centre are family-owned plots of land with one to two-bedroom apartments for rent. Tenants of these units are individuals who have moved to Kisanana for business and/or for work, mostly as teachers. Around Kisanana centre are also family-owned plots of fenced-in land with larger two to three-bedroom houses. Owners of these homes are individuals from Kisanana who have made a decision to settle in Kisanana centre with their young families.
As one moves away from Kisanana centre, towards the periphery, one finds family- owned large lands where the residents of Kisanana initially settled upon the award of farms to families following independence. In family-owned lands, one will find families building homes CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 51 in close proximity to each other. For instance, brothers have built homes in close proximity to each other, and in close proximity to their father’s household.
Situating the Study in the Kenyan Ethnic Landscape
Kenya is a multi-ethnic country comprising of 42 ethnic groups made up of Cushites,
Nilotes and Bantus (see Table 1).
Table 1
The population of ethnic groups in Kenya (2019 census)
Ethnic group Population Percentage to entire population
Kikuyu (Bantu) 8,148,668 15.2%
Luhya (Bantu) 6,823,842 12.7%
Kalenjin (Nilotic) 6,358,113 11.8%
Luo (Nilotic) 5,066,966 9.5%
Kamba (Bantu) 4,663,910 8.7%
Somali (Cushitic) 2,780,502 5.1%
Kisii (Bantu) 2,703,235 5%
Mijikenda (Bantu) 2,488,691 4.6%
Meru (Bantu) 1,975,869 3.7%
Maasai 1,189,522 2.2%
Others 11,571,978 21.5%
Total 53,771,296 100%
(Agutu, 2020). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 52
In the 2019 census, the population of Kenya stood at 53,771,296 (Agutu, 2020). The majority ethnic groups in the country were the Kikuyu at 8,148,668, the Luhya at 6,823,842, the Luo at
5,066,966, the Kamba at 4,663,910, the Somalis at 2,780,502, the Kisii at 2,703,235, the
Mijikenda at 2,488,691, and the Meru at 1,975,869 (Agutu, 2020). The other large group is the
Kalenjin speaking sub-groups including the Tugen. The Kalenjin stands as the third largest ethnic group with a population of 6,358,113 (Agutu, 2020). The Tugen, a Nilotic sub-group of the Kalenjin, is estimated to number 350,000 in population (Safaricom Foundation, n.d.). The
Tugen making up 5.5% of the Kalenjin population occupy most of Baringo county and some parts of Nakuru county. The areas that the Tugen of Kenya occupy are rural. This is significant to the study of cultures of peace and the placing or rurality at the centre of the study. Rural areas have been thought of as places where conflict is rife (see Bottazzi, Goguen, & Rist, 2016;
Urmilla, 2010; Yamano & Deininger, 2005). The placement of the Tugen community in a rural area and the consequent presentation of a culture of peace among the Tugen of Kisanana sub- location introduces literature that presents an alternative view when thinking about the concept of rurality and especially, rurality and peace in the African context.
The People of Kisanana
The primary occupants (approximately 99%)15 of the land in Kisanana are Tugens. The
Tugen speak the ‘Kalenjin’ language which literally translates to “I tell you” (Berg-Schlosser,
1984; Chesaina, 1991). Some historians have recorded that the Kalenjin (the closely related
Tugen, Kipsigis, Nandi, Keiyo, Marakwet, Sebei, and Pokot) migrated from Misri (Egypt) in the
12th century (Chesaina, 1991) while others indicate that they migrated from Ethiopia (Ehret,
1971). The different accounts emerge from authors’ reference to the time that migration
15 The 1% are members of other ethnic groups who have moved to Kisanana as teachers in Kisanana schools and/or as a result of intermarrying with the Tugen. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 53 occurred. Chesaina (1991) who holds that the Kalenjin migrated from Egypt writes about the migration taking place in the 12th century. Ehret (1971) refers to Kalenjin migration from
Ethiopia in the 16th century. The migration starting in the 12th century from Egypt and later from
Ethiopia in the 16th century makes sense historically as the Kalenjin are said to have moved south from their place of origin. One can thus argue that the Kalenjin originally moved from
Egypt in the 12th century and slowly moved south to settle in Ethiopia before migrating further south to Kenya in the 16th century. The Kalenjin are said to have then traveled to Mount Elgon, in Western Kenya, where the Sebei settled while the other sub-groups migrated further south is search of better land. The Keiyo settled in Kerio Valley, the Marakwet in Cherang’ani hills, the
Nandi in Uasin Gishu, the Kipsigis in Kipsigis hills, and the Tugen in Tugen hills in Baringo
(Chesaina, 1991; Hollis, 1969). According to the oral accounts of three informants, while some
Tugen clan-groups settled in Tugen hills, some continued moving East towards Koilegen in Mt.
Kenya region, towards Laikipia, Naromoru and some going further to Meru. Over the years these groups would slowly return to Baringo.
Settlement Patterns in Baringo, 1800s-1900s
Anderson (2002) records the settlement patterns in Baringo from the time that the areas including Kisanana were controlled by the Maasai to the time when the Tugens ended up setting permanent settlements in the Baringo lowlands (see Figure 4).
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 54
Figure 4
Movements in Baringo and the Nakuru corridor in the 1800s
(Anderson, 2002, p. 29).
In the beginning of the 19th century, Central and Northern Rift Valley was occupied by the (i) Maa speaking groups including the Maasai, the Samburu (also Il Doijo or Il Toijo) and the
Njemps (also Il Chamus or Il Camus), and (ii) the Kalenjin speaking groups including the Tugen and the Pokot (Anderson, 2002; Dundas, 1910). The Maasais would seasonally graze their livestock across the Baringo lowlands including Kisanana, through Laikipia, into Nakuru CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 55
(Anderson, 2002). There were persistent conflicts between different sections of the Maasai who sought to control grazing land along the Baringo plains.
The Tugen are said, in historical literature (Kandagor, 1993) and based on the oral accounts of six informants,16 to have settled in the hills as a security measure against potential enemies (punik). From the hilltops, they strategically observed the lowlands for potential cattle raiders and managed to stay out of the crossfire during incessant conflicts between different sections of the Maa speaking groups (Anderson, 2002). They managed to stay out of the crossfire since they stayed out of the way of the more powerful Maasai groups who occupied the lowlands. More importantly, from the hilltops, the Tugens posed no threat to the more powerful
Maasai who preferred to graze in the open fields of the Baringo lowlands (Anderson, 2002).
By the early 1880s the Purko section of the Maasai, whose numbers had been reduced through decades of conflict, were in control of vast amounts of land (in the Baringo lowlands and the Nakuru corridor) that they could not effectively patrol (Anderson, 2002). The unpatrolled long stretches of land remained open to encroachment for the next 20 years by the Tugen from
Tugen hills, in the northeast and by the Nandi from Nandi hills from the west (Anderson, 2002).
Maasai stronghold over Baringo and Nakuru was further weakened by livestock diseases
(pleuropneumonia, cattle plague, and rinderpest), and human disease (smallpox) (Anderson,
2002; Waller, 1976). It is approximated by Anderson, (2002) that the Maasai had lost up to 80% of their livestock by 1891. Weakened by disease and loss of livestock, a majority of the Maasai sought refuge in neighbouring regions around Ngong, Naivasha, Nyeri, Meru, and in Il Chamus villages around Lake Baringo (Spencer, 1998; Waller, 1976).
16 A 60-70-year-old male respondent, on this, noted: “Us Tugens like living in the hills so that we can have a clear view from above. We can see who is approaching our homesteads.” CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 56
Due to livestock and human disease, the Purko Maasai under Olonana formed strategic alliances with the British who were at the time seeking European settlement around the Rift
Valley (Waller, 1976). In 1902, Olonana signed a treaty with the British (Waller, 1976) “that would condemn the former Lords of East Africa to life in a native reserve” (Anderson, 2002, p.
38). The Maasai were pushed out of the Baringo lowlands along the Nakuru corridor including the area of Kisanana and those surrounding Kisanana following the signing of the Lenana treaty
(Anderson, 2002; Waller, 1976).
How the Tugen got to Kisanana
While different sections of the Maasai controlled the Baringo lowlands and the Nakuru corridor throughout the 1800s, the Tugen lived in the rugged Tugen hills safe from the constant conflict over the open fields of the Rift Valley (Kandagor, 1993). The Tugen subsisted on a mixed economy growing grains, sorghum and millet, and keeping small herds of cattle, goats, and sheep (Anderson, 2002; Kandagor, 1993). This was reiterated during interviews when one
80-90-year-old male informant recounted that: “Tugens did not have much; they had a few cows, goats and sheep and they kept honey. Tugens began amassing large herds of cattle when the
Maasais left this place and after the Europeans had arrived.” The Tugen co-existed peacefully with their agriculturalist neighbours, the Il Chamus, and their pastoralist seasonal neighbours, the
Maasais, since they strategically avoided taking on more stock than was needed for family sustenance.
With a few stocks of cattle, goats and sheep, Tugen families had temporary seasonal access to the Baringo lowlands stretching from Kerio Valley to Mogotio around River Pekkera into the East of Molo River throughout the 19th century (Anderson, 2002). The Tugen geo- structural system of grouping, pororosiek, determined seasonal patterns of movement from the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 57 uplands to the lowlands (Anderson, 2002). A pororiet is a demarcated geographical territory controlled by groups of families based on clan affinity (Anderson, 2002). With this system “each
[pororiet] held lands running from hilltop to valley bottom, allowing each to cultivate at different altitudes and to move their small herds of cattle between lowland and upland pastures”
(Anderson, 2002, p. 39). Despite the seasonal access to the lowlands as far as the east of Molo
River, access to more fertile land towards the Nakuru corridor including Kisanana and Solai remained under the control of the Maasai (Anderson, 2002).
Towards the end of the 19th century, with Maasai authority weakening in Northern Rift
Valley as a result of livestock loss and population decrease (Waller, 1976), the Tugen slowly began expanding grazing zones into Maasai territory on a regular basis (Anderson, 2002). After the signing of the Lenana treaty in 1904, the Maasai were officially pushed out of the Baringo lowlands, away from the territory they once controlled into two reserves, one to the south of
Ngong and the other in the Laikipia Plateau (Anderson, 2002; Waller, 1976). Despite the treaty, the Maasai moved freely beyond the boundaries established in the treaty around the Laikipia
Plateau (Anderson, 2002). Another treaty would be signed in 1911 further pushing the Maasai from the fertile Laikipia Plateau into a southern arid reserve in Kajiado and Narok with the intent of opening up the northern Rift Valley for European settler farms (Waller, 1976). By 1913, all
Maasais had been removed from the Baringo lowlands and around the Nakuru corridor (Waller,
1976) inadvertently paving way for Tugen herders to expand grazing territory (Anderson, 2002).
By 1920, Tugen herders had expanded their grazing zones into the Nakuru corridor along the
Molo River into Kisanana and Solai on the east stretching further south towards Kiplombe and
Kambi ya Moto (Anderson, 2002). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 58
One might wonder how the Tugen gained access to the Baringo lowlands along the
Nakuru corridor following the removal of the Maasai from the lands that had been set aside for
European settler farming. The answer is provided by Anderson (2002) who records that despite the taking up of ownership of fertile lands in Baringo by Europeans settlers, African herders, specifically the Tugen, had unparalleled access to grazing land and resources (water and salt) up until the late 1940s to the early 1950s because white settler farmers either did not immediately lay claim to the lands and/or allowed Tugen herders to graze in their lands to manage “bush encroachment” (p. 63). Anderson (2002) notes that European farm allotments were:
generally too large to be initially utilized by the European occupier, and the boundaries
with the African reserves were not fenced. African (Tugen) herders therefore continued
to enjoy the freedom to graze on the farms pending the farmer’s ability to exert adequate
control over the movement of Africa-owned stock. Some farmers in fact found it to their
advantage to allow African cattle to remain on their otherwise underutilized lands, the
grazing of African-owned livestock keeping bush encroachment to a minimum. (p. 63)
The presence of Tugen herders in European settler farms was at the beginning welcome by some settlers, to stop bush encroachment. The land was thus open for free reign to the African herder.
The Tugen thus took advantage of the opportunity and moved into European settler farms to lay claim of open grazing territory.
The Settling of the Tugen in Kisanana
The slow migration of Tugen herders into the areas surrounding, and of, Kisanana started approximately in the early 1900s (Anderson, 2002). Throughout the 1900s to around the 1920s,
Tugen herders moving down from the hills had occupied Eldama Ravine by 1903, Arabel by
1904, Endorois and Maji Moto by 1911, Pekerra, Radad, and Koitegan hills by 1914, and CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 59
Kisanana and Solai by 1918 (Anderson, 2002). These years (1900s to 1920) were recorded as the most successful in terms of solidifying the group’s economic base by expanding its territories of control (Anderson, 2002) and accumulating wealth (livestock) in the process, and thus securing the group’s cultural survival. The Kipnyigeu age-set (born approximately between 1886 – 1897 and initiated into adulthood between 1906 - 1917) were the first set of individuals to venture into the Baringo lowlands to seek permanent settlements from 1904 to the 1920s. They were followed by the Nyongi age-set (born approximately between 1898 – 1909 and initiated into adulthood between 1907 – 1929). Prior to this movement, Tugen families kept a few herds of cattle, mostly two to three, and a few goats and sheep. Families kept these few herds since they did not have the land to graze large herds (in the hills). Families also practiced bee keeping for honey and the women went to work in Il Chamus farms for grain (Kandagor, 1923). During these years the
Tugen were perceived as poor. An 80-90-year-old male informant spoke of Tugen poverty, at the time, and how the Tugen began accumulating wealth as follows:
the Tugen had nothing. They were poor. Those who kept bees were poorer. The ones who
were considered well off had two to three cows. When the Kinpyigeu moved here they
began accumulating wealth. They were like the mzungu (white man). The mzungu had no
cows when they moved here. The Kipnyigeu age-set warriors joined hands with the
mzungu and went to raid livestock from the Samburu up north. The Nyongi age-set
warriors defied the Kipnyigeu set arguing, ‘why are we following these old men, why
don’t we go on our own and raid cattle on our own?’, so the Nyongi age-set warriors
went to raid livestock on their own. The Nyongi went to Turkana to raid. After these
raids, Tugen livestock wealth increased. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 60
Once Tugen families had moved to the Baringo lowlands and once they acquired livestock from raids, they were able to herd livestock freely in the fertile lowlands (including in Kisanana) from the time they moved until after WWII when white settler farmers came and restricted Tugen access to these fertile lands.
Tugen Forms of Subsistence17
During the years that marked the beginning of Tugen migration and settlement in the plains of the Rift Valley, and in this case Kisanana, Tugen subsistence activities remained unaltered as women continued to contribute to the economy through farming activities and contributed to sustenance activities associated with the household including food preparation, handling, and storage, and men continued to contribute to activities related to livestock production. An 80-90-year-old female informant18 noted the following when talking about the important historical events that occurred in Tugen history:
when we moved here from Tugen,19 the men used to care for the animals, and we planted
food in our gardens. We grew maize and millet. We got our mboga (vegetables) from the
forests, we got isochik and sagek20 from the forest, they grew naturally. These days
people grow isochik and isagek in their farms, but in those days, we gathered them from
the forest.
17 The information below was gathered from study participants.
18 I present quotes from interviews here. I will, however, provide details on the methodology and the interviews in a later section – the methodology section.
19 Meaning Tugen hills.
20 Isochik and isagek are indigenous vegetables eaten by the Tugen, and by other communities in Kenya. They are an accompaniment of ugali (white corn bread), a staple dish in Kenyan households. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 61
Upon settling in Kisanana and its surroundings, some shifts began to emerge with a few
Tugen men taking on formal employment with white settler farmers. An 80-90-year-old male interviewee noted the following on Tugens taking employment with European settlers:
Kiptagich of Kap Sambu was an askari (guard) for a mzungu (white man). His job was to
make sure that the Tugen did not take their animals to graze in the land of a mzungu. He
had a uniform, a shirt and shorts. He also wore shoes and socks. Those days, if you saw
anyone with a uniform you got scared because you knew that you were dealing with a
mzungu guard.
On Tugen employment another 80-90-year-old male interviewee recounted that
when the mzungu (white man) arrived here, we kept a few livestock. Some Tugen
families harvested honey and grew millet. We did not have a lot of possessions. Kimurto,
well known in Kisanana, became rich. He started working for a mzungu. He used to cook
tea for a mzungu. He worked for a mzungu until the time of the war, then he went to fight
in the war. When he arrived, after the war, he bought more cattle for himself.
After WWII, European settler farmers went to lay claim of the land that had been set aside for colonial agricultural activities. An 80-90-year-old male informant noted that those who fought in the wars were awarded farms in the areas around Kisanana as gifts for their service in the war. When the European settlers arrived and laid claim of the farms set aside for them, they began efforts to keep African herders out of these farms. The same 80-90-year-old male informant noted that
at the time when we had giil (become aware of right and wrong) as children, we used to
graze livestock in all these areas [pointing towards the flat plains]. There was no problem.
After the war, these lands were given as payment to mzungu soldiers who had fought in CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 62
the war. Then there was a problem. They did not allow us to step foot in these lands
anymore. They hired askaris (guards) who watched out for unwanted Tugen livestock.
They put a fence around the fertile areas to keep our livestock out.
The Tugen practice of animal husbandry suffered during these times. Study participants referred to these periods as ng’wan (painful). The experience of pain was characterized by fencing to keep animals out and the branding of livestock to only allow a certain number of livestock per family to herd in Kisanana. A 70-80-year-old male interviewee, on the pain suffered during these times recounted that:
My father told me that they captured three of his cows because they did not have the
grazing brand. Cows without this brand were not allowed in Kisanana. My father did not
want to be arrested. He also thought that the fine would be too high and so he decided to
leave his cattle in Majani Mingi.21 This was painful for my family.
An 80-90-year-old male informant, on the capturing of livestock by white settlers noted the following:
That thing was painful. The wazungu (white men) during that time took cattle that had
been captured, and not claimed by owners, to Marigat22 for canning. A lot of families in
this area moved back up north to Tugen (hills)23 to herd their livestock.
Thus, Tugen families experienced the pain of loss of livestock during the time when white settler farmers put restrictions on the amount of cattle a family could graze in the region.
21 Majani Mingi is the location where they drove captured flock to. It is approximately a 30-minute drive from Kisanana to Majani Mingi.
22 Marigat is a town in Baringo county and is located west of Kisanana. It is approximately a 2-hour drive from Kisanana to Marigat.
23 These families sent their flock to Tugen hills because they still had relatives (and clanmates) residing in Tugen hills. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 63
During independence and after the adjudication and the award of land units to Tugen clans and families, the problems that Tugen herders had were allayed as they commenced their practice of animal husbandry at ease with each cluster of families (clan) being awarded land both in the rocky hilly areas and in the flat plains. On this point, an 80-90-year-old male informant, remembered that “after the mzungu left, the families who had moved their flock up to Tugen hills came back. The mzungu had given up the land and the Tugen could now graze freely in this area.” The movement of families, in totality with all their livestock, was welcomed as families were able to return to a state of normalcy where they did not have to look over their shoulder when it came to their practice of animal husbandry. They were, at last, free to utilize the land that was at their disposal.
Cooptation into the National Economy
By the late 1950s to the early 1960s, following the division and distribution of land to
Tugen families, Tugen subsistence activities shifted rapidly with Tugen families taking up agricultural production for sale and some Tugen individuals taking up employment within colonial administrative units. Tugen families continued acquiring new wealth especially as employment allowed them to earn money to purchase more livestock. As an 80-90-year-old male interviewee noted, “livestock has always been important for the Tugen. When a Tugen person got money from employment, the only thing he bought was cattle. These days people buy land but back when mzungu was still here, they bought cattle.” With independence Tugen families continued to increase their wealth with the acquisition of more livestock. They also began working in farming, for consumption and for sale.
By independence, in 1963, Tugen society was already within the capitalist system as farmers in the region started cultivating crops to sell to government bodies, which were CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 64 established as national industries for boosting the local economy. These government bodies included the National Cereals and Produce Board, the Kenya Meat Commission, and Kenya
Cooperative Creameries. On this point, an 80-90-year-old male informant narrated the following:
The Tugen of Kisanana formed a supply union. They supplied milk, meat, and maize to
the government. They came together as a group of families and slaughtered their cattle
and goats together, brought together their milk, and cultivated maize together. They
would then send their union representatives to go sell these to the government.
By supplying to these bodies, the Tugen society was slowly being incorporated into the national economy.
The Impact of School-Based Education
School-Based Education, and Informal and Formal Employment
By the 1960s, school-based education was introduced by British missionaries
(Wamagatta, 2008) and emphasized as the next frontier for the nation with the first president of
Kenya, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, declaring ignorance as one of the three challenges (the others being poverty and disease) facing Kenya (Greste, 2014). With the emphasis on school-based education, research participants noted that some Tugen families began sending their children to school. An 80-90-year-old female participant described how education was started in Kisanana.
She narrated that
Paramount Chief Cherusei was responsible for the starting of schools in Kisanana. He
went to each family and demanded one goat for the construction of the school. He sold
the goats and built the primary school. Later, he approached each family and asked them
to send at least one child to school. Families were resistant and did not want to send their CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 65
able children school. The able children were seen as important for herding livestock. The
less able children, mostly young girls and the disabled, were sent to school.
As was the case therefore, girls and less able children in Kisanana accessed education during the early days (since the introduction of schools) in comparison to boys.
By the 1960s, the first set of children sent to school had enrolled in high school. Upon completion of high school, some continued on to tertiary institutions while some took on already available jobs in teaching and in administration in government offices. This was the beginning of the diversification of the sustenance activities engaged in by Tugen families to extend beyond the boundaries of Kisanana into other parts of Kenya. In those days, individuals often found employment upon completion of high school or even primary school. Several individuals who were the first to start school thus worked as teachers upon completing high school and some after completing primary school. These teaching positions were open to both genders and women in
Kisanana generally took on teaching positions. An 80-90-year-old female interviewee was among the first to attend primary school. She described her experience as follows:
I was among the first to attend primary school in Kisanana after Cherusei opened the
school. There were few of us in my class. A lot of families did not see the value of
education then. They preferred to stay home and herd livestock. My father was a good
friend of Cherusei. Cherusei convinced my father to send me to school. After completing
primary school in Kisanana, I went to boarding school in Eldama Ravine.24 After I
24 Eldama Ravine is a town located east of Kisanana. It is approximately a 1.5-hour drive from Kisanana to Eldama Ravine. Before the promulgation of the new constitution in 2010, Eldama Ravine with Mogotio formed part of Koibatek district.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 66
finished boarding school, I got a job as a teacher in a secondary school in Emining.25
When they started a secondary school in Kisanana, I got a transfer to teach in Kisanana.
Another 80-90-year-old female participant narrated her experience as follows:
I was the first one to attend school in my family. My brothers were responsible for
herding activities in my family. When I completed primary school, I got a teaching job at
the same school [Kisanana primary school] teaching lower primary students.
Thus, women were among the first to access education in Kisanana due to families’ reluctance to send their able children to school. They preferred boys to stay at home and herd livestock, a preoccupation that was viewed as more paramount in comparison to education at the time.
Women who attended school were therefore able to secure jobs upon completion of their secondary education, and some times after the completion of their primary education.
The involvement of women in the economic sphere also extended beyond the household, for example some women prepared food and snacks and crocheted sewn fabrics in the form of tablecloths and curtains for sale during market days in the neighbouring towns of Lomolo and
Mogotio. A 70-80-year-old informant remarked that
when they started market days, during the times when wazungu (white people) were still
here, I started preparing snacks to sell. The men used to take their livestock for auction
during market days. The women used to prepare snacks. Others used to sell fabrics. My
neighbour, Targok of Kap Sing’oe used to make ropes for restraining cattle and goats.
She also used to sell tablecloths and curtains. Targok of Kap Sing’oe was very
entrepreneurial. In fact, she still makes and sells, to this day, ropes for restraining
livestock.
25 Emining is a town north of Kisanana. To get to Marigat, one drives through Emining. It is approximately a 1.5- hour drive from Kisanana to Emining. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 67
While women were able to fulfill their roles in the homestead as keepers, they were also able to venture into the public sphere during market days to participate in personally driven economic activities.
School-based education impacted the structure of the family by opening up opportunities for women and giving them a chance to venture into public spaces. In traditional Tugen society, women worked in the domestic spaces26 of the home. They engaged in activities of homemaking, food handling including cooking and milking cows, and also partook in cultivation of food crops.
Men ventured into the traditional public space that had to do with livestock herding and the provision of security for the community as warriors. With the introduction of education and the subsequent availability of jobs, women who had completed school and secured jobs in the region were able to participate in the activities of the public space, meaning joining the labour force.
This did not have much impact on the relations between men and women especially because women continued to fulfill their responsibilities in the domestic space with the help of female relatives such as sisters, nieces, and aunts. Additionally, with the introduction of agriculture for cash crops, families had to come together for large scale farming. This saw men moving into the domestic sphere of cultivation to share in the activities of cultivation. Cultivated crops were sold with surplus crops being stored for family use throughout the year. The relationships between men and women seemed not to have been largely impacted since women continued to participate
26 The idea of the domestic versus public space is made clear in Tugen society. From birth individuals are separated according to the space they will occupy. This often begins with the naming process which begins when the father on his behalf and on behalf of the rest of the family, speaking loudly from outside the baby’s hut asks: ‘po orit anda po sang?’ (‘Does it [the baby] belong outside or does it belong inside?) The typical response is: Po sang – it belongs outside –, if it is a boy and Po orit – it belongs inside –, if it is a girl. Orit translates to mean inside while sang translates to mean outside. Orit means that they will be engaged in domestic activities including homemaking, food production and preparation, and caring for young ones while sang means that they will be engaged in outside activities including herding livestock and security matters.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 68 in their traditional activities of orit, inside (of homemaking, food handling, and preparation) and the men continued with their traditional activities of sang, outside (of livestock care and herding, and security). The only change that occurred was with the bringing in the efforts of both men and women in family clusters to partake in cultivation activities.
Formal Education, Formal employment, and Shifting Relations Within the Family
In Kisanana, household arrangements seemed to have shifted differently for different families starting in the 1970s. As derived from the accounts of several study participants, there are households within which both marital partners pursued education and moved away to towns and cities for work. In other families, the division of tasks remained culturally Tugen with the woman staying home to care for the children as the husband went to work. In other families, there are instances where women took on education but their husbands either did not go to school or stopped going to school after completing their primary education. In other instances, there are some families where neither partner pursued education, but the family was able to sustain itself as they continued to participate in the collective production and sustenance activities of the family. During these years, families in their clusters came together to open and run businesses such as shops and tea cafes. An 80-90-year-old female interviewee on being asked about education as an important milestone for the people of Kisanana remarked that
after the wazungu had left, education had become popular in Kenya. It was during this
time that they built and opened a secondary school in Kisanana. The Vice President of
Kenya was invited to Kisanana by Cherusei27 to come and open the school. We were
asked to prepare songs of competition to sing on that day since they were going to invite
women and men from neighboring regions to sing. The women of Kisanana sang with a
27 Cherusei was the Paramount Chief in Kisanana during that time. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 69
lot of vigor and we emerged winners in the competition that day. At the end of the song
competitions, the Vice President was very happy. He opened the school and gave money
for educating the first set of students to join the school. By this time, the people of
Kisanana were now sending their children to school. A lot of the students who finished
from the secondary school got jobs in Nakuru and Nairobi and they moved with their
families.
As individuals who had received secondary education moved out of Kisanana to secure jobs, there were opportunities open to residents of Kisanana who had pursued primary education. As jobs in the post office, the credit union, and in schools opened up, priority was given to residents of Kisanana. The community benefited from this arrangement since individuals (and by extension their families) were given opportunities to earn income.
As noted, some individuals did not pursue education. A 60-70-year-old male informant on being asked why some people had not pursued education observed that:
In every place, you will find people who do not see the value of something. That thing
can be education. In Kisanana there are those who did not see the value of education and
decided not to pursue it. They decided to stay home and herd livestock. Some who stayed
home to herd were supported by their families since herding livestock was an important
enterprise. So, you will find that there are men who did not pursue education because
they chose to stay home to herd their family’s livestock.
On the same note, a 50-60-year-old female teacher argued that
the reason a lot of men did not go on to pursue secondary education is because of tumdo
[the childhood to adulthood rite of passage]. Once boys transition into adults, they
become warriors and they become men who do not take to being told what to do very CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 70
well. A lot of men who have transitioned and joined school have given trouble to teachers
since they have an attitude, and they cannot be told anything. They become insubordinate
and present a lot of problems for teachers, especially female teachers. The teachers of the
secondary school therefore decided that they will not admit individuals who had gone to
tumdo. This has locked out a lot of male students from pursuing education. This is why
you will see more girls in comparison to boys are educated beyond primary school in
Kisanana. Of course, there are some families who decide to take their sons to secondary
schools outside the region where no one knows that they have undergone the rite of
passage.
On the opening of businesses, a 50-60-year-old male study participant who comes from a family that opened up businesses in the region remarked that:
My father went to the war and when he returned, he bought cattle. He later sold his cattle
and came together with my uncles, who also sold their cattle, to open up a milling
business. That was the only milling business in Kisanana. Before that, the people of
Kisanana used to go to Lomolo28 to mill their maize. The milling business was
successful. My father and uncles later came together and opened a butchery where they
sold slaughtered meat and also sold boiled and roasted meat. This was also the first
butchery to be opened in Kisanana. Kap Rotich opened the first shop with all types of
goods from clothes, to food, to household supplies. Kap Rotich also opened the first tea
café in Kisanana. They put a television in the tea café. Men used to go drink tea while
watching the evening news.
28 Lomolo is a village west of Kisanana and is one of the fertile areas that white settler farmers occupied. To date, Lomolo is occupied by a Greek farmer who plants sisal for export. The Greek farmer bought the land from a British settler following Kenyan independence. It is approximately a 30-minute drive from Kisanana to Lomolo. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 71
In terms of which families became more successful, those who pursued education or those who started their own businesses, one can only measure it (success) by looking at whether the said families were able to later educate their children. While school-based education was not viewed as a necessity during the early days in which it was introduced, it became more popular in the
1980s and the 1990s. Families in contemporary Kisanana view education as an important milestone and an important factor in measuring success. A family that has educated its children
(mostly to tertiary level) are often viewed as successful. As such, to determine whether those who pursued education (early on) or those who chose to start businesses succeeded, one has to look at whether they were able to educate their children with their wealth. Those who pursued education invested their energies to sending their children to tertiary institutions given their exposure to the benefits of education in comparison to those who stayed and started their businesses. One can thus say that those who received formal education were more successful since a majority were able to ensure that their children acquired education to the tertiary level.
With increasing access to formal education, individuals born in the late 1970s and 1980s had access to a wide range of occupations following the increase in degree programs in Kenyan universities and colleges and the reduction in employment opportunities in traditional fields, such as teaching, upon the time of graduation. Families during these years placed primary resources into educating their children given their exposure to education and marked success of the educated in their fields of choice. A majority of individuals born in the late 1970s and 1980s thus went on to complete high school and joined tertiary institutions of learning.29 On this point, a 60-70-year-old male interviewee observed that
29 While a majority have gone and gotten an education, there are still individuals who have decided not to get an education. Some drop out out of their own accord to engage in other activities mainly livestock herding or working in family businesses. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 72
education is important. The Tugen were exposed to the importance of education by
Cherusei. Those who got educated first, found jobs mostly as teachers. Later they found
jobs within the government as officers in agriculture. A few have gotten jobs as nurses.
But a majority went into teaching. Once the Tugen realized the value of education, they
started selling their cattle to educate their children. A lot of the people educated here were
educated using money gained from cow sales.
Thus, in the early years that education was introduced, the value of education was not recognized by the people of Kisanana. With passing time, the residents of Kisanana embraced education as a valuable tool for advancing a family. Families therefore started sending their children to school with the intention that they would secure readily available jobs.
Individuals born in the late 1980s and early 1990s have recently experienced challenges in finding employment given rising unemployment rates in Kenya in recent years. According to
Alushala (2020) 39% of Kenyan youth aged between 18 and 34 remained unemployed as of the
2019 census. A 30-40-year-old female study participant on the challenges of finding a job remarked that “these days there are no jobs. It is not like a long time ago where one finished school and they got a job after finishing school. These days it is hard to find a job.” On the same note – the challenges of finding a job – a 30-40-year-old male informant narrated his experience as follows:
I finished college in 2010 and I have not been able to get a job yet. I went to a teaching
college but have not been successful. I have even applied for jobs in hardship areas like CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 73
Turkana30 but they have not hired me, so I am staying at home. I now help with herding
my grandmother’s and my father’s livestock.
As noted above, while those who pursued education in earlier years were able to find employment with ease, even upon finishing primary school, those who have pursued education in the recent past (starting in the 1980s to 1990s), have not been able to secure employment due to a challenging job market.
Tertiary Institution Saturation and Youth Unemployment
Youth unemployment rates continue to soar in Kenya despite a high number of college and university graduates (Alushala, 2020). Some individuals born in the 1980s have found gainful employment upon completion of tertiary education while some of them struggle with finding employment. Individuals who have found employment have taken on varied occupations in various sectors of society including but not limited to the school system, in banking institutions, in the health sector, and in the agricultural sector.
Those not lucky in finding employment in their fields of choice have sought out service work with the police and the military. A 30-40-year-old male informant argued that “the most secure jobs are the police and the military.” Another interviewee (13-17-year-old male) on being asked what they would want to do when he graduates from high school noted: “I hope to join the police or KDF [Kenya Defense Forces]. I heard that KDF pays well.” Another informant (20-30- year-old male) noted that “the youth prefer the professions of teaching, the police, or the military because they are a sure way of gaining a dependable livelihood.” Joining the police force or the military seems to be a last resort for individuals who have struggled to find jobs. The allure to
30 Turkana is a county north of Kenya bordering both South Sudan to the west and Ethiopia to the East. Turkana is categorized as a hardship area because of the harsh weather conditions – caused by all year-round drought – and poor transportation infrastructure to the region. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 74 join the police force or the military does not seem to be tied to power but to job security and good pay.
Recruitment into the army specifically rose during Operation Linda Nchi in 2011, when the Kenyan government decided to send its troops to secure safety for Somalia following the kidnapping of two aid workers in Kenya’s Dadaab Refugee Camp (Migue et. al., 2016). Over the last 7 to 10 years, there has been an increase in the recruitment of individuals into the army. At the time of conducting fieldwork between 2015 and 2016, army recruitment in Kisanana and surrounding areas continued. This followed the incorporation of the Kenya Defence Forces into the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) following the passing of resolution 2036 by the UN Security Council (Migue et. al., 2016). Resolution 2036 was passed to pave way for the increase of troops and logistical support for the African Union Mission to Somalia following the increased dangers posed by the Al Qaeda affiliated group, Al Shaabab (Migue et. al., 2016).
Individuals born in the late 1980s to the 1990s who have graduated from a tertiary institution are confronted by a different set of challenges. It was the perception of study participants that there was increasing unemployment rates of tertiary educated graduates. Some of these individuals, thus, wondered about the value of getting a tertiary education in the Kenya of today with increasing cases of nepotism and rampant corruption in formal employment. A 20-
30-year-old female interviewee observed that
these days life is hard. you must know someone to get a job. For some jobs you must pay
some money to get selected for an interview… I heard that to get into the police academy
one must pay hundreds of thousands of shillings…I heard that one pays 200,000
KES31…if you cannot afford you stay out.
31 200,000 KES is approximately 1880 USD (Morningstar, June 28, 2020). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 75
On the same note, of corruption and nepotism, a 20-30-year-old male informant narrated that:
I have applied for many jobs and have not been called for a single interview… I have
applied for at least 30 jobs and have not heard anything… the problem is that I do not
know anyone in these companies that I have applied to…in Kenya they say, ‘do you
know anybody?’
There is thus, still a continued allure in joining the police force and/or the military. In addition, some of those who have graduated from a tertiary institution and have not found jobs have resorted to trying their hand in business, for example opening speciality shops, buying a motorbike for the transport business, or operating mobile money shops. Other individuals have decided to move to neighbouring towns in search of employment. A 50-60-year-old female informant noted that two of her children had moved to Eldoret to live with relatives in their search for employment. Other informants talked about relatives who had moved to Mombasa,
Nakuru, Mogotio, and Kabarnet in search of better opportunities.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 76
Chapter Three: Literature Review
This chapter presents key literature touching on the concepts and themes relevant to the present study. The chapter begins with definitions of concepts relevant to the dissertation including culture, conflict, conflict settlement, conflict management, conflict resolution, and peaceful cultures.
The second part of the chapter introduces research studies conducted on the topics of culture and conflict. On this, comparative studies of how cultures handle conflict and conflict resolution processes based on models of classification including the individualism versus collectivism scale and the high context versus low-context scale are presented. The chapter then presents literature on cultural variations in conflict and conflict resolution based on holistic single case studies that seek to account for cultural relativity and that operate on the idea that single cultures are, rather, heterogenous and not homogenous.
In the third part of the chapter an argument is made to the effect that human nature is not wired for aggression and violence, rather that violence is learned behavior. Further, on the topic of peace and violence, the chapter presents literature on the arguments made by scholars regarding the dynamic nature of human societies that makes it possible for violence (in varying degrees) to exist within human cultures without discounting the existence of peace in these societies. Additionally, the third part of the chapter provides a review of the literature on peaceful societies and what Kemp (2004) refers to as their “technologies for peace” (p. 1), that is, the ways in which these peaceful societies have managed to remain peaceful in the face of internal and external pressures.
On the topic of human needs and peace, the chapter makes a mention of some literature of three key human needs that have been argued as requisite for cooperative behavior when CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 77 fulfilled, that is basic physiological and safety needs, belongingness/ bonding, and the need for autonomy. The chapter touches on human needs and the societal arrangements needed to be in place for needs to be met. The chapter also introduces human needs from the human capabilities approach.
Definitions of Core Concepts
Defining Culture
Historically, there have been three ways of looking at culture. The first, equated to civilization, sees culture as a “general process of intellectual, spiritual and aesthetic development” (Williams, 1976, p. 90). The second is closely related to the first. With this view, culture is described as the “works and practices of intellectual and especially artistic activity” including “music, literature, painting and sculpture (Williams, 1976, p. 90). In the third usage of culture, and of relevance to social science, culture is described as “a particular way of life, whether of a people, a group, or humanity in general” (Williams, 1976, p. 90). First used by
Tylor (1871) in Primitive Culture the definition of culture in the third sense, has been modified and redefined; first used in anthropology, the term has been used and redefined in other social science fields such as sociology, political science, and economics and has resulted in over 150 definitions (Williams, 1976). Tylor (1871) definition of culture is: “culture or civilization, taken in its wide ethnographic sense, is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society” (p. 2). It is important to underscore that Tylor (1871) borrowed his definition from earlier scholar Gustav Klemm who postulated that
thus, it is culture when a man takes a branch from a tree, or when he sharpens it with a
stone or fire, and uses it for defense or to hunt an animal; it is an expression of culture CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 78
when he makes fire from two pieces of wood in order to roast the hunted animal; just as it
is when he burns the corpse of his dead father in the hut where he ended his life, it is
culture when he conveys the experiences passed down to him by his parents and those of
his own experiences to his children; or when he paints himself with dye and decorated
himself with feathers for war or for a festival. These are all expressions of the drive and
the faculty, which differentialtes him from the animals. (as translated in Manias, 2012, p.
12)
It is important to note that the development of the early definitions of culture fell in the backdrop of the socio-political climate of the time. Tylor, a 19th century British Anthropologist was influenced by Victorian ideas that viewed human societies as going through a unilineal process of evolution. Later scholars would criticize these conceptions of culture which viewed culture as a process of progression from barbarism to civilization with 19th century England as an example of the pinnacle of civilization. Later definitions of culture, including those of Avruch
(1998), Lederach (1995), and Clark (1988) have moved away from Tylor’s conceptualization of culture in the lens of civilization.
Avruch (1998) sees culture as “derivative of individual experience, something learned or created by individuals themselves or passed on to them socially by contemporaries or ancestors”
(p.5). For Avruch (1998) the conceptualization of culture is focused on cognitive aspects meaning that culture is “psychologically and socially distributed in a group” (p.5). Further, culture is viewed as heterogenous and expands (from the kin-sharing [group]) to include
“groupings that derive from profession, occupation, class, religion, or region” (Avruch, 1998, p.5). In his conceptualization of culture, Avruch (1998) moves away from the demerits of other conceptualizations which view culture as coherent and “free from internal paradoxes” (p.14) as CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 79 homogenous, as custom, and as imposing behavior on individual thus disregarding individual agency. Avruch (1998) views culture as connected to experience, that is social action, as enabling both structure and agency where individuals inherit it from contemporaries and ancestors as well as create it for themselves, and as constantly changing and adapting.
Lederach (1995) takes a social constructionist approach to culture. For Lederach (1995), culture is “rooted in the shared knowledge and schemes created and used by a set of people for perceiving, interpreting, expressing, and responding to social realities around them” (p. 9). The constructionist approach is one based on meaning, that is, meaning is at the centre of the constructionist argument where individuals in their groups seek and create meaning for social phenomena and social reality. This meaning, according to Lederach (1995), emerges from shared knowledge. Lederach (1995) argues that “training for conflict transformation and mediation must envision cultural knowledge as a key resource in both the creation and development of models appropriate to a given setting” (p. 10). Lederach (1995) further points that in training across cultures there are a few assumptions that should be embraced; (i) that the transfer of knowledge from one culture to another is problematic, (ii) identifying readily available local resources is necessary, and (iii) the importance of identifying and utilizing Indigenous knowledge for the problems to be addressed. In this way, cultural knowledge – that is local – is tapped in the efforts towards conflict transformation. Lederach (1995) refers to this as the elicitve approach to conflict and conflict resolution. The elicitive approach to conflict and conflict resolution is based on several key ideas; (i) that the people on the ground are key resources that need to be utilized in seeking to understand conflict and conflict resolution, (ii) that Indigenous knowledge is essential for learning, (iii) that the reliance on local knowledge is best in seeking to ensure suitable CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 80 knowledge creation, and (iv) that the seeking of Indigenous knowledge leads to empowerment that promotes participation among people in the grassroots (Lederach, 1995).
For the purposes of this dissertation, culture is used as a heuristic device to account for the totality of the experience of members of a group. To account for the totality of experience, this study draws on the definitions of culture put forth by Clarke, Jefferson, and Roberts (1981) who understand culture as referring to
that level at which social groups develop distinct patterns of life, and give expressive
form to their social and material life-experience. Culture is the way, the forms, in which
groups ‘handle’ the raw material of their social and material existence….The ‘culture’ of
a group or class is the peculiar and distinctive ‘way of life’ of the group or class, the
meanings, values and ideas embodied in institutions, in social relations, in systems of
beliefs, in mores and customs, in the uses of objects and materal life. Culture is the
distinctive shapes in which this material and social organization of life expresses itself. A
culture includes the ‘maps of meaning’ which makes things intelligible to its members.
These ‘maps of meaning’ are….objectivated in the patterns of social organization and
relationship through which the individual becomes a ‘social individual’. Culture is the
way the social relations of a group are structured and shaped; but it is also the way those
shapes are experienced, understood and interpreted. p.53
From the above definition, a few things emerge. First, is the objectification of the material aspects of life where group members are able to draw on available resources to meet their needs.
Second, is the social relations, institutions, and the patterns of behavior that guide these relations.
Third, are the values, norms, mores, and ideals that guide group member behavior. In this dissertation, these three components are key in making sense of the term culture and in its usage CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 81 as a device for analysis. This classification is similar to Clark’s (2002) classification of culture.
Clark (2002) identifies three primary elements of culture which succinctly capture the totality of human experience: material culture which “depends on environmentally available resources,” social culture which “comprises kinship and political patterns,” and ideological culture which
“embodies the belief system and myths” (p. 183). For Clark (2002), these three elements of culture “interact to create a meaningful world view” (p. 183). Clark’s (2002) conceptualization of culture as the totality of human experience is similar in some ways to Klemm’s definition (as translated in Manias, 2012), which informed the first usage of the term of culture in anthropology by Tylor (1871).
Definitions in Conflict Resolution Studies
Defining Conflict Settlement, Management, and Resolution.
There is a lack of consensus on definitions and general concepts used in conflict resolution studies and peace and conflict studies. The difficulty in establishing a unified field32 of conflict resolution can be attributed to the different definitions of conflict and the different techniques proposed for handling conflict. Lewis Coser (1956) defines conflict as “a struggle over values and claims to scarce status, power, and resources, a struggle in which the aims of opponents are to neutralize, injure, or eliminate rivals” (p.8). This definition suggests that conflict can only be resolved competitively. If conflict is however defined as a “perceived divergence of interest or a belief that parties’ current aspirations cannot be achieved
32 There remains a lack of consensus, especially between analysts and practitioners, on the direction the field of peace and conflict studies needs to take. Specifically, there is a lack of consensus on whether the field needs to retain the original generalized approach to conflict by focusing on macro-theories and overarching models of analysis or whether the field needs to adopt a more specialized practical component focusing on micro-interactional processes. A more centrist approach in peace and conflict studies, emerging and growing within the last 20 years, combines theory and practice, that is, Conflict Analysis and Resolution (CAR), by developing and refining models of analysis based on micro-interactional processes. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 82 simultaneously” (Pruitt & Kim, 2004, pp. 7-8), there is an implication that parties could negotiate and clarify their perceptions, and therefore end the conflict. Conflict, from the two definitions
(Coser’s, and Pruitt and Kim’s), does not occur in a vacuum; it occurs between two or more people, who to some extent are connected to each other. From these two definitions, several strategies for resolving conflict have been suggested. First, either or both parties can end their relationship and therefore end the conflict or either or both parties can either avoid or accommodate the other and therefore end the conflict. Second, parties can clarify their misperceptions and therefore end the conflict (problem solve/collaborate). Third, in instances where parties cannot end the relationship and cannot clarify misperceptions, competition remains the only option for handling the conflict (Blake, Shepard, & Mouton, 1964; Roy, Saunders, &
Minto, 1999).
In terms of determining the constructive outcome of conflict, there are several approaches, (i) conflict settlement, (ii) conflict management, and (iii) conflict resolution. These approaches speak to the techniques used by individuals, groups, and nations to handle conflicts.
The types of approaches adopted for handling conflict often vary across cultures. The first, conflict settlement, as described by Avruch (1998) “refers to any strategy that brings a socially visible or public episode of conflict to an end” (p. 25). These strategies constitute some
Alternative Dispute Resolution practices (ADR). ADR processes were instituted to replace traditional court processes (adjudication). ADR processes have been criticized as consensual systems, which eventually seek to maintain status quo since the party/parties in power usually end up having their way (see Nader, 1991, 1993 & 1997). Because of the inability to protect minority groups, Nader (1991, 1993 & 1997) has challenged ADR processes by advocating for court processes built on clear norms and guidelines for handling problems. Mian and Hossain CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 83
(2013) also examine the problems of ADR processes in Bangladesh. They note that the fact that there is no uniform ADR process to be followed makes neutral mediators and arbitrators apply arbitrary rules to their rulings, often to the disadvantage of the parties involved in a conflict situation (Mian and Hossain, 2013). Despite these listed disadvantages of ADR, it is important to note that ADR processes are cheaper than formal court proceedings and provide avenues for parties to amicably solve problems especially if they intend on saving their relationships. In sum,
ADR processes that can be categorized as conflict settlement including arbitration and negotiation. Mediation, facilitation, and problem solving are also ADR processes but, for the purpose of the dissertation, they are placed under the umbrella of conflict resolution.
Arbitration is a process whereby a third party is consulted to make a decision on a conflict case (Golberg, Sander, & Rogers, 2012). In this process, the parties to a conflict do not provide input on the process and the outcome rather they provide their side of the story and the decision making on the outcome rests with the arbitrator. Arbitration is often used by parties who are seeking a quick solution to their dispute. The outcome of the dispute, since it rests with the arbitrator, can be one-sided (win-lose) or can benefit both parties (win-win) (Golberg, Sander, &
Rogers, 2012). Since in arbitration, the arbitrator is given the authority to determine the outcome of a conflict situation, parties who feel that the outcome disadvantages them may feel that the process was unjust in addressing their needs. They may therefore develop feelings of resentment toward the process and toward the other party thus ruining the chances of their being a continued relationship with the other party. However, arbitration is often beneficial when a quick resolution of a dispute is sought and is much cheaper than court processes.
Negotiation is a discussion between conflicting parties and/or their representatives on possible solutions to their conflict (Fisher & Ury, 1991). Interest-based negotiation (cooperative) CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 84 entails the centering of the negotiation process on the parties’ needs while positional negotiation is centered on positions, thus making it competitive (Lewicki, Saunders, & Minton, 1999).
Depending on the resources available to either party and the type of negotiation process, the solutions reached can either be win-win or win-lose where both parties’ needs are met or where one party’s needs are met at the expense of the other (Lewicki, Saunders, & Minton, 1999). As the negotiation process depends on the parties’ available resources, a negotiation can also be based on who is more powerful. In such cases, the outcome of the conflict may favor the person who has more resources at their disposal. Negotiation, however, is still a useful process because the parties decide the outcome of the dispute resolution process and the outcome is usually acceptable to both parties.
Conflict settlement processes (arbitration and negotiation) are aimed at addressing conflicts with negotiable interests (Buron & Dukes, 1990; Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse,
2005). As Burton and Dukes (1990) note, settlement processes best work for “cases in which authoritative determinations are required in order to preserve social norms. They are cases in which there are no human needs of development that might be suppressed by such enforced settlement” (p.4). Settlement is therefore aimed at reaching a solution that brings an episode of a dispute to an end. Conflict settlement is also employed to end instances of overt conflict or armed conflict (Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse, 2005). It may seem as though settlement implies that the dispute has ended. This may not be the case as disputes may be reopened again in future because settlement may not address the structural bases of conflict (Miall,
Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse, 2005). In cases where the relationship nor the issue are no longer important, parties (especially in interpersonal disputes) may choose to settle the conflict and go their separate ways. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 85
On to conflict management. In cases where there are non-negotiable interests for example in conflicts involving resources such as land and water or in cases of identity conflicts, conflict management is more appropriately used to handle the potentially destructive effects of these conflicts (Deutsch, 1973; Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse, 2005). Conflict management is employed to control a conflict; not to resolve it. In cases of deep-rooted conflicts that are based on intangible interests, it may be appropriate to control conflict in order to prevent it from escalating to destructive levels. Controlling the conflict is aimed at directing the conflict towards more constructive outcomes without necessarily addressing the root causes of conflict. In cases where intangible interests and/or values are at stake, conflict settlement is not possible since the conflict is based on non-negotiable interests and/or unmet human needs (Deutsch, 1973; Miall,
Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse, 2005). In these cases, complete resolution of the conflict is also not possible as either party are not willing to budge in the protection of their interests and needs
(Deutsch, 1973; Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse, 2005). Summatively, in cases where settlement and/or resolution are not possible, management remains the only feasible option.
The third approach to the resolution of conflict “aims somehow to get to the root causes of a conflict and not merely to treat its episodic or symptomatic manifestation” (Avruch, 1998, p.
26); this approach is conflict resolution. Conflict resolution is aimed at reaching long-term solutions to prevent the recurrence of conflict. Conflict resolution practices including mediation, facilitation and problem-solving. These processes are usually based on a collaborative model of facilitating the realization of mutually agreeable solutions (Pruitt & Kim, 2004).
Mediation is a third-party process that involves either a neutral third party or an interested third party (as is the case with non-Western mediation processes) to act as a go-between for parties who are in conflict (Golberg, Sander, & Rogers, 2012; Moore, 2003). In mediation, the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 86 mediator seeks to guide parties in a conflict to work through the conflict resolution process by guiding them to brainstorm and identify solutions that are mutually acceptable (Moore, 2003).
The mediation process is one based on interests and seeks to guide the conversation between parties by helping them clarify issues in the conflict with the goal of reaching an understanding between parties of each other’s side of the story and each other’s interests (Moore, 2003). The approach to mediation may be narrative where the parties’ stories are told and retold in order to get the parties to understand the other party’s side and in order to identify a mutually agreeable solution (Winslade & Monk, 2000). A mediation process that utilizes the Indigenous sharing circle where parties share their stories without interruption with the aim of establishing understanding between parties (Devries, 2016) can be categorized as narrative mediation.
Mediation may also be based on the problem-solving model where conflicts are viewed as problems that must be solved (Moore, 2003). It entails looking at the problem objectively, tearing it apart, and committing to finding a mutually agreeable solution to the problem (Moore,
2003). Lastly, mediation may be transformative where parties are guided through a process where the goal is to empower them in order for them to recognize their needs as well as to recognize the needs of others (Bush & Folger, 2004). The goals of empowerment and transformation are more than just aimed at the mediation process but are also aimed at transforming individuals towards self-empowerment and the recognition of the other party (Bush
& Folger, 2004). The benefits of transformative mediation are aimed at going beyond the mediation process where the parties emerge from the conflict with different lenses of perception
(Bush & Folger, 2004).
While mediation is aimed at helping two parties in a conflict reach a mutually agreeable solution (Golberg, Sander, & Rogers, 2012; Moore, 2003), facilitation and problem-solving are CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 87 processes used to resolve differences in groups. According to Schuman (2005), facilitation is the process in which a neutral third party helps a group work through its differences. Schwartz
(2016) offers a rounded definition of facilitation as “a way of thinking and working with groups that increases the chance that they’ll perform well, develop strong working relationships, and maintain or improve members’ well-being” (p. 4). Another definition is provided by Schwartz
(2005) who defines group facilitation as
a process in which a person whose selection is acceptable to all members of the group,
who is substantively neutral, and who has not substantive decision-making authority
diagnoses and intervenes to help a group improve how it identifies and solves problems
and makes decisions, to increase the group’s effectiveness. (p.3)
Facilitation is generally used in the context of organizational disputes. The aim of facilitation is to build consensus among a group of people with the help of a facilitator who guides the process by ensuring that the group adheres to the ground rules established before the facilitation process
(Schuman, 2005).
Problem solving is often used to refer to workshops that are organized to help groups in conflict as they seek to find solutions to conflicts between these groups (Fischer, 1997; Mitchell
& Banks, 1996). Usually, representatives from these groups are called to the table for facilitation.
They usually meet with third parties who help guide the problem-solving process by helping identify the sources of conflict and eventually reach mutually agreeable solutions (Fischer, 1997;
Mitchell & Banks, 1996). At first, problem solving was referred to as controlled communication by Burton (1969). It has also been referred to as “interactive conflict resolution or collaborative analytical problem solving or facilitated dialogues” (Mitchell, 2001, para. 1). The core ideas underlying the success of the problem solving approach is that CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 88
the interaction between those representing the views, concerns and aspirations of the
adversaries in the short, intensive workshop should be characterized by its being
facilitative, diagnostic and non-judgemental but above all by its absence of coercion,
either by the facilitating third part or by the adversaries themselves. (Mitchell, 2001, para.
3)
Mainly, using an analytical approach, the parties to a conflict are brought to understand the root causes of the conflict and are made to abandon their positions in search for more mutually acceptable solutions.
Mediation, facilitation, and problem solving are all part of conflict resolution processes.
When looked at in a broader lens, conflict resolution may be seen as short-term since it is applied for disputes that occur at a once off instance. Conflict resolution processes may only address one aspect of a conflict and may, at often times, not be able to provide long lasting solutions to ensure that future conflicts of a similar nature do not erupt. Broadly speaking, peacebuilding and conflict transformation are more effective in addressing the root causes of conflict and tacking the structural aspects of a conflict thus bringing about long-lasting impacts characterized by strengthened relationships and institutions.
Looked at from the lens of keeping peace and peaceful cultures, the approaches to conflict (whether settlement, management, or resolution, and more specifically, whether arbitration, negotiation, mediation, problem solving, or facilitation) are all techniques that are employed by different groups to secure peace. The technique(s) chosen by different groups differ based on the culture of the group and the priorities that the culture has set for the conflict response process selected. Some groups prioritize issues while other groups prioritize relationships. For groups that prioritize issues, techniques such as arbitration and negotiation are CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 89 utilized. For groups that prioritize relationships, techniques such as transformative mediation and problem solving are utilized.
Definitions in Peace and Conflict Studies
Peace and conflict studies provides a broader approach to conflict and considers multiple variables in the analysis of the structural bases of conflict and violence with the aim of instituting structural change toward ideal peace systems. Approaches in peace and conflict studies entail focusing on individual reactions, emotions and psychological processes, and on structural systems that influence and/or limit individuals and determine the quality of peace in a society.
These approaches are both micro and macro level approaches to conflict and peace.
The micro-level (behavioral) and the macro-level (structural) approaches to the processes of conflict and conflict resolution are explained in Mitchell’s (1981) conflict triangle, Galtung’s
(1990) structure of violence, and Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse’s (2005) structure of peace. Mitchell’s (1981) triadic structure of conflict includes (i) a conflict situation; (ii) conflict attitudes and perceptions; and (iii) conflict behavior, all interconnecting to reinforce each other during conflict. A conflict situation is defined as one in which “two or more social entities or
‘parties’ (however defined or structured) perceive that they possess mutually incompatible goals” (Mitchell, 1981, p. 17). Conflict attitudes are defined as “those psychological states
(common attitudes, emotions and evaluations, as well as patterns of perception and misperception) that frequently accompany and arise from involvement in a situation of conflict” (Mitchell, 1981, p. 27). Conflict behavior is defined as “actions undertaken by one party in any situation of conflict aimed at the opposing party with the intention of making that opponent abandon or modify their goals” (Mitchell, 1981, p. 29). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 90
Galtung’s (1990) and Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse’s (2005) triadic structures of violence and peace, respectively, are more encompassing in that they present a framework for understanding conflict resolution processes and the structural implications of these processes on achieving an ideal peace system. The triangle of violence includes direct violence (manifest conflict such as killing and the destruction of property), cultural violence (psychological justification of violence – that is any aspect of culture that legitimizes violence), and structural violence (systemic bases that engender an environment of cultural and direct violence).
Galtung’s (1990) structure of violence corelates to Mitchell’s (1981) structure of conflict. Direct violence correlates with conflict behavior, cultural violence correlates with conflict attitudes and perceptions, while structural violence correlates with the conflict situation. Understanding the correlations between these aspects of conflict (as contradictions, attitudes, and behavior) and violence (as actual/direct, psychological, and structural) is useful in conflict resolution and peace practice because efforts towards resolution can be directed towards the appropriate level of conflict and violence. For example, in terms of violence, there have been peacekeeping efforts to stop direct/actual violence. To curb future direct violence, peacemaking (to address psychological violence) follows where parties to a dispute are brought to the negotiating table to map out solutions to the sources of their conflict. Usually, peacebuilding follows to address structural violence, that is the root and structural bases of violence. This often entails the building of long-lasting structures of peace that seek to prevent the eruption of conflict over the same causes. Peacemaking (where cultural violence is addressed) and peacebuilding (where structural violence is tackled) can occur in tandem and can be beneficial for building relationships. These processes, to be successful, often takes years if not decades. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 91
The idea of structural violence or indirect violence was introduced by Galtung (1964) as he sought to introduce new concepts in peace research that focused not on warfare and direct violence but those aspects of violence that are invisible. In introducing the concept of structural violence, Galtung (1964) was also introducing a new conception of peace, one that means “the integration of human society” (p.2). For Galtung (1964), “the integration of human society” (p.2) has been equated with positive peace where the ideals of social justice are promoted and where policies that are holistic in assuring understanding amongst peoples and cooperation, effective communication, and peace education are advocated. The definition of peace in the UN Nairobi
Looking-Forward Strategies captures best the essence of positive peace:
Peace includes not only the absence of war, violence and hostilities at the national and
international levels but also the enjoyment of economic and social justice, equality and
the entire range of human rights and fundamental freedoms within society. (United
Nations, 1986, para. 13)
In introducing the concept of positive peace, Galtung (1964) also made a mention of negative peace which he conceptualized as “the absence of violence, absence of war (p.2). Negative peace in this sense means the presence of injustice, structural violence, and coercive policies that impede cooperation and understanding. Summatively, an argument can be made to the effect that the absence of direct violence but the presence of structural and cultural violence in a society means that in that society exists negative peace. Only when structural and cultural violence are addressed and the root causes of these violences are removed can a society be said to exist in positive peace.
There are many examples of societies existing in negative peace. Negative peace is characterized by injustice, deprivation, lack of political freedom among other things. One might CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 92 argue that there exists negative peace in a society like Kenya where millions live below the poverty line. According to a 2018 World Bank report, 36.1% of Kenyans live on less than 1.90 dollars a day (World Bank, 2018) While there is no outright armed conflict, at the moment, the instances of economic injustice suffered by many amounts to negative peace. Positive peace on the other hand can be exemplified not only by freedom (both political and economic) but also interpersonal wellbeing and positive relations between all peoples occupying a society (Miall,
Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse, 2005). While one might be tempted to say that societies in the
West, like Canada or Sweden exist in positive peace, it is important to underscore the troubled relations between different groups occupying these societies – that is between the dominant groups and Indigenous groups in these countries. As Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse
(2005) note, individuals occupying countries in the West who view their countries as existing in positive peace may be operating under “false consciousness” (p. 12). This means that they are made to believe that their society exists in positive peace yet in actuality there are instances of structural injustices existing in these societies.
Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse’s (2005) peace triangle, which includes peacekeeping, peacemaking and peacebuilding, provides a conceptual frame for understanding the processes of resolving conflict and/or ending violence. Peacekeeping comprises of processes aimed at halting direct violence on a larger scale (for example in terms of ethnic conflict; UN peacekeeping missions aim at halting immediate violence) and deescalating conflict behavior at a smaller scale (for example in industrial/organization conflicts; in cases of an industrial strike, parties could be asked to call off the strike in order to pave way for negotiations) (Miall,
Ramsbotham, & Woodhouse, 2005). Peacemaking begins once direct violence has been halted and/or when conflicting parties agree to resolve the conflict through mediation and/or problem CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 93 solving. Peacebuilding moves beyond conflict resolution as it aims to resolve the structural bases of conflict and is usually based on agreements reached during peacemaking processes (Miall,
Ramsbotham, &Woodhouse, 2005).
While peacebuilding has often been viewed as a process that is left to the state and state actors in conflicting societies, Lederach (1997) provides a different approach. Lederach (1997) writes that the project for peacebuilding must move beyond looking at state actors to engender peace, but must also involve middle level actors and grassroots actors in order to ensure a multi- level approach to peacebuilding in conflicting societies (Lederach,1997). Additionally, to ensure the success of peacebuilding, there must be a focus on relationship building based on long-term goals (Lederach,1997). The building of institutions that promote peace and that engender peaceful relationships between actors should be viewed long-term, even as long as 10 to 15 years, and in some cases generations, to ensure that conflict does not erupt again.
It would be impartial not to introduce work that focuses on systems theory and analysis in the approach to conflict and peace and specifically in the processes of building peace. An important scholar who has introduced a systems theory is Dugan (1996) with her nested theory of conflict. Dugan’s (1996) model operates outside the traditional approaches to conflict resolution and looks at conflict within a system operating with interrelated sub-systems. Dugan
(1996) while working to help resolve a case of racial tension amongst high school students in
Virginia came up with different types of conflict that might be interrelated. These types of conflict are issue-specific, relational, and structural. Issue specific conflicts are the “simplest and most frequent types of conflict” and often occur between individuals or groups (Dugan, 1996, p.
14). A relational conflict on the hand is “one which emerges from problems having to do with the interaction patterns of the parties and their feelings toward each other” (Dugan, 1996, p. 15). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 94
Structural conflict “emerges from inequities that are built into the social system….as the result of human constructs” (Dugan, 1996, p. 15). Structural conflicts are manifested in issues such as racism and sexism. In terms of how to resolve these conflicts, Dugan (1996) used the racial tension in the school to apply the nested theory of peacebuilding. Instead of focusing on the individuals that were involved in the conflict, she sought to bring the conversation to the structural level – that of the school. This meant calling on teachers, students, parents, and neighbors for a larger conversation on the reality that is racism. Dugan (1996) facilitated discussions around the issue in order to bring newer understandings of the problem and in order to seek out viable solutions. Dugan (1996) during the peacebuilding process referenced
Boulding’s (1996) idea of imagining the future. According to Boulding (1996), when facilitating a peacebuilding process, she would ask parties to imagine a utopian world (where their conflict would not be a factor) thirty years in the future. She would then work backward to present day by identifying solutions to the barriers that will be made apparent in parties’ imaginations.
When we think of approaches to conflict resolution, including mediation, problem solving, and arbitration, we are thinking of peacemaking efforts. These are the efforts that are put in place to address the behavioral components of conflict that are often laced with emotions and feelings that fuel a conflict. When we think of the processes proposed by Galtung (1969),
Lederach (1997), Dugan (1996), and Boulding (1996), we are referencing peacebuilding which entails looking at the structural bases of conflict, that is its root causes, with the aim of removing these causes in order to realize positive peace in a society. In terms of cultures of peace, peacebuilding efforts are often ongoing and are often embedded within social institutions. This means that the structural bases of conflict that are rooted in inequality, depravation, and injustice are removed thus preventing structural conflicts. Peacemaking efforts, in these societies, are also CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 95 often ongoing meaning that there are clear cultural mechanisms that have been put in place to handle conflicts as they occur.
Defining Peaceful Cultures
Galtung’s (1969) concept of positive peace is similar to the concept of a peaceful society in the dissertation. For Galtung (1969), positive peace is achieved through a culture of peace. A culture of peace promotes direct and structural peace. Direct peace and structural peace is a negation of direct violence and structural violence. Direct violence is actual violence that manifests, for example in killing, and death from hunger and preventable diseases while structural violence refers to the institutional structures for example, inequality, injustice, and poverty, that breed actual violence. Direct peace and structural peace is a negation of violence and is characterized by mutual understanding through efffective communation and the constructive approach to conflict (for direct peace) and the institutionalized systems of equality, justice, cooperation, and protection (for structural peace). Cultural peace is deemed as the sum of cosmologies and ideological arrangements that promote, justify, and legitimize direct and structural peace. A peaceful culture thus emerges when there are ideological justifications for actual and institutional peace.
Lederach (2014) also presents a conception of a peaceful society in his conceptualization of conflict transformation. For Lederach (2014), peace is intertwined with justice, is built on relationships and structures that support the respect for human rights, and is supported by the practice of non-violence. Lederach (2014) does not negate the existence of conflict in society, if anything he mentions that conflict is a part of human relationships. The difference is in how he views the appropriate approach to conflict as conflict transformation. Lederach (1995) introduces the idea of conflict transformation to differentiate it from conflict resolution and conflict CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 96 management. He notes that “the idea of transformation does not suggest we simply eliminate or control conflict, but rather point descriptively to its inherent dialectic nature” (p. 17).
Additionally, “transformation suggests a dynamic understanding that conflict can move in destructive or constructive directions but proposes an effort to maximize the achievement of constructive, mutually beneficial processes and outcomes” (Lederach, 1995, p.17). For Lederach
(2014), conflict provides an opportunity for “constructive change,” change that will lead to the building of “healthy relationships and communities” (p. 2). At the center of his conflict transformation framework, Lederach (2014) places quality relationships and social structures that promote justice. Conflict is thus viewed as a chance for rebuilding and recreating quality relationships. Conflict also presents an opportunity for reconstructing better and more functional social structures from the family level, to the communal level, and even the global level. Peace for Lederach (2014) is thus characterized by relationships produced through conflicts that are handled non-violently, and relationships that are based on understanding, respect and the value of equality.
To sum up, in the dissertation, a peaceful culture connotes not a culture that is free from conflicts, disputes, and/or violence, rather, on a continuum with violence on one end and peace on the other end, it (the culture) orientates itself toward more peaceable tendencies. In other words, a peaceful culture while open to divergence, differences and conflictual instances, remains a culture that “includes lifeways, patterns of belief, values, behavior, and accompanying institutional arrangements that promote mutual caring and well-being” (Boulding, 2000, p. 1).
From Boulding’s (2000) perspective, it becomes clear that a peaceful culture is one in which exists cultural peace, direct peace, and structural peace, conceptions that are in line with
Galtung’s (1969) concept of positive peace. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 97
Review of Studies on Key Topics Relevant to the Dissertation
Culture and Conflict
The question of culture in conflict introduced by scholars with an anthropological orientation including Avruch (1998), Fry (1997), and Robarchek (1997), emerged in response to prototypical models of practice and analysis that remain, to a large extent, Western oriented given that the field of peace and conflict studies emerged in the West. Despite the evolution and the development of the field of peace and conflict studies in the West, the practices and models of conflict resolution have existed for centuries in other cultures for example, in Asia (see
Stobbe, 2018) and Africa (see Zartman, 2000). The culture question, thus, recognizes that most models of practice and models of analysis disregard contextual influences and cultural variance in the approach to conflict. While scholars interested in the question of culture in conflict have generally focused on cultural influences on the sources of conflict, on conflict behavior, and on conflict resolution processes, their approaches to this question have differed.
Comparative Studies.
Scholars who have comparatively considered the question of culture in conflict resolution theory and practice have provided conceptual classifications highlighting cultural differences in the approach to conflict. A common frame of analysis is the collectivism – individualism scale.
The collectivist – individualist typology is based on a group’s perception of itself (Markus &
Kitayama, 1991). The sense of self in collectivist societies is tied to the members of the group while the sense of self in individualist societies is based on individual independence and autonomy (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Leung (1988) defines collectivism as “the tendency to be more concerned about the consequences of one’s behavior on in-group members, and to be more willing to sacrifice personal interests for the attainment of collective interests” and individualism CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 98 as “the tendency to be more concerned about the consequences of one’s behavior on one’s own needs, interests, and goals” (p. 127). Collectivists thus give precedence to group needs often forgoing individual needs for communal appeasement (Triandis, 1995). They also inform their decision-making and actions on group norms and values as opposed to individualists who refer to personal values and preferences (Abrams, Ando, & Hinkle, 1998). Hofstede (1980) identified
English speaking countries as more individualist and countries in Asia and South America as more collectivist.
Triandis (2010) offers Durkheimian33 explanations for the geographic distribution of collectivist and individualist cultures. He attributes societal complexity and tightness to the level of solidarity and harmony in a group; cultural uniformity is the norm in simple societies unlike in complex societies comprised of individuals with different values and belief systems (Triandis ,
2010). Similarly, Triandis (2010) notes that tightness, which is dependent on the extent to which a society is isolated from other societies determines the level of group solidarity and harmony. In loose cultures (those in close proximity to others) cross-cultural interaction creates room for contradiction and ambiguity thus challenging group consensus on cultural norms (Triandis ,
2010). In loose cultures, I argue that individual political freedoms and rights can easily be met and fulfilled, unlike in tight cultures. Since there is room for ambiguity in loose cultures, there is room for individuals to challenge collectivism which might often result in the deinal of some rights. For example, in a patriarchal society that practices female circumscision and child marriage, the rights of the girl child might be at stake in such a tight society. In loose cultures these practices may not be condoned. However, in loose cultures, basic human needs tied to survival may be jeopardized given the increasing gap between the rich and the poor. Economic
33 Here, I am referring to Durkheim’s concept of mechanical (in simple societies) and organic (in complex societies) solidarity (see Durkheim & Thompson, 2004). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 99 rights might, thus, not be met in loose cultures. Additionally, in loose cultures, I argue that it might be difficult to achieve integration and cooperation due to the presence of individuals and groups representing different viewpoints and/or cultures.
The individualist and collectivist continuum has been viewed in reference to other continuum scales referred to in terms of “cultural syndromes” (Heine, Lehman, Peng, &
Greenholtz, 2002, p. 903) namely high-context versus low-context communication styles
(Augsburger, 1992), independent versus interdependent selves (Markus & Kitayama, 1991), ideocentric versus allocentric tendencies (Triandis, 1989), and agency versus communion
(Bakan, 1966) attributes. The context within which conflict occurs can be regarded as having high context of low context influence. According to Augsburger (1992), “individualist (low- context) cultures, prefer directness, specificity, frankness in stating demands, confrontation, and open self-disclosure” (p.28). In contrast, “collectivist (high-context) cultures tend toward indirectness, ambiguous, cautious, nonconfrontational, and subtle ways of working through communication and relational tangles” (Augsburger, 1992, p. 28).
According to Markus and Kitayama (1991) an independent self refers to individuals
“whose behavior is organized and made meaningful primarily by reference to one’s own internal repertoire of thoughts, feelings, and action, rather than by reference to the thoughts, feelings, and actions of others” (p. 226). In contrast, “interdependence entails seeing oneself as part of an encompassing social relationship and recognizing that one’s behavior is determined, contingent on, and, to a large extent organized by what the actor perceives to be the thoughts, feelings, and actions of others in the relationship” (p. 227).
While individualism and collectivism are used to refer to groups and societies, the terms ideocentric and allocentric are used in reference to individuals (Triandis, 1989). According to CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 100
Triandis (1989) individuals differ on the ideocentric and allocentric dimension with ideocentrics being “concerned with achievement” yet are lonely while the allocentrics report “low alienation” since they receive “much social support” (p. 509).
The concepts of agency and communion are taken from Bakan (1966) who adopts the terms to refer to two modalities of existence. Agency according to Bakan (1966) refers to the
“existence of an organism as an individual” while communion refers to “the participation of the individual in some larger organism of which the individual is a part of” (p. 15). As such,
agency manifests itself in self-protection, self-assertion, and self-expansion; communion
manifests itself in the sense of being at one with other organisms. Agency manifest itself
in the formation of separations; communion in the lack of separations. Agency manifests
itself in isolation, alienation and aloneness; communion in contact, openness, and union.
(Bakan, 1966, p. 15)
It is important to note here that the individualism versus collectivism frames are problematic since they assume that there is a level of coherence between individuals of a culture sharing group. The assumption of coherence also lends itself to the view that culture is homegenous and uniformly distributed amongst members of a group. These assumptions fail to consider that within a culture there are variations and individuals within a culture sharing group will have different predispositions based on their own expereinces and based on the multiple groups that they may belong to. The individualism versus collectivism scale presents one problem related to binary thinking – that of generalization. Not all people of a particular culture can fit neatly into the category of either individualist or collectivist. There are nuances that derive from experiences, background, and specific groupings within a society. This critique is based on Avruch’s (1998) and Augsburger’s (1992) explanation that sees culture not as being CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 101 constrained to one group but to multiple identity groups that a person could belong to, including friendships, and professional organizations. The relevance of using scales like the individualist and collectivist typology is that it becomes a heuristic device that makes it easier to make sense of large amounts of information and data.
As already noted, the unidimensional portrayal of a continuum scale with individualism on one end and collectivism on the other has been viewed as problematic by scholars who view the continuum as existing not in one dimension but as a multifaced dimension with more than a few measuring components (Heine, Lehman, Peng, & Greenholtz, 2002). The problem arises particularly when one is considering variance within a culture-sharing group where reference groups might alter the actions of individuals toward either individualism or collectivism within different contexts (Heine, Lehman, Peng, & Greenholtz, 2002). Among the Tugen for example, the age-set seems to alter the behavior of men towards more competitiveness. In Tugen society, when younger individuals interact with older members of society, younger individuals are respectful by listening to and letting the older individuals guide the nature of interactions. When individual men get into their age-sets, however, they become competitive against members of an older age-set especially when they are competing for power to control the affairs of the land. The age-set, in this case, is a variable that alters behavior in a different setting – when competing for power. In sum, looking at cultural syndromes as multifaceted, one is bound to acknowledge the multifaceted and heterogenous aspects of the scale to include more variables.
Edward Hall’s (1976) high-context – low-context typology distinguishes communication style variation amongst groups. This typology also resembles the collectivist and individualist typology of understanding cultural variance where high context communication is predominant in collectivist societies while low-context communication is common in individualist societies CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 102
(Augsburger, 1992). Since relationship building with group members is important for collectivists, greetings are usually extended, sometimes for as long as 20 minutes (Triandis,
1994). Whereas collectivists “pay more attention to context (emotional expressions, touching, distance between bodies, body orientation, level of voice, eye contact)” individualists do not
(Triandis, 1994, p. 184). Similarly, while communication is direct and explicit among individualists, speech among collectivists is usually indirect and implicit (Augsburger, 1992;
Triandis, 1994). The directness of speech among individualists means that they question the intentions of those who speak indirectly (Triandis, 1994). Collectivists, on the other hand, question those who explicitly express themselves in a direct manner. Iwao (1993) illustrates the indirect nature of speech among collectivists: “If a Japanese woman were to get the courage to ask her spouse if he loved her, he would become profoundly embarrassed…annoyed and demand
‘do I have to go that far in explaining’?” (pp. 98-99). The focus on the self is also apparent in low-context communication; communicators are usually concerned about presenting themselves as credible, knowledgeable, objective and logical (Augsburger, 1992; Triandis, 1994). For individualists, silence or the inability to communicate clearly usually negatively impacts a person’s self-image as they may be regarded as anxious, shy or lacking in verbal skills
(Augsburger, 1992; Triandis, 1994).
In terms of the sources of conflict, Augsburger (1992) distinguishes conflict formation in low-context and high-context cultures. Augsburger (1992) writes:
the context in which a conflict erupts or lies dormant may have high or low influence on
its development and final direction. In cultures with low contextual influence, the
individual shapes and determines the major part of the process, in settings where there is CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 103
high contextual influence, the conflict interaction unfolds according to cultural and social
controls. (p. 28)
Specifically, conflict in low-context cultures emerges in pursuit of individual goals and is often triggered by an act of “individual offence” while conflict in high context cultures is triggered by an act of “group offense” (Augsburger, 1992, p. 29). For collectivists, acts that threaten the individual are often deemed too minor to trigger a conflict; acts that threaten group identity (or normative standards) are legitimate triggers for conflict formation (Augsburger, 1992). Conflict behaviors (and styles) also differ between individuals of low-context and individuals of high- context orientations. In the event of a conflict, an individual with a low-context orientation takes charge of the situation and is often direct in relaying their conflict position and their demands while an individual with a high-context orientation is often “indirect, ambiguous, cautious, non- confrontational, and subtle” in relaying their position (Augsburger, 1992, p. 28).
The importance of conflict context in understanding conflict behavior is also illustrated when conflict styles change when individuals engage with members of an out-group. While collectivists are group loyalists and usually engage in non-confrontational conflict styles within their cultural group, they tend to be antagonistic and aggressive toward members of other groups.
Kawashima (1963) notes, for example, that the Japanese who tend to avoid conflict for the sake of group harmony may tend to be aggressive and violent toward out-groups. Triandis and
Vassiliou (1972) found that the Greeks, classified as collectivist (Hofstede, 1980) tend to be accommodating to in-group members while competitive toward out-group members. As such, conflict styles are situational to the extent that collectivists will avoid conflict with members of their in-group but will employ competitive tactics with out-group members (Kawashima, 1963;
Leung, 1988). This phenomenon can be attributed to “heightened in-group/ out-group CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 104 distinction” among collectivists (Leung 1988, p. 128) who tend to challenge forces that are perceived as threatening to the group, and by extension to individual safety (Robarchek, 1997).
There are, however, instances of collectivist societies avoiding confrontation with in-group as well as out-group members. The Amish of the United States and Canada can be categorized as collectivist given their communal living and their communally driven economic activities. The
Amish are forbidden from engaging in conflicts and violence within their communities and with other communities. In “Amish” (n.d.), it is written that the Amish “do not defend themselves if attacked, and when faced with hostile neighbours or governments they simply abandon their farms and move” (para. 11). This shows that there are collectivist cultures who seek to maintain harmony not only with in-group members but also with out-groups.
Other comparative work has entailed looking at the nature of conflict and the nature of conflict resolution processes. Abu-Nimer (1996) and Irani (1999) have done the work of comparing Western and Middle-Eastern typologies of conflict and conflict resolution. These authors draw the following conclusions about conflict and conflict resolution in Western cultures: (i) conflict is between two individuals pursuing individual goals (Abu-Nimer, 1996);
(ii) conflict has a clear beginning and an end (Abu-Nimer, 1996); and (iii) conflict resolution is aimed at uncovering and acknowledging parties’ needs, is facilitated by a neutral third party, entails active listening, and is confined to established codes of conduct particular to that conflict situation (Abu-Nimer, 1996; Irani, 1999). An example of a Western model of conflict resolution is interest-based mediation described by Moore (2003). In this approach, the mediator helps the parties identify interests and guide the disputants towards identifying mutually agreeable solutions. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 105
Conversely, in Middle-Eastern cultures, conflict can start with two individuals but usually escalates to include more group members and is intertwined with other social factors and thus has no beginning or end (Abu-Nimer, 1996). Conflict resolution is aimed at restoring communal harmony, is determined (both process and outcome) by respected community members and entails confrontational communication and the search for agreement confined to socio-cultural norms (Abu-Nimer, 1996; Irani, 1999). In discussing a conflict resolution case between Christians and Druze in an Arab village, mediated by Arabs, Abu-Nimer (1996) identifies the socio-cultural norms and values adhered to by the mediators. Some of the values include “the importance of preserving and protecting the honor of the parties,” the importance of maintaining “unity of the families, village, and region,” and the importance of maintaining “the harmony of future generations” (p. 44).
An example of a Middle Eastern conflict resolution process is the Sulha (peace) (Pely,
2009). The Sulha conflict resolution process is one aimed at resolving conflicts between disputants sharing clan affiliations. The process is based on the premise that conflict with an individual is also viewed as conflict with one’s community. The Sulha process is one guided by respected men in the community. The council of resolution is called the Jaha. The decisions of the final resolution of the conflict lies with the Jaha (Pely, 2009).
There are also scholars who have wriiten about conflict resolution in Asia. These scholars are Syukur and Bagshaw (2018), Barnes and Magdalena (2018), and Vatanasapt and Stobbe
(2018). The following example of mediation is drawn from Lao as described by Stobbe (2018).
Unlike the Western models of mediation where parties are brought to the mediation table with a neutral third party, and where mediation is aimed as a one off process of resolving conflict, the
Lao process “can be described in terms of a spectrum ranging from interpresonal discussion, to CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 106 structured mediation, to the court system” (Stobbe, 2018, p. 36). The third parties that are available to help disputants engage in a discussion aimed at listening, “teaching, reminding, and advising parties to resolve their disputes in constructive ways” (p. 37). The third parties utilized in conflict resolution range from “parents, relatives, elders, villlage leaders, [and] the village mediation committee” (pp. 36-37). For the Lao people conflicts between disputants is first approached as a negotiation between two parties who agree to meet and discuss the issues of their conflict. If they cannot agree to resolve their dispute, then they call in third parties to help advise, counsel, and teach about how they can resolve the conflict constructively. The parties to the conflict first go to their parents and relatives as the first choice of third parties to help with the conflict. If their relatives cannot help with the dispute, they then approach respected elders in the community. Further, leaders are called on to resolve disputes in the community. Lastly, the village mediation committee is called when the previous third party processes have not yielded a resolution to the disputes (Stobbe, 2018).
Cultural Variance in Conflict Resolution Based on Holistic Single Case Studies.
To understand cultural variance in conflict formation, conflict behavior and conflict resolution, one has to consider a society’s way of making sense of the world. Conflict as
Lederach (1991) points out, are “cultural events” (p. 166). As already noted, Clark (2002) identifies three primary elements of culture which succinctly capture the totality of human experience: “material culture (practical aspects of the environment), the social culture (persons), and the ideological culture (language and the meanings and beliefs it conveys)” (p. 182). The ideological component of culture, which “holds everything together” is constantly adapting to the “limitations of the physical and social environment and the psychic needs of human nature”
(Clark, 2002, p. 184). The ideological aspect is thus a system of meaning shared by a cultural CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 107 group. The system of meaning influences how a group will use and distribute material resources that are derived from the environment. The ideological system also determines the social structure consisting of persons and the relationships and the system of interaction that characterize these relationships. The three components of culture are interrelated and reinforce each other thus “creating a workable pattern of life” (Clark, 2002, p. 182). The ideological component is what holds the material and the social components together. The ideological component determines social patterns as well as the use of physically available resources. For example, the Tugen believe that mixing dairy products (milk and meat) in one meal causes rashes in cows’ udders. The belief is part of the ideological component of culture. The belief that informs dietary restrictions determines how the group uses material resources (dairy products).
The Tugen adhere to these dietary rules where one eats meat or milk but not both in one meal.
Additionally, the belief in curses associated with marrying an individual from one’s clan determines the group’s social patterns – individuals only marry from acceptable clans. This is how the ideological component determines the material and social components of culture.
Ali Mazrui (1990) identifies culture as a tool that provides “lenses of perception and cognition…motives of human behavior” and a “criteria of evaluation” (p. 7). Culture in this sense is a cognitive construct, which then informs how people relate to one another and to the physical environment. The cognitive construct is, also, simultaneously shaped by the social and physical environment. The ideological component of culture is thus a peoples’ worldview. Clark
(2002) describes worldviews as “constructed gestalts” (p. 2), that is “the pilings, the vision of reality – on which rest the customs, the norms, and the institutions of a given cultures” (p. 5).
These are “tacitly communicated through origin myths, narrative stories, linguistic metaphors, and cautionary tales” which “set the ground rules for shared cultural meaning” (Clark, 2002, p. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 108
5). The ideological system can be understood as a structure built around three components: (i) stories, myths, and legends, (ii) systems of thought and belief, and (iii) its manifestation in the social and material lives of societal members. The ideological system operates at the superstructure level to establish a coherent set of beliefs and thought patterns (Clark, 2002). The ideological system, embedded in the communal subconscious mind informs the kinds of (i) social units, social groups, societal normative codes and (ii) their material culture manifesting in food, settlements, utensils, clothing, and so on. Essentially, a group's worldview built and revised over generations as groups traverse the natural world, is the foundation on which a group's socio- cultural system is built. Since a group's cultural system (consisting of ideologies, relational systems, and material aspects) emerges from a deeply rooted group worldview, it [the socio- cultural system] functions to maintain a group's sense of cultural meaning (and by essence cultural identity) (Clark, 2002).
Johan Galtung (1997) demonstrates how different worldviews inform different approaches to conflict. Galtung (1997) contrasts Christian and Buddhist concepts of time and social relationships while inferring the influences of these concepts on conflict formation and resolution. Christians view time in a linear manner – with a beginning and an end (that is, genesis- apocalypse) – while Buddhists have an infinite concept of time (Galtung, 1997).
Christians view conflict in the same manner; with a beginning and an end. Buddhists on the other hand view conflict as “flowing from eternity to eternity” and being transformed from a lower state to a higher state (of less violence) (Galtung, 1997, p. 42).
In terms of social relationships and responsibility, Galtung (1997) infers the knot-net metaphor of Raimon Pannikar (1982); knots represent individuals while the net represents the collective. For Christians, since salvation is an individual endeavor, conflict is often CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 109 individualized and its resolution rests on an individual’s capacity to either assert his/her position, and/or compromise his/her position (Galtung, 1997). For Buddhists, the fate of one’s soul is connected to that of others; conflict is thus a collective activity and its resolution is dependent on collective effort (Galtung, 1997).
Vatanasapt and Stobbe (2018) write about karma and reincarnation and how these concepts influence conflict behavior. For Thai and Lao people, a person’s deeds will follow one to their next life. According to Vatanasapt and Stobbe (2018), “your rebirth in the next life is dependent on what you have done to others in this one” (pp. 87-88). In Indian society, the concept of karma also functions to determine individual actions and behavior. According to
Ravindra (2018), karma influences an individual’s life chances based on the actions of one’s action in a previous life. Specifically, Ravindra (2018) notes that Indians “believe that their destiny is controlled by their own past actions” and that “good or virtuous actions…will have good reactions or responses, and bad actions will have the opposite effect” (p. 229). Thus, individuals endeavour to do good deeds in their lifetime.
Drawing on Nandi (of Kenya) cosmology, the concept of time is cyclical; the past, the present and the future are intertwined (the past and the present determine the future) (Hollis,
1969). The spiritual endeavor for an individual among the Nandi is to eternally reincarnate
(considered a favor from the ancestors and gods) through his/her grandchildren (Hollis, 1969).
The concept of reincarnation, specifically, influences their approach to conflict, which is individualized and collectivist at the same time. Individuals seek to come to a quick resolution to a conflict, mostly through compromise, in a way that maintains social harmony for their sake and that of their children (Hollis, 1969). I found a similar orientation among the Tugen who place prime importance to living a life that will assure one’s reincarnation in one’s grandchildren. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 110
Informants spoke of seeking to come to quick resolutions to conflict for their sake and for the sake of their grandchildren. In sum, the idea of reincarnation is strong among the Tugen. It motivates individuals to do good deeds for example during a conflict situation. This speaks to the individualist (self-motivation) and the collectivist (for their grandchildren) nature of conflict resolution in Tugen and Nandi societies.
An important worldview that informs how individuals relate to each other and how they handle disputes in Southern African is that of ubuntu. According to Murithi (2009), the African worldview of ubuntu was instrumental in attaining peace in post-apartheid South Africa following years of social, political, and economic exclusion and violence rendered against a part of the population by the apartheid government. By ascribing to the philosophy of ubuntu, the people of South Africa were able to forgive the actions of the past as they moved into a united future (Tutu, 1999). The philosophy of ubuntu is explained by Tutu (1999) who remarks that
when you want to give high praise to someone, we say… he or she has ubuntu. This
means that they are generous, hospitable, friendly, caring, and compassionate. They share
what they have. It also means that my humanity is caught up, is inextricably bound up, in
theirs. We belong in a bundle of life. We say, ‘a person is a person through other people’.
(as quoted in Murithi, 2009, p. 226)
From the above, we can say that the philosophy of ubuntu is one that affirms the humanity of others and in this affirmation makes all that are engaged with each other qualify for the same kind of treatment; treatment based on compassion, care, and nurturance.
In terms of conflict and conflict resolution, the philosophy of ubuntu is ascribed to as individuals view disputants as tied to their groups and their communities. A conflict that occurs between two individuals is thus viewed as a conflict occurring between the disputants’ families, CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 111 clans, and other identity groups. The resolution of the conflict is thus expected to involve the disputants’ set of relational ties. Ubuntu conflict resolution entails the calling on communal mediators to the table for a discussion of the disputes. For the Xhosa, for example, the communal mediation council is referred to as the inkundla/lekgotla (Murithi, 2009). According to Murithi
(2009) the communal forum calls on members of the entire society to listen to the disputants’ sides, to offer their opinions, and to listen to the verdict. The verdict is provided by the chief and the council of elders following a long questioning of victims, perpetrators, and witnesses by the members of society that are present at the forum. The council of elders serve a cohesive function by ensuring that they make suggestions, to the chief, on the possible solutions to the conflict that will restore relationships in the community and maintain social cohesion (Murithi, 2009).
In considering a people’s worldview, it is important to also consider the socio-historical and geographical conditions that shape their “lenses of cognition” (Mazrui, 1990, p. 7). The
Semai Senoi of Malaysia, described as the “most nonviolent culture”, have in the last two centuries been displaced from their once arable land into the less fertile mountain-land by technologically advanced groups such as the Malays from Sumatra (Robarchek, 1997, p. 51).
The Semai view the world as a “hostile and dangerous place filled with innumerable dangers, human and nonhuman, known and unknown, nearly all of which are entirely beyond human control” (Robarchek, 1997, p. 53). The Semai thus believe that no one could survive in this world on their own, hence their reliance on community nurturance (Robarchek, 1997). Any threat to communal bonds is viewed as a threat to each individual; they will thus avoid conflict to preserve communal bonds and would rather “sacrifice personal interests” than “precipitate an open confrontation” (Robarchek, 1997, p. 54). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 112
The Margariteno of Venezuela relate to each other through flexible networks that allow members to join and leave social groups and/or form new groups as a strategy for self-survival
(Cook, 1997). The flexible sociocentric approach is a “culturally patterned response to historical and current conditions of hardship and change that have threatened native Margariteno persistence and survival” (Cook, 1997, p. 73). These hardships (personal, sexual, and economic exploitation by outsiders) are partly a result of continued male absence; Margariteno men, over the years, have left the island due to unemployment (Cook, 1997). Social networks are necessary for individual survival. In response to poverty on the island, members of a network are expected to share food and resources in keeping with in-group values of “generosity, cooperation, and exchange” (Cook, 1997, p. 71).
Unlike the Semai, social networks among the Margariteno are “ego-based” (Cook, 1997, p. 71) as individuals seek to “maximize personal resources without jeopardizing one’s position in the group” (Cook, 1997, p. 72). This they do by keeping with group standards of identifying cheaters, that is those deemed dishonest in sharing resources with the group (Cook, 1997). In seeking self-preservation, individuals within groups will often engage in contentious tactics aimed at avoiding shame and guilt by shifting blame to others through “gossip, monologues, spying, limericks, song dueling, ostracism and witchcraft” (Cook, 1997, p. 74). The effect of these contentious tactics is more deviant and schismogenetic acts that deepen divisions and conflict. Cook (1997) notes that “the ongoing tension” that these contentious tactics cause “is reflected in the local expression characterizing the native community as a ‘small town, big hell’”
(p. 74). Additionally, these schismogenetic acts lead to fussion of alienated individuals into other social support networks. The flexible networks that exist in Margariteno society allows alienated individuals to form and/or join new networks of support. Summatively, these “contentious tactics CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 113 are ongoing episodes that create a pattern of change and opportunity that vitalizes society and allows individuals to make social adjustments that suit them best” (Cook, 1997, p. 76). The continuous cycle of conflict and cooperation is maintained as individuals seek to balance contentious tactics aimed at ostracizing their enemies from their network while maintaining group standards of harmony and cooperation (Cook, 1997). The Margariteno case illustrates how individual interests intersect with the need for collective cohesion to create balance as suggested by Boulding (2000) when writing about the balancing of autonomy and bonding.
I have written about worldviews and the socio-historical conditions that influence them.
Now I would like to get into cross-cultural problem solving approaches. Ury, Brett and
Goldberg’s (1988) problem-solving typology is beneficial for understanding variance when it comes to strategies for resolving disputes. These authors categorize problem-solving approaches into: (i) those based on interests and therefore resulting in an integrative solution; (ii) those based on right, resulting in a judgement on who is wrong and/or right; and (iii) those based on power, resulting in a win-lose situation. When looking at conflict resolution processes, we can argue that
Western mediation is, generally, an interest based approach (as seen in the work of Moore (2003) and Winslade & Monk (2000)) to conflict unlike adjudication and/or arbitration which are based on who is right.
Davidheiser (2004) warns, however, against making broad generalizations about cultural uniformity in mediation processes and suggests a detailed analysis of not only “contextual factors” but also possible connecting variables including ethnicity, religion, and gender
(Davidheiser, 2004, p. 173). Davidheiser’s (2004) warning was based on ethnographic data that indicated variation in mediation amongst three communities in the Gambia of West Africa.
While members of the three groups (the Manjago, the Mandinka and the Jola) agreed on the need CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 114 to assign blame (right approach) based on the belief that in every dispute there is usually a party at fault, empirical data based on practice seemed to suggest otherwise (Davidheiser, 2004).
Specifically, there were instances when mediators assigned blame (the Manjago), while there were instances when the mediators avoided assigning blame (the Mandinka). There were also instances (among the Jola) when the type of dispute determined whether mediators assigned blame or not. The Manjago is the only group among the three that stated in theory and demonstrated in practice the directive role of the mediator in assigning blame, that is in determining who was right and/or wrong (Davidheiser, 2004). There was a general consensus that without such a judgment, reconciliation was impossible, and any agreement reached on this basis would be unsustainable (Davidheiser, 2004).
Mandinka mediators on the other hand, took a less directive role, and avoided assigning blame to any disputants. Religion (Islam) was significant in this; they often blamed “saytano,”
(satan) for the conflict, which paved way for mediators to compel the parties to reconcile
(integrative approach where there is effort to hear the concerns and secure the needs of both parties) (Davidheiser, 2004, p. 164). Among the Jola, the type of dispute determined whether a judgment was made. Public/group disputes often resulted in right/wrong judgment while private matters for example marital disputes, which were always mediated in private, resulted in integrative solutions (Davidheiser, 2004). Similarly, for the Jola, women were more than likely to offer judgments in comparison to men (Davidheiser, 2004). As Davidheiser (2004) puts it
“women said that ‘men do not want to tell the truth’ and that they are more concerned with smoothing over bad feelings than dealing directly with the issue” (Davidheiser, 2004, p. 229).
Maxwell (1992) wrote about Western gender differences in mediation style and the effectiveness of mediator style on the longevity of the agreements reached between disputing CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 115 parties. Maxwell (1992) distinguished the mediation styles to include (i) one that is transactional where the focus is on the substantive issues and where the focus is on finding a solution to the problem and (ii) one that is transformational where the focus is on the relationship of the disputants and where the aim is to transform the relationships of the parties so that they can view the dispute using new lenses of perception. The model that focuses on issues can be categorized as the problem-solving approach of Moore (2003) and the model that focuses on the relationship of disputants can be categorized as the transformative model of Bush and Folger (2004).
Maxwell (1992) in his analysis of mediation cases from the Cleveland (Ohio) Prosecutor
Mediation Program found that women employed the transformative model of mediation versus men who used the transactional approach. Maxwell (1992) also found that disputants were able to reach long-lasting solutions to their conflict when the mediators were female. This shows the supremacy, in reaching long-term solutions, of the transformative approach to mediation in comparison to the transactional approach.
In terms of indigenous mediation models, I have written about the Mandika, the Jola, and the Manjago of the Gambia. The Manjago took on a directive role in mediation where blame was assigned to the wrongdoer (Davidheiser, 2004). Another example of indigenous mediation taking a directive role aimed at reaching conclusions about the truth and seeking justice is that one of the Oromo people. According to Tuso (2016) indigenous mediation in Oromo society is one aimed at establishing the truth and the peacemaker’s credibility lies in the deliberate efforts they put to establishing the wrongdoer’s actions and acknowledging these wrongdoings to the aggrieved party. Tuso (2016) notes as an example that
if there are still unresolved areas in the case, and particularly, if they feel that the
defendant is not telling the truth, or they are puzzled about various shades of the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 116
information which do not add up in the case, the elders (with the plaintiff, in accordance
with Oromo tradition), will request to go through a process whereby the entire family,
sub-clan and clan of the suspect/defendant would be required to swear in accordance with
Oromo laws and customs. (p. 89)
In this case, the purpose of mediation is aimed at determining who is right versus who is wrong and subsequently securing justice for the wronged.
Similar variation in problem-solving approaches is recorded among the Igbo of Nigeria.
For the Igbo of Nigeria and the Maranao of Mindanao, one determining factor is the relationship between disputants. Uwazie (2000) notes that “the future of the disputants’ relationship is more crucial than its past in selecting a particular disputing process” (p. 16). In marital disputes for example, dispute resolution processes are aimed at reconciling the couple (Uwazie, 2000). In case of land dispute however, integrative solutions are not sought; a judgment is usually sought to determine who is right or wrong (Uwazie, 2000). The aggrieved party is usually compensated after the ruling (Uwazie, 2000).
On the Maranao of Mindanao, Barnes and Magdalena (2018) note that kinship determines how disputants approach a conflict and how a conflict is resolved. According to
Barnes and Magdalena (2018) “the law of kinship makes both parties come to an agreement since they are ‘all brothers’” (p. 74). An example is provided by Barnes and Magdalena (2018) who note that a dispute between individuals sharing kinship was resolved. Barnes and
Magdalena (2018) note: “the mediation proceedings ended with both parties swearing before the
Qur’an that they were brothers and would not harm each other any longer” (p. 74). These two examples show that some cultural contexts determine how disputes are resolved based on the relationship shared by the disputants. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 117
The concept of neutrality (the ability to guide the process without intervention and/or input) is often inferred in discussions about mediation practices (Bush & Folger, 2005; Moore,
1996). While the dominant perspective in mediation practice is that a mediator remains neutral and impartial (taking the role of facilitator to elicit solutions from the disputants), research into non-Western conflict resolution techniques indicate that the concept of mediator neutrality is based on a Western approach to mediation (see Davidheiser, 2004; Gulliver, 1979; Merry, 1989;
Tuso, 2018; Wehr & Lederach, 1991). Generally, mediators in non-Western societies take on a direct, advisory and sometimes evaluative roles often proposing a solution to disputants of which they are obliged to implement (Merry, 1989). As opposed to approaching the mediation process impartially, with relatively little knowledge (other than that presented before them) of the conflict and the parties, non-neutral mediators approach mediation with “considerable knowledge of the events in the dispute and the character of the disputants” (Merry, 1989, p. 85).
They are usually invested in the outcome of the dispute, specifically because conflict is often perceived holistically, that is as entangled with other aspects of the community and its resolution often determines collective well-being. Elders as interested third parties are usually entrusted with the task of officiating mediation and dispute resolution processes in some Indigenous communities including the Hopi of Northern Arizona (Schlegel, 2004), the Rotumans of the
South Pacific (Howard, 2004), the Semai Senoi of Malaysia (Robarchek, 1997), the Igbo of
Nigeria (Uwazie, 2000), the Tinggian of the Phillipines (Barnes & Magdalena, 2018), the Oromo of Ethiopia (Tuso, 2016), the Luo of Kenya (Osamba, 2016), the Maori of New Zealand (Quince,
2016), the Tiv of Nigeria and Inuit of Canada (Kyoon-Achan, 2016) among others.
At this point, I would like to delve into the aim of conflict resolution processes among
Indigenous societies around the world; to restore relationships and promote reconciliation CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 118 through actions of truth telling and the restoration of justice. As already discussed, about ubuntu, the aim of conflict resolution among societies ascribing to the philosophy of ubuntu is to restore relations between disputing parties and their set of relational ties (Murithi, 2009). The restoration of relationships in this sense is achieved through acts and thoughts of “reciprocity” and
“inclusivity” all made possible by forgiveness and letting go of the need for revenge (Murithi,
2006, p. 29). The aim is to restore relationships and maintain social unity and harmony.
Another indigenous model of conflict resolution worth of mention is the gacaca process of Rwanda. The gacaca court process that was instituted in Rwanda following the Rwandan genocide is different from the Indigenous gacaca process that existed before independence
(Brehm, Uggen, & Gasanabo, 2014). While the post-genocide gacaca process was both punitive
(with perpetrators being handed out sentences) and restorative (aimed at restoring justice, promoting healing and reconciliation), the pre-independence gacaca process focused on restorative justice (Morill, 2004). The term gacaca means “grass” in Kinyarwanda and reflects how the process is structured: the hearings are held outside in empty public spaces including school yards and markets with participants sitting down on grass (Brehm, Uggen, & Gasanabo,
2014). The gacaca process entailed calling on perpetrators, victims, and witnesses to the fore in a bid to establish the truth through the acts of engaging in discussion, not arguments, on the issues at hand. The perpetrators, once accused, are questioned to get to the bottom of the matter and are expected to confess, and express remorse for the actions they committed against the victims. The aim of confession and the show of remorse is aimed at restoring relationships, promoting reconciliation and healing, and restoring justice for the victims (Brehm, Uggen, & Gasanabo,
2014). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 119
Among the Oromo, the social view of conflict makes it possible for all kinds of conflicts to be resolved. As noted by Tuso (2016), for the Oromo, there is no sentencing or jail time and no capital punishment since there is a belief that all conflicts are solvable. The resolution of conflict in Oromo society is aimed at uncovering the truth with the aim of seeking and realizing justice for the victims (Tuso, 2016). At the end of a conflict resolution process, the parties are expected to have reconciled and restored their relationship. This process of reconciliation is called the ararraa. The ararraa process is mediated by communal jarsa biya (wise men) drawn from both sides who will call caucus meetings to discuss the dispute between both sides (Tuso,
2016). The caucus meetings are aimed at preventing the deepening of tensions between both parties. The ararraa process is also aimed at getting to the truth hence the call on witnesses to share their accounts regarding the dispute. When delivering the verdict, following talking to the parties, questioning the witnesses, and long discussions amongst themselves, the jarsa biya deliver a verdict in the presence of the parties and their clans. The verdict is preceded by a prayer asking that “their efforts will bear fruit” that is that they will bring “justice, peace, and reconciliation, and will restore harmony to the parties in the conflict as well as to the entire society” (Tuso, 2016, p. 90). Once a verdict is delivered, pleas will be made for the wrongdoer to accept guilt by confessing to their wrongdoing. The aggrieved party will then be asked to “accept the dhuqa (the truth), to forgive, and be reconciled” (Tuso, 2016, p. 91). Reparations will be made, in the form of livestock, and reconciliation (ararraa) will ensue. For the reconciliation process a drink is shared (either honey mixed with water or coffee), while the elders recite reconciliation blessings (Tuso, 2016). The ararra process among the Oromo is thus one aimed at establishing the truth, asking for forgiveness, making reparations, and reconciling, thus, restoring relationships between the parties. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 120
Another character of Indigenous conflict resolution processes that I would like to point to is the rituals that accompany these processes. It is important to note here that the ararraa process discussed above entails a ritual of sharing a drink in the process of seeking reconciliation between parties. Another example that utilizes rituals is the mapo oput conflict resolution process characterizing conflict resolution among the Acholi of Northern Uganda. The Acholi of Uganda believe in the spirits of the living dead who hold individuals accountable for their actions
(Latigo, 2008). Individuals who engage in troublesome behavior will be held accountable when the consequences of their actions manifest as ill will in the form of misfortune and illness. The consequences of wrongdoing are only prevented when elders come together to lead the victim and offender through a process of reconciliation and a process that aims to realize justice for the victim (Latigo, 2008). For the Acholi, the restoration of social relations is made possible through justice. An important part of the process of realizing justice is the confession of one’s wrongdoings, forgiveness on the part of the victim, and the reconciliation and restoration of relationships between the victim and the offender (Latigo, 2008). The process that makes all this possible is the mapo oput ritual. In the mapo oput ritual, the offender provides a sheep and the victim provides a goat (Latigo, 2008). The sheep and the goat are slaughtered down the middle and exchanged between the families of the victim and the offender. The two parties then partake in a bitter herb drink that symbolically means that the two parties will leave the bitterness of the past behind. Following the drinking of the bitter herb, the victim’s family is compensated in the form of cash or cows, based on the agreement. The ritual, specifically, the partaking in the bitter herb is said to restore relationships and is thus not aimed at focusing on the guilt of the wrongdoer (Latigo, 2008). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 121
Another conflict resolution process that entails rituals is the Middle-Eastern conflict resolution process of sulha. The rituals of sulha (settlement) and musalaha (reconciliation) are aimed at acknowledging the acts of wrongdoing, making reparations for wrongful acts, and restoring the relationships between the disputants (Irani, 2016). The ritual of reconciliation is usually a public ceremony where the families of both parties stand in line opposite each other and begin with greeting each other (shaking hands) and offering apologies to each other.
Following the ritual, the family of the victim visits the offender’s family to partake in bitter coffee as a final mark of reconciliation (Irani, 2016). In the sulha ritual, we see that the parties meet to acknowledge the wrongdoing, pardon the wrongdoing, and reconcile both parties thus restoring their relationships.
The ng’ado guok (cutting the dog) among the Luo of Kenya is another Indigenous ritual aimed at reconciling parties (Osamba, 2016). The ritual places emphasis on restoring relationships and harmony between the conflicting parties. The rituals of peacemaking among the Luo of Kenya starts when a crime has been committed (Osamba, 2016). The victim sends an emissary (an elder) from his/her clan to the perpetrator’s clan to express their discontent on the actions taken against the victim. The perpetrator’s clan then have their elders come forth to discuss the matter with the emissary from the victim’s clan (Osamba, 2016). From their discussions, a decision to stop the hostilities is reached. Once this decision is reached, elders from both sides are called for a common meeting to discuss the details of the peace treaty.
During the meeting, a bull provided by the clan representing the aggressor is slaughtered and shared as a meal. Once all have eaten, the elders share beer from one pot each using their own reed straw. According to Osamba (2016) “the beer [is] known as kong oseke (the beer of straws)”
(p. 477). While sharing beer, the elders swear that the conflict is over (Osamba, 2016). The aim CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 122 of the ritual is to restore relationships and social harmony between the two clans representing the parties in conflict.
Peaceful Cultures
On Human Nature and the Propensity for Peace
Different approaches to human life course development, whether deterministic or environmentalist (those ascribing to the social learning approach), provide different explanations for human socio-cultural and cognitive development. Montaigne (1991), for example, took a humanist approach to the question of raising children. Montaigne (1991) believed that children are either brute or noble by nature; he, however, held that they (children) should be treated with affection despite the brute tendencies of some of them. Montaigne’s (1991) ideas were antithetical to traditional puritan and Calvinist approaches to childhood, which were based on the belief that children are born with sin and thus require “strict restraint, strong guidance, and salutary punishment” (Synnott, 2006, p. 26). A romanticized approach to human development is based on the belief that “children, and indeed all human beings, are intrinsically good” (Synnott,
2006, p. 28) and should be treated as such. The humanist, puritan Calvinist, and romantic approaches to childhood are deterministic in nature; they are based on the assumption that human nature is genetically or theologically pre-determined.
Those ascribing to the social learning approach, on the other hand, present an alternative view; they think of children as a product of their surroundings. This view has its philosophical underpinnings in Aristotle’s ideas on the nature of knowledge. He wrote: “the soul of a child is like a clean slate on which nothing is written; on it you may write what you will” (as quoted in
Beekman, 1977, p. 20). The deterministic and environmentalist approaches to childhood are often inferred in the nature and nurture arguments about social learning. The debate has been CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 123 centered on whether aggression is innately ingrained in human nature or whether aggression is learned behavior. The Seville Statement on Violence (1986), which is often inferred in peace and conflict studies, brought together social and behavioral scientists from different parts of the world who sought to discredit the nature / deterministic argument in the explanation of human aggression. In the first proposition, out of the five, violence is seen as a “product of culture” (The
Seville statement on violence, 1986, p. 1). It is further noted in the statement that “there are cultures which have not engaged in war for centuries, and there are cultures which have engaged in war frequently at some times and not at others” (The Seville statement on violence, 1986, p.
1). In the Seville Statement, war and violence are viewed as inventions and not innately ingrained in the human psyche. Since war and violence are invented and learned, peace can also be learned and invented in human societies. Violence as a product of culture can be unlearned and the principles that support peace can be learned and taught to younger generations in order to replace the old notions of violence and war as innate.
While the Seville Declaration on violence informed a turning point in peace and conflict studies where the focus on cultures of peace was seen as a promising area of research, the earliest years of peace studies, in general, focused on war more than it did peace. As Davis-Vengoechea
(2004) notes, researchers focused on the study of war as a way to identify ways to prevent it.
Perhaps the focus on war had to do with the geopolitical climate following the second world war where the term ‘peace’ was equated with communism and a focus on peace would signal a win for the East and a loss for the West (Galtung, 1985). Using statistical data, scholars like Wright
(1942) aimed to understand the “the conditions that make wars possible, in the belief that a better understanding of those conditions could then lead to the prediction and minimization of wars”
(as quoted in Davis-Vengoechea, 2004). Lewis Fry Richardson (1919) is another scholar who CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 124 developed a model to determine the conditions that could lead to armed conflict between nations.
Richardson’s (1919) model was aimed at understanding the conditions that led to the First World
War. Richardson (1919) used mathematical methods and specifically calculus to develop his theory on the causation of war. In his theory, Richardson (1919) explored what brought about the emotions that called for war and the emotions that called for its decline. He viewed the emotions related to war as epidemics which spread across populations. The emotions he cited as epidemics included friendliness, hostility, and war weariness. These emotions are often directed to members of different nations such that an encounter with them will lead to one of the epidemics
(emotions). Measuring these emotions would lead to predictions of war according to Richardson
(1919).
Galtung’s (1964) later introduction of the concepts of negative peace and positive peace saw researchers begin to move away from the use of concepts of war to a focus on conceptions of peace. Galtung’s distinction between negative peace and positive peace saw the equation of peace with other attributes mainly rooted in the ideals of social justice (Davis-Vengoechea,
2004). In thinking about the notions of negative and positive peace, Davis-Vengoechea (2004) argues that the equation of peace to matters that Galtung (1975) lists as “cooperation, development, pluralism, dynamism, justice, freedom” might render peace “an irrelevant category of analysis” (Davis-Vengoechea, 2004, p. 13). In thinking of peace in reference to social justice,
Davis-Vengoechea (2004) writes: “if peace is equated with social justice, it translates into social welfare, equitable distribution of resources and goods, democratic participation, efficiency of the criminal justice system, fairness, and a very long et cetera” (pp. 13-14). This view of peace is too broad and does not provide readers with a clear understanding and/or demarcation on what specifically peace is as it seems blurred with other ideals that fall under the umbrella of social CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 125 justice. This view of peace, as falling under social justice, renders the concept of peace to be quickly equated with the mere absence of violence.
Perhaps, here, I should mention the positive aspects of thinking about peace as social justice. This thinking comes when we talk of peace in Galtung’s structure of violence, and Miall,
Ramsbotham and Woodhouse’s (2005) structure of peace. When we think of peace in holistic terms, we are provided with opportunities to create a just society where the elimination of structural violence and cultural violence is sought and where seeking peace moves simply beyond peacekeeping and peacemaking into peacebuilding. Peacebuilding in this sense can be viewed in terms of Lederach’s (2014) approach of conflict transformation where relationships are built in order to eliminate cultural violence from society. Peace, when viewed as social justice thus becomes a long process that becomes embedded in societal institutions.
As noted, Davis-Vengoechea (2004) criticizes the blanket classification that equates peace to social justice. To counter the problematic tendency that renders peace indistinguishable from ideals of social justice and where peace is seen as opposite to violence and vice versa,
Davis-Vengoechea (2004) proposes looking at peace as part of an ongoing dynamic in society that renders both peace and violence as coexisting conditions. For Davis-Vengoechea (2004), “if peace is viewed as coexisting with violence, then the presence of violence does not disqualify the existence of peace, as the presence of peace would not rule out the possibility of violence” (p.
14). Davis-Vengoechea’s (2004) point is similar to Boulding’s (2000), who argues that a focus on violence and war has been at the expense of viewable and acknowledged peaceable tendencies found in human societies. For Boulding (2000), societies tend to display both peaceable and conflictual behavior. On the displays of both peaceful and conflicting tendencies in societies, Boulding (2000) writes: “we will not find either peace cultures or warrior cultures in CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 126 a ‘pure’ form. Peaceable societies will have some conflictual behavior and war-prone societies have some patterns of nurturant behavior in certain settings and under certain conditions” (p. 2).
The character of peace proposed by Boulding (2000) is that of dynamism, one that is not static.
Boulding (2000) sees peace to involve “a constant shaping and reshaping of understandings and situations, and behaviors in a constantly changing lifeworld to sustain well-being for all” (p. 1).
Peace in the sense of dynamism can also be deduced from Lederach’s (2014) concept of conflict transformation. Lederach (2014) sees conflict as part of parcel of human relationships. In his conflict transformation concept, he views the transformation of conflict from being destructive to being constructive by transforming relationships and social structures towards more peaceable tendencies (Lederach, 2014).
The dynamic nature of peace found in societies also speaks to the dynamic nature of human societies, which are not static but are often evolving with the changing needs of the group as group members interact with each other and as the group interacts with the physical environment. There are, thus, examples of societies moving from states of violence and evolving toward peacefulness. One example is the Norse people – who later become the Norwegians – who during the Viking age undertook to constant raiding, conquest, and conflict in pursuit of their interests (Boulding, 2000). Today, Norway is known as a relatively peaceful society
(Dobinson, 2004). There are also examples in the literature of societies participating in violent acts as a necessity for survival. One example of a people who engaged in violent cattle raids for survival are the Maasai of East Africa who found their livelihood in livestock production
(Hodgson, 1999). They, thus, engaged in constant warfare to secure territories for grazing their livestock (Hodgson, 1999). On this dynamism from warrior-like to peaceful like and vice versa,
Kemp (2004) notes that “humans within social groups have long since found that they can CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 127 promote violent or peaceful behavior depending on their needs” (p. 5). This is particularly true when looking at the history of civilization where warfare was seen as a legitimate tool for defence and by extension survival (Kemp, 2004).
How then can a society be deemed peaceful amidst these changing dynamics and in the face of committed violent acts? Kemp (2004) proposes that a society that is peaceable is one that
“desires to be peaceful and seeks to orientate its culture in that direction, has developed cultural means to achieve this aim, and has achieved success in this aim” (p. 5). Simply, a peace culture is one that seeks to maintain peace as a norm despite the recurring threat of violence and finding ways to mitigate the impacts of violence should it occur. A peace culture according to Kemp
(2004) has developed a “cultural technology for peace” that is, “it has developed ideas, mores, value systems, and cultural institutions that minimize violence and promote peace” (p. 8). An example of a peace culture is the Mbuti of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Despite the disturbance from the conflicts between militia in their rainforest habitat, they have managed to retain their traditional practice of hunting and gathering (Boulding, 2000). The Mbuti’s peaceful nature has much to do with their relationship with the rainforest which they view as both mother and father (Boulding, 2000). The children among the Mbuti are taught to listen to the trees as the
Mbuti are “a listening culture” (Boulding, 2000, p. 94). Their approaches to conflict include laughter, joking, songs, dances, and tug-of-war competitions. These practices help to dissipate anger and ease tense emotions (Boulding, 2000).
Peaceful Cultures: General Trends and Themes
With variations in individual behavior and tendencies, differences are expected within intra-cultural settings. The way that these differences are managed determine whether actions or inactions will result in violence within these settings. The way cultures handle these differences CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 128 refers to a culture’s peace technologies, thought of by Kemp (2004) as “the software of human survival” that is, the ways in which societies are “able to culturally adapt human biological propensities to meet differing social and physical environmental needs” (p. 4). The “technologies for peace” (Kemp, 2004, p.1) that have been found in publications touch on several themes that are found cross-culturally yet are diverse in the way they are applicable to different settings.
Deriving from group worldviews we see the recurring theme of interdependence and the practice of establishing bonds of care necessitated by the need for each other. Robarchek (1997) found this true among the Semai Senoi. As already noted, the Semai Senoi view the world as dangerous. As such they have perceptions of groupings of people considered as insiders and those considered as outsiders. Insiders in this sense are members of the group while outsiders are members of out-groups. Semai Senoi worldview also entails a belief in nonhuman and unknown dangers that pose a threat to human survival. Robarchek (1997) writes that for the Semai Senoi,
there is a fundamental division in the human world into hii’ and mai: we and they, kin
and nonkin, band members and outsiders. Within the first of each pair of categories, one
finds nurturance and security; among the second, danger and death. (p. 53)
In the face of a dangerous world with forces that are malevolent that can prove destructive to human survival, the Semai Senoi depend on one another for survival and call upon each other for support during times of trouble. As such, anything that threatens to disrupt the bonds of nurturance are viewed to be threatening to the individual. There are two ways in which the relations of nurturance are strengthened and maintained among Semai Senoi, (i) “the giving of material and emotional support” and (ii) “the maintenance of harmonious interpersonal relations”
(p. 53). Conflict is viewed as threatening to harmonious relationships and thus threatening to CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 129 human survival. As such, individuals avoid aggressive and conflictual behaviour in favor of good behavior, that of “helping, sharing, feeding, and so on” (Robarchek, 1997, p. 53).
Peaceful societies also emphasize socialization practices that promote modelling and teaching for nonviolence and peaceful coexistence with others. Among the La “Paz” Zapotec of
Mexico, for example, socialization practices emphasize teaching children to value respect and to show respect to others in their interaction. Socialization is in the form of “talking, telling, educating, showing, and teaching – all positively oriented nonphysical responses – more often than either corporal punishment or negative verbal responses such as scolding or lecturing” (Fry,
1997, p. 80). An important characteristic of socialization patterns among the La “Paz” are, thus, those oriented toward promoting nonviolent techniques that show the affectionate nature of the relationships between parents and their children. Fry (1997) concludes that
young La Pazians are rewarded for respectful, nonviolent behavior – the predominant
type of interaction they have a chance to observe – and gradually internalize associated
socially approved beliefs and behaviors. They also come to see their community as a
tranquil, safe place to live. (p. 8)
Child-rearing practices emphasizing the values of respect and that focus on positive reinforcement and non-aggressive discipline practices help bring up individuals who have internalized peaceable tendencies.
Peaceful societies also have a set of values that inform interactions amongst its members.
Some of these values include respect for others and the avoidance of disrespect, valuing the autonomy of others, and exercising self-restraint and self-control. The Paliyans of South India, for example, value respect and work toward the avoidance of disrespect in the prevention of disputes. For the Paliyans everyone, regardless of age, is equal and deserves respect. On this CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 130 egalitarianism, Gardner (2004) notes that, among the Paliyans, “a seventy-year-old man must respect the rights and needs of a totally unrelated four-year-old girl. As they would say, emphatically, ‘she is a person’” (p. 55). This egalitarianism translates in practice to what the
Paliyans refer to as the avoidance of disrespect “in one’s relations with everyone … including outsiders” by ascribing to an ideal of placing oneself in equal status with others, that is, not above or below those with whom one interacts with. Asymmetrical relationships where others are deemed above others either in ability or in power and prestige are shunned among the
Paliyans since they are defined as disrespectful relations. One will find that the Paliyans thus value self-reliance and autonomy with “dependence on other people” being “acceptable only in the very young, those decrepit with age, and those seriously disabled by illness” (p. 55). The egalitarian nature of relationships and the autonomy granted to individuals works to prevent any imposition on others thus limiting the eruption of disputes amongst members of this community.
The Toraja of South Sulawesi, Indonesia exercise self-restraint and self-control when it comes to emotions that may challenge harmony in interactions with each other. In self-restraint and self-control, the Toraja are able to suppress certain feelings and emotions and are able to manage their outward behavior with others using certain strategies. One strategy used by the
Toraja is the constant reminder to
oneself of the dangers of strong, negative emotions: that by expressing such feelings one
may upset others and suffer public censure or provoke magical retaliation … that one
may experience bad fortune in life as a consequence of getting angry and quarrelling with
others; and that by even experiencing negative emotions, one leaves oneself vulnerable to
serious physical or mental illness. (Hollan, 1997, p. 65) CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 131
Other strategies used in self-restraint and self-control work by the Toraja include the active suppression and avoidance of feelings of “disappointment, envy, or anger” (p. 66); to remind oneself that the ancestors and the gods are watching and will avenge those that have been wronged thus preventing individuals from seeking revenge or retaliation for wrongdoing; and to avoid seeking too much from the world and accepting one’s fortunes through detachment from the world. As Hollan (1997) notes, “such detachment, when it is achieved, helps individuals to disengage from schismogenic cycles of conflict and revenge” (p. 66). The practice of self- restraint and self-control when it comes to emotions that may cause conflicts is effective in ensuring that individuals prevent conflicting instances with others.
Among the Airo-Pai of Amazonian Peru, the avoidance of anger is paramount in avoiding conflict. According to Linstroth (2016) the Airo-Pai “believe that it is proper to fear one’s own anger and that of others” (p. 250). For the Airo-Pai, “anger is associated with death, and a force connected to sorcery. This is why [it] is to be avoided because someone who is angry is not a
‘true person’ but an ‘enemy’and becomes the other” (p. 250). The Airo-Pai are thus seen to avoid anger and are seen to promote feelings of camaraderie and goodness. These qualities are learned in childhood and are enacted in adulthood as a practice of self-control.
Another community that values self-restraint when it comes to feelings of anger is the
Enxet of Paraguay. The Exnet view the origins of emotions, such as anger, as emanating from the body, that is the stomach (waxok). According to Kidd (2000)
the practice of restraint is regarded as constitutive of love and as derived from a
knowledgeable and ‘soft/unlocked’ waxok. It is, therefore, associated with an aesthetics
of controlling one’s emotions, especially the wild, antisocial impulses – such as anger –
which are an integral part of being human. (as quoted in Linstroth, 2016, p. 252) CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 132
Hence, according to Linstroth (2016) “the bodily wellbeing of persons through their waxoks is carried out by maintaining good relations and being tranquil in daily life and acting harmoniously with one’s fellow household members, kinsfolk, and the social group of the village” (p. 252). From this, we can see that the Enxet value social restraint to protect against emotions such as anger, which is deemed to be harmful to one’s wellbeing and the wellbeing of others.
Another community that views anger as a dangerous emotion is the Matsigenka of the
Peruvian Amazon. For the Matsigenka, anger is viewed as potentially disruptive to social harmony and social relations (Linstroth, 2016). Individuals are thus keen to avoid the emotion of anger. Since the community also believes in the ethos of according individuals the autonomy to act freely according to their own will, individuals in this community value tolerance and welcome the actions of individual members in their quest to dissipate their emotions (Linstroth,
2016). The tolerance of others and the accord of freedom to act as one wishes, promotes peace in the community. Additionally, to help deal with conflict, members of the community are known to leave the community for short to long periods of time in order to give them time to dissipate any emotions that might be disruptive to the social order (Linstroth, 2016).
The modes of preventing conflict from turning violent are handled in peaceful societies by ascribing to beliefs rooted in spirituality forbidding violent acts. For example, the Rotumans of the South Pacific ascribe to beliefs rooted in spirituality to prevent conflict; they express a belief in “immanent justice; the spirits’ revenge” (Howard, 2004, p. 43) for those that commit acts that infringe on others’ rights. The most common disputes that are believed to manifest in immanent justice for the wrongdoer are land disputes with justice being “distributed in the form of luck – those in the right prosper while those in the wrong suffer ill fortune” (Howard, 2004, p. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 133
43). Immanent justice is believed to be distributed by ancestors who express their anger at wrongdoing by one or both of the disputants – should both be in the wrong. For the Rotumans, the consequences of wrongdoing will eventually emerge, either following acts of wrongdoing or when an aggrieved party calls on the ancestors for justice in the form of curses that follow wrongdoers. According to Howard (2004), “curses of immanent justice are generally made without overt rancor by the party who has been forced to yield, in the form of public statements like, ‘the land has eyes and teeth,’ or, ‘we shall see who is right’” (p. 43). The belief in immanent justice manifesting as curses that follow wrongdoers make it so that the Rotumans stay away from wrongdoing that will result in disputes with others. Immanent justice is thus a deterrent for wrongdoing.
Lastly, to resolve disputes, peaceable societies make use of interested third parties for the resolution of disputes. The case of Semai Senoi of Malaysia on how they are able to maintain peace by the reassertion of bonds of nurturance and care for each other a lack of which will threaten human survival has already been referred to. Though they are described as nonviolent, their society is one where instances of conflict emerge upon which they are handled using communal mechanisms of control (Robarchek, 1997). As their mode for preventing conflict and maintaining peace has to do with the establishment of socio-relational mechanisms of mutual nurturance and caring, their dispute resolution process, the becharaa’, is one aimed at restoring and reasserting these bonds. The becharaa’ process involves interested third parties who are obliged to bring any conflict to the attention of the headman who will officiate the process of airing grievances during becharaa’. The community headman will then call the disputants’ kin to the process for their kin’s support as each side strives to have their side of the story in the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 134 conflict heard.34 The shared kinship that overlap among the Semai Senoi sees to it that individuals will be related to some degree thus enabling disputants to find common ground during disputes. As Robarchek (1997) notes of the Semai Senoi,
descent is bilateral and band endogamy is common; thus, the opposing kindreds virtually
always overlap to a significant degree. This means that some people will be members of
both kindreds, and that members of one kindred will have members of their kindred in the
other group. A person who embroils himself in a dispute thus strains relations not only
with his opponent’s kin but with his own as well, and he can expect to be reprimanded by
them if he is found to have been at fault in any way. (p. 54)
The utilization of shared kindred who are interested third parties in conflict compel disputants among the Semai Senoi to arrive at mutually agreeable outcomes following extensive airing of grievances.
Human Needs and Peace
John Burton (1979) introduced Basic Human Needs to the field of peace and conflict studies to explain why humans are prone to conflictual behavior and violence. Burton (1979) identified four basic human needs including identity, participation, recognition and security. In a later piece of work, Burton (1990b) identified basic human needs as identity, security, recognition, and development.
In his discussion, Burton (1979) takes a functional approach where he postulates that deviance, emerging from unfulfilled human needs, jeopardizes the functioning of society. He notes that “social norms are used as a means of satisfying needs” (p.76). In the same vein
34 This process is similar to an Indigenous sharing circle where parties to a dispute are invited to share their feelings and air their grievances while the other side listens without judgnement. The purpose of Indigenous sharing circles is to have parties concerns and grievances aired without interruption all with the aim of establishing understanding between parties (Devries, 2016). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 135 unfulfilled individual needs lead to deviance, that is an individual not functioning according to the norms of society. For Burton (1979) “needs describe those conditions or opportunities that are essential to the individual if he is to be a functioning and cooperative member of society, conditions that are essential to his development and which, through him, are essential to the organization and survival of society” (p. 59). He further references “needs that are basic to harmonious social relationships” (p. 60) without the satisfaction of which “the individual will find the norms of the societies in which he behaves to be inappropriate because these norms cannot be used by him to secure his needs” (p. 60). Conclusively, if these needs are not met, group members might be prone to deviant behavior as an expression of the unfulfilled desires that are rooted in one’s ontological disposition by virtue of being human (Burton, 1979).
Conversely, when these needs (identity, participation, recognition, security, and development) are met, then members of society are prone to peaceful behavior and cooperation.
Malinowski (1960) is another author who wrote about needs. In his functional theory,
Malinowski (1960) identified basic needs and instrumental imperatives needed in society in order to secure these needs for members of society. For basic needs, Malinowski (1960) identified metabolism, reproduction, bodily comforts, safety, movement, growth, and health.
Further, Malinowski (1960) defined instrumental imperatives (also labelled as culturally derived needs) as the necessary conditions for the fulfillment of basic needs. For example, if a family is to feed itself (and thus fulfill the basic need for metabolism as found in food intake), there has to be an understanding about what and when to eat, and the roles played by each capable family member in food production, food preparation and handling, and food storage. A cultural imperative for fulfilling the basic need for food lies in codified agreements amongst group members regarding food production, preparation, handling, and storage. These codified CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 136 agreements are found in the economic, political, educative, and social spheres (Malinowski,
1960). In the economic sphere are the processes and systems of production. In the political sphere are systems of organization that determine the structures of power. In the educative sphere, are the systems of socialization. Finally, in the social sphere are the systems and processes of social control (Malinowski, 1960). All these systems function to produce a cohesive whole (that is culture) to ensure that the basic needs of group members are met. If these needs are not met, then culture has failed to function in a way that provides for the basic necessities of a people. When members of a group cooperate within the different spheres to ensure that collective group needs are met, instances of role strains, between members, are reduced.
Additionally, there is a perception of just division of tasks where all members do their part in ensuring that group member needs and system needs are met. The perception of just division of tasks ensures that there is harmony amongst members of the community.
As already mentioned, Burton (1990b) later included development in his list of needs.
This is in line with other scholars who have taken the development approach to human needs. It is important to note here that development is not viewed traditionally as relevant to gross domestic product or with industrialization rather, development is viewed as dependent on “social and economic arrangements (for example, facilities for education and health care) as well as political and civil rights (for example, the liberty to participate in public discussion and scrutiny)” (Sen, 1999, p.3). This approach is referred to as the capabilities approach, an approach that has been developed by Sen (1999), Max-Neef (1991), and Nussbaum (2000). In his work,
Sen (1999) sees development as “the process of expanding the real freedoms that people enjoy”
(p. 3). Development in this sense, is seen as an end rather than a means to an end, and “requires the removal of major sources of unfreedom: poverty as well as tyranny, poor economic CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 137 opportunities as well as systematic social deprivation, neglect of public facilities as well as intolerance or overactivity of repressive states” (p.3). Summatively, for Sen (1999), the capabilities that people have is determined by the opportunities for wealth, freedom, access to social services and amenities, access to good health care, access to education, and the open opportunity to partake in civil discourse. Sen’s (1999) approach goes in line with Galtung’s perception of positive peace. In this way, when making accessible the “real freedoms that people enjoy” (Sen, 1999, p. 3), a society is moving towards or can be said to be existing in positive peace. On the other hand, a society that inhibits individual freedom does not provide for the essential needs of societal members in terms of available social services like health and can be said to be operating in negative peace. To ensure that a society exists in positive peace, Sen’s
(1999) proposals for maximising human capabilities have to be implemented.
Max-Neef (1991) is another scholar who ascribes to the capabilities approach with his theory of fundamental human needs (FHN). Max-Neef (1991) organizes needs into two categories; existential and axiological. Existential needs are “being, having, doing, and interacting” while axiological needs are those of “subsistence, protection, affection, understanding, participation, idleness, creation, identity, and freedom” (p.17). Subsistence is characterized by physical and mental health; protection by care, adaptability and equilibrium; affection by solidarity, generosity, and respect; understanding by receptiveness; participation by solidarity, rights, and responsibilities; idleness by tranquility and peace of mind; creation by autonomy; identity by a sense of belonging and self-esteem; and freedom by tolerance and autonomy (Max-Neef, 1991). Max-Neef (1991) further distinguishes needs from satisfiers.
Needs are necessities while satisfiers are the ways in which needs are met. Max-Neef (1991) for example does not see food and shelter as needs, rather he sees them as satisfiers for the need of CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 138 subsistence. He further notes that satisfiers can contribute to the satisfaction of various needs at the same time. He notes, as an example, that “a mother breastfeeding her baby is simultaneously satisfying the infant’s needs for subsistence, protection, affection, and identity” (Max-Neef,
1991, p.17). As fundamental human needs are ontological nature, it is safe to say that they are fixed and similar in all cultures. What differs across cultures is satisfiers, that is the ways in which these needs are satisfied. A mother can choose to bottle feed her baby. In this case, the way of meeting the baby’s needs is different. Additionally, the needs met when breastfeeding a baby are more exhaustive in comparison to the needs met when bottle-feeding a baby. Max-
Neef’s (1991) distinction of needs from satisfiers is somewhat similar to Malinowski’s (1960) conception of needs as falling under necessities and the cultural responses to those needs, that is the instrumental imperatives needed to be in place for needs to be met. In the same token, Max-
Neef’s (1991) approach to human capabilities can be equated to Malinowski’s (1960) approach where the fulfillment of basic needs leads to structurally functional systems that allows individuals to cooperate within their societies as they fulfill different roles respective of their statuses. The spheres within which individuals cooperate and work to fulfill their roles speaks to the cohesive functioning of the whole system (culture) to secure the needs of individuals and the culturally derived needs of the system.
Nussbaum (2000) takes on a human dignity stance to her capabilities approach. She notes that a social and political order is only functional if it is able to secure the capabilities its members. Nussbaum (2000) identifies 10 capabilities that are essential to individuals leading lives of dignity. These capabilities include life, bodily health, bodily integrity, thought, emotions, reason, affiliation, other species, play, and control of one’s environs. Life is the capability to lead a life worth living; bodily health entails nourishment; bodily integrity entails the control of one’s CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 139 body and the safety from any form of assault; thought entails the ability to think based on gained education; emotions entails the capability to develop sentiments over things that one cares about; reason entails the capability to distinguish good from wrong and the ability to choose to act based on that distinction; affiliation means the ability to form connections with others and the capacity to have self-respect based on being treated with dignity by others; other species means the ability to have connections with species including plants, animals, and the environment; play is the ability to engage in recreational activities; and control over one’s environment refers to the capability to own property, to seek employment and to partake in political discourse. Nussbaum
(2000) while listing 10 capabilities, places emphasis on two: reason and affiliation. The ability to act on one’s own accord based on one’s understanding of right or wrong without being influenced or coerced into action by others is of most importance. Additionally, the capability to ensure that one’s connections including friendships are protected and one’s sense of respect is assured are also important. Nussbaum (2000) also notes the importance of institutions in providing the opportunities for securing the needs of individual members of society. The importance of reason and affiliation is underscored in the explanation that “the core behind the intuition of human functioning is that of a dignified free person who constructs her way of life in reciprocity with others, and not merely following, or being shaped by, others” (Kleist, n.d., para.
18). Further, reason and affiliation “suffuse all the others, and this in turn, constitutes a truly human pursuit” (Kleist, n.d., para. 18). Restricted human beings, in this sense, may rebel and act out in deviant ways against society (Burton, 1979). Affiliation, on the other hand, is important in that it constitutes a large part of an individual’s identity in his/her group(s). There are many conflicts that have occurred over threatened identities. People may go into great lengths to defend their identities and may resort to violence to do so. Nussbaum (2000) also underscores the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 140 importance of functional institutions in providing the opportunities for securing the needs of individual members of society.
Clark (2002) also talks about basic human needs. For Clark (2002), human beings are wired for the following drives, which Clark (2002) referred to as propensities. These are propensities for cultural meaning, bonding, and autonomy. Additionally, for Clark (2002), the current view of the West built on the billiard model where individualism forms the core of being and where units as individuals, societies, and nations are viewed as competing with each other is not tenable for the problems facing our globe today. Clark (2002) notes that “the West’s world view, its ‘Billiard Ball’ Gestalt, when pushed to its logical limits of extreme competition fails to meet the deepest needs of human nature; indeed, it becomes pathological to the human psyche”
(p. 35). Clark (2002) begins an important chapter of her book where she introduces belonging as a basic need by quoting Roger Hausheer who notes:
One of the fundamental needs of men, as basic as those for food, shelter, procreation,
security and communication, is to belong to identifiable communal groups, each
possessing its own unique language, traditions, historical memories, style and outlook.
Only if a man truly belongs to such a community, naturally and unselfconsciously, can he
enter into the living stream and lead a full, creative, spontaneous life, at home in the
world and at one with himself and his fellow men. (as quoted in Clark, 2002, p, 229).
In a way, Clark (2002) echoes Burton’s (1979) sentiments of the importance of the needs of participation and recognition and that when basic human needs (participation, recognition, identity, and security) are met, individuals in groups are prone to cooperative behavior.
Additionally, Clark’s identification of the importance of the needs for autonomy and belonging is similar to Nussbaum’s (2000) emphasis on the needs for thought and affiliation where CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 141 individuals are given the space to make value judgments and to act on their accord on those judgements and where individuals are accorded the space to form connections and to be respected and valued in these connections. The importance of the needs for belonging and autonomy is similar to the importance of the needs for affiliation and reason, respectively. When people belong, they create meaning in the groups that they belong to (Clark, 2002). This meaning is tied to their identity and a threat to a group’s identity may result in conflict and violence over the protection of a sense of threatened identity. Autonomy is similar to the capacity to reason and make value judgements without being coerced into courses of action that may go against an individual’s choices. The lack of autonomy and the restriction of people’s capacity to make choices will lead them to rebel against the society and/or the individuals that are limiting their freedom. To achieve a peaceful society, where harmony and freedom reigns, it is important to ensure that the needs for belonging (affiliation) and autonomy (reason) are sought after and are fulfilled.
Another influential thinker, in peace and conflict studies, who has touched on basic needs is Boulding (2000) who contends that
among the needs every person is born with are two of special importance to our capacity
for peaceableness. One is the need for bonding, for closeness to and acceptance by other
human beings. The other basic human need is the need for space, separateness from
others, room to be one’s own self, to be autonomous. (p. 2)
For Boulding (2000) cultures that are only orientated towards bonding are passive, uninteresting and “enclosed” while cultures that are only orientated towards autonomy are “aggressive” and are characterized by everyone fighting to have “their own space” (p. 2). The character of societies that produces a peace culture is balance. This balance is characterized by “nurturing one CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 142 another, engaging in many cooperative activities, but also giving each other space” (p. 2).
Bonding, Boulding (2000) notes, is necessary for human survival. It is the need for survival that promotes activities that aim at resolving disputes and conflicts that arise between humans. It is the idea of being “kin” with all species (Boulding, 2000, p. 90), not only humans but with other species inhabiting the “bioregion” that societies “inhabit” (Boulding, 2000, p.2). Boulding’s
(2000) necessary needs, for bonding and autonomy, also echo Nussbaum’s (2000) needs
(capabilities) for affiliation and thought, respectively. For Clark (2002) and Boulding (2000), what holds a society together is its capacity to provide pathways through which basic human needs are actuated thus limiting the degeneration of difference into manifest conflict to violence.
From the above review of works on human needs, thus, there are needs, that is necessities
(also referred to as capabilities by some scholars), and there are the institutional/cultural arrangements that need to be in place to ensure the fulfillment of these needs. The institutional arrangements are varied across cultures while needs seem to be tied to human ontology and therefore are indispensable, non-negotiable, and similar across cultures since they apply to all humans. Galtung’s (1969) concept of positive peace can be applied to needs; a culture that is characterized by positive peace has set up institutional arrangements that enables the fulfillment of basic human needs of individual group members. A society that has not established institutional arrangements that support the fulfillment of fundamental human needs may be deemed as existing in negative peace. Further, in a positively peaceful society, there exists arrangements that eliminate structural and actual violence thus affording individuals with the capabilities to be and do all that pertain to the goals that they have set out for themselves as human beings. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 143
It is vital to underscore that the human needs and the human capabilities discourses have welcomed criticisms from various fora. One criticism of human needs including but not limited to identity, recognition, and belonging, is that they cannot be objectively measured. If these needs, that are subjective, are viewed as necessities then it becomes difficult to determine at what point these needs become false or even misguided. Mitchell (1990) notes that needs “can be transformed into domination and aggression” (as cited in Park, 2010, p. 2). Specifically, Mitchell
(1990) argues that
the need for security may easily become the need for dominance; the need for identity
could become the need for an outgroup and an enemy; the need for love could become
the need for admiration or status or success at the expense of others. (as quoted in Park,
2010, pp. 2-3)
A counterpoint to this criticism is that the needs that may be viewed as psychological are tied with the social fabric within which social beings operate and interact with others. Needs, in this case, can be easily distinguishable in an objective manner by looking at social facts, that is, the social realities within which these needs are met and/or are not met.
The capabilities approach, on the other hand, has been criticized as too individualistic.
One may argue, for example that Sen’s (1999) capabilities approach exalts individual access to political freedom often at the expense of the collective good. The issue of political correctness may be viewed as infringing on the political rights of individuals in Sen’s (1999) approach.
Nussbaum (2003) however provides an answer to this conundrum by arguing that even with the advancing of human capabilities, there has to be a balance that ensures that individuals are not infringing on the rights of others for example in the case of racist and discriminatory views.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 144
Chapter Four: Methodology
This chapter is about methodology. It starts with a rationale for the approaches used in the study. First a rationale for the case study approach is discussed, followed by a discussion on the rationale for ethnographic field work techniques, and finalized by a discussion on the rationale for qualitative data analysis procedures. The chapter then makes mention of my role as researcher and the implication of my positionality as a member of the Tugen of Kisanana
(through my maternal grandparents). The chapter then delves into the process of fieldwork by providing information on fieldwork timelines and the primary research (households) informants and by describing the processes of recruitment and the processes of fieldwork data collection, that is, of individual and group interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation.
The chapter then explains procedures for data analysis to include open coding, axial coding, and selective coding and makes mention of how findings have been presented, that is, as narrative text using thick description. The chapter concludes with a mention of ethical considerations as it pertains to participant perceptions of research and the expectations of informants and the procedures of consent and assent for working with child interviewees.
Rationale for the Case Study Approach
The case study approach is appropriate for studies that focus on ‘how’ and ‘why’ questions where the research is on a contemporary phenomenon with behavioral components that the researcher has no control over (Yin, 2018); this case study falls under this definition. The research questions have to do with how this Tugen community sustain peace in everyday life.
Additionally, this research deals with a contemporary phenomenon (experiences of conflict, that is real life conflicts), that extend historically over a time that can be determined from the examination of research sources including oral information from research informants. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 145
Additionally, the case study approach was appropriate for this study as it (the study) pertains to and is limited to a group occupying a specific geographical reach (Yin, 2018). Case studies also focus on depth, rather than breadth. While the culture of the Tugen is closely similar to the Tugen occupying other Kisanana ward sub-locations, other Tugen groups in the region of
Baringo, and the rest of the Kalenjin speaking groups in other parts of Kenya, this study is limited in scope and only focuses on the Tugen of Kisanana sub-location. The case study approach was thus appropriate in that the study was a one instance of the study of the peaceful nature of the Tugen of Kisanana. The case study method was also appropriate for this study since the Tugen, as a community in Kisanana, was looked at in-depth as opposed to focusing, at breadth, on the larger Tugen community in Kenya. Additionally, the study of the Tugen in-depth was justified as the Tugen community has not been studied much by other scholars.
That the study is a one instance of an examination of the peaceful nature of the Tugen of
Kisanana provides an advantage in that a similar study can be conducted among the Tugen of other regions in Baringo, and beyond the Tugen sub-dialect group, to the study of other closely related Kalenjin speaking groups in other areas of Kenya. This study, as a first, can thus provide a methodological example upon which similar studies can be replicated.
On a critical point, the case study method is appropriate as this study builds on existing theory. It is built on a human needs theory whose proponents argue that the fulfillment of human needs is essential in ensuring cooperative behavior and peace in human societies. It also builds on the social learning theory of peace and violence, that is, that violence is not innate, and that peace is learned in one’s culture. Third, it builds on literature about Indigenous processes of peacemaking, and culture and conflict. In building on existing theory and literature, the case study approach helps in ensuring a significant contribution to knowledge as pertains to the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 146 variables examined in the case study including culture, conflict, Indigenous models of peacemaking and cultural “technologies for peace” (Kemp, 2004, p.1), human needs and peace.
Another reason for using the case study method is that it relies on multiple sources of evidence thus allowing for data triangulation which in turn strengthens validity (Yin, 2018). The reason for the reliance on multiple sources of evidence has to do with the case study method allowing for the flexibility to focus on multiple variables (Yin, 2018). For my case, as already mentioned, the multiple variables being accounted for are culture (material, social, and ideological), peace, conflict, human needs, relationships and relationship building, reciprocity, respect, and Indigenous peacemaking. In focusing on the multiple yet holistically related variables, the case study method is appropriate and thus requires multiple sources of evidence including those derived from the use of ethnographic fieldwork techniques involving participant observation, individual and group interviews,35 and focus groups.
The case study approach has been criticized as biased based on case selection (Idowu,
2016). It has also been criticized as too narrow for larger empirical applications (Creswell,
2014). While this might be the case, I found that prior connection (as a member of the Tugen community) to the research context was helpful in gaining physical and social access to the community. Additionally, as Creswell (2014) notes, the use of thick description, a method I used to narrate research findings, will be helpful in allowing readers decide how and why the findings from the research project can be applied to other contexts. Doing an in-depth study of the Tugen
35 I utilized both group interviews and focus group discussions in this study. While focus group discussions were planned and an interview question protocol designed for focus groups was used, group interviews occurred organically as individuals joined in on individual interviews and/or spontaneously offered to be interviewed in groups. In instances of group interviews, the interview question protocol designed for individual interviews was used. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 147 will also enable me to conduct other research on groups in the research areas in the future thus increasing the validity of the current research.
Rationale for Ethnographic Fieldwork Techniques
Ethnography was appropriate for this study as the fieldwork technique allowed me to work with research participants and observe them in their natural environments (Creswell, 2007).
This worked well with the case study method because it calls for the study of a contemporary phenomenon within which the context intertwines with said phenomenon to produce a seemingly inseparable focus (of behaviors within a singular context) of study (Yin, 2018). In essence, ethnographic fieldwork techniques are appropriate when one seeks to account for complex group interactions and group interrelationships in a multifaceted behavioral context (Creswell, 2007).
In allowing for the view of complex multifaceted interactions as they intertwine within a singular context, the ethnographic technique was appropriate in providing a comprehensive and holistic view of socio-cultural reality. A holistic approach allows for an opportunity to work with large amounts of data that derive from different qualitative techniques of data collection ranging from individual and group interviews, focus group discussions, and participant observation
(Creswell, 2007; Spradley, 1979). In bringing to the fore large amounts of data, ethnographic techniques also allowed an opportunity for the emergence of multiple variables relevant to the study thus falling well under the case study method that gives credence to multiple variables. As ethnographic data collection techniques provide an opportunity to work with large amounts of data from different sources, they fit well with the case study approach, which allows for data triangulation thus contributing to validity.
The participant observation technique that is associated with ethnography was appropriate in creating an environment of comfort which helped participants to open up CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 148
(Spradley, 1979) in a way that allowed for the elicitation of emic perspectives as opposed to relying purely on etic perspectives of socio-cultural reality. According to Augsburger (1992) the term ‘emic’ is used to “refer to a unique concept, construct, or idea present in a given culture and not defined by the language or experience of another culture. It emerges internally, inherently, intrinsically from those in the situation” (p. 36). ‘Emic’ is used as opposed to ‘etic’ which “refers to a concept, construct, or idea that is recognized and can be demonstrated as a universal of transcultural entity. It is etic because it is applied from without, externally and extrinsically, by those observing the situation” (Augsburger, 1992, p. 36). Emic perspectives became pertinent in deriving local meanings ascribed to social reality which allowed for accurate depictions of local experiences of conflict. Emic perspectives also meant that culture was used as a lens of interpretation. For this case, the elicitation of the three elements of culture (material, social, and ideological) helped shed light on the worldviews that structure the group’s socio-cultural reality.
Another rationale for ethnography that worked well with the case study approach is that of observing and working with research participants in their natural contexts without manipulating the environment that informants occupy (Creswell, 2007; Spradley, 1979). For this study, the lack of manipulation of informants’ environment meant that no testable hypotheses were established at the beginning of data collection, rather data variables emerged as data collection proceeded and during data analysis.
One concern with ethnographic research is similar to a concern raised about case study research, that research findings cannot be generalized thus making research data unreliable
(Brewer & Hunter, 1989). The argument of the unreliability of research findings put forth against ethnography dates back to the critiques raised against Boas’ attempt to collect large amounts of data for inductive purposes; that they cannot be used to create new or text existing theory (Lewis, CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 149
2001). Boas’ approach, although lauded for setting the stage for a meticulous ethnographic data collection process, has been criticized as weak in terms of providing a framework for arriving at general synthesized theory (Lewis, 2001). As already noted, though ethnographic research findings cannot be applied generally, the process of thick description and the narrative text developed following research allows readers to make judgements on the applicability of research findings to other settings. The process of thick description thus guards ethnographic data from the critique – of unreliability – levelled against it.
Rationale for Qualitative Data Analysis
The study was informed by research paradigm assumptions derived from qualitative and interpretive approaches that operate on the premise that the study of human nature should be designed in a way that facilitates the interpretation and the understanding of social phenomena in contextual and subjective realities (Denzin & Lincoln, 1994). As Denzin and Lincoln (1994) note, qualitative researchers, “study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of or interpret phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them” (p. 2). Since I was seeking emic understandings of empirical data, the qualitative approach facilitated my role as an active learner intending on learning and writing about local constructs assigned to data gathered by observing and participating in everyday life events, social interactions, and in listening to constructed life stories.
The second premise that informed this study relates to the importance of methodological triangulation to verify and add credibility to raw data (Babbie, 2016; Denzin & Lincoln, 1994).
The use of different data collection techniques including participant observation, focus group discussions, and individual and group interviews ensured that fieldwork data was rich enough to provide a basis of analysis for nuanced and multifaceted relational behavior. Additionally, CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 150 triangulation was useful in ensuring that the contingencies of idealized representations of reality from participants were anticipated and recognized during data collection and data analysis
(Babbie, 2016).
One critique of qualitative research methods is that of subjectivity (Anderson, 2010).
Because the research is dependent on the researcher’s experiences and the subjective realities of research participants it can be said that the research findings produced are subjective and thus not reliable, or credible (Anderson, 2010). To counter this critique, I used multiple sources of data including focus groups, individual and group interviews, and participant observation thus ensuring the triangulation of data. Data gathered from multiple sources was helpful for fact- checking to ensure credibility.
My Role as Researcher / Positionality
Axiological assumptions in qualitative research necessitate researchers to acknowledge that research is value laden and prone to personal biases and prejudices (Creswell, 2007). It is therefore important to identify my experiences with the research group in order to ensure that my contribution as a researcher remains useful. During the preparation and duration of this research,
I felt like an insider given my ancestral links to the research location. During the early stages of my life, I lived, for some time, at my grandparent’s farm with my immediate and extended family. During this time, I lived the Tugen life and became culturally competent in Tugen culture. It is important to note here that I also speak the Tugen language. Shortly after I went to boarding school, it became logistically harder to go back to my grandparents’ farm for extended visits. Over time, my visits became shorter (from a week to a few hours) and far between (from annually to once in 3-5 years). As an insider, I was able to gain physical and social access to the community; access that might not have been granted to an outsider. Lederach and Wehr (1991) CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 151 write about insider-partial persons in reference to mediation. Insiders who are partial are members of a community who approach a mediation situation as interested and invested in the outcome of a conflict situation (Lederach and Wehr, 1996). In applying this to research, insiders who are partial approach a research context invested in the outcome of the research project.
While this might be viewed as subjectively biased, it is important to note that trust and the principle of reciprocity is important in gaining physical and social access to the research site. For the Tugen, for example, access might not be granted to an outsider and if granted, the information gathered may not be a complete portrait of the community. As a partial insider, I was trusted by the community with cultural knowledge with the expectation that the research produced will be beneficial to the community.
Additionally, as a partial insider, I understood the languages (Tugen and Kiswahili) spoken by research participants. This made it easier for me to communicate with research participants. Also, I did not have to spend extra time learning the languages spoken in the community. Since I understood the languages spoken, I was also able to draw on emic constructs derived from the themes emerging from the data I collected. Specifically, I relied on the emic meanings behind the social facts that I gathered in the field. This ensured that the conclusions I drew were, largely, data driven.
While gaining physical and social access to the community was one advantage of being a partial insider, one disadvantage of being an insider is that research participants often assumed that I was knowledgeable about cultural facts and simply glossed over information without going into much detail. This eventually led to shallow initial collection of data where data was narrow and where data was incomplete. I therefore spent considerable time calling primary research respondents to seek clarifications on the information that had been initially shared with me. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 152
Another disadvantageof being a partial insider has to do with my personal identity and the principle of self-preservation that comes with belonging to the group. As a member of this community, I felt the need to present a respectful portrait, one that does not jeopardize the image of the group, especially to outsiders. There are facts, from the field, that I therefore have not reported in my final dissertation report because it might have portrayed the community in negative light thus leading to the embarrassing exposure of the community. In the need to self preserve and the need to protect my identity as an individual, I have remained cautious in the information I have presented in this dissertation report.
Given my outsider-impartial status, participants had one concern, where my allegiance lay. I expressed this concern in Kiprop (2018) where I noted that participants wondered who I was loyal to, whether to the community or to my institution of study. They wondered why I was taking information from the community to a foreign institution. I was able to allay these concerns by informing participants that I will be sharing the information from the study with research participants once the study was completed to reflect the value of reciprocity.
As a member of this community, I feel a deep sense of duty to present a cultural portrait that is honorable and respectful to Tugen culture while at the same time producing work that would ensure credibility with my audience at the university, specifically, my dissertation committee. To navigate this challenging balance, I find that the ethnographic method has been instrumental in allowing me to ensure sensitivity and respect in the research process while at the same time ensuring that I fulfill the required expectations that come with producing work at par with the academic standards required of PhD students. Van Maanen (1988) identifies different conventions for producing such a work. As an experiential authority, some ethnographers act as
“impersonal conduits who…. pass on more-or-less objective data in a measured intellectual style CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 153 that is uncontaminated by personal bias, political goals, or moral judgments” (Van Maanen,
1988, p. 47). Ethnographers employing the interpretive paradigm can also rely on emic interpretations of social reality where in addition to reflecting the values of the participants, researchers represent participant interpretations weaved with their own interpretations of social reality. For my research, I combined emic interpretations of social phenomena with the "events of everyday life" to ensure that my analysis "overlaps with the terms and constructs" (Van
Maanen, 1988, p. 52) used by participants to explain social reality. For example, when examining greetings in Tugen culture, I realized that a young person is not allowed to initiate greetings with someone older than they are. Yet, again, it is disrespectful to ignore/not greet an older person. This was emically explained in terms of the values of konyit (respect). A younger person must show respect by approaching an older person to be greeted but must not utter words of greetings before an older person does. The event of everyday life in this example is the greeting; the emic interpretations and the terms used for norms guiding behavior during greetings is emically explained using the construct of konyit (respect) which falls under ideological constructions of being among the Tugen.
Research Timeline and Research Households
During my stay in Kisanana, I lived in five households (see Appendix 2 for details). I made a total of four research related trips to the field starting in the end of December 2015 to the end of May 2016. In between research trips, I went back to my parents’ house in Nakuru, Kenya to regroup, review field notes, and to refine interview questions based on the data I had collected.
During the first trip that lasted four weeks I lived in two households: Kap36 Joshua37 for eight
36 In Tugen land the use of the work Kap denotes place of and/or house of. The household is named after the patriarch of the household. As an example, Kap Joshua thus refers to the house of Joshua.
37 All names used in the dissertation are pseudonyms. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 154 days and Kap Samuel for sixteen days. My second trip lasted 26 days. During my second trip I stayed in Kap Samuel for eight days, Kap Samson for another eight days, and Kap Ezra for ten days. My third trip lasted twenty days. For my third trip, I stayed in Kap Job for ten days and
Kap Samson for ten days. I combined my fourth and fifth (final) legs of research into one trip.
The two-in-one final trip for my fieldwork visits lasted 30 days. For the fourth leg, I stayed in
Kap Joshua for ten days, Kap Samuel for three days, Kap Samson for three days, Kap Ezra for seven days, Kap Samson for two days and Kap Job for seven days. For the final leg, I stayed in
Kap Samson for three days, Kap Ezra for three days, Kap Joshua for three days, and Kap Samuel for four days.
The five households I took up residence with were part of larger families. The rationale for staying with five households and not one was aimed at establishing credibility. Staying with five families let me gain insider access to the sub-cultures existent in Tugen society, which is not homogenous but is made up of individuals, groups (clans, age-sets, and families) who approach life differently. I found that staying in five different households was useful in shedding light on different family histories and practices whether involving themselves in livestock production, farming, business, or taking on formal employment.
While I lived in one household at a time, I was in contact with primary household members, relatives, neighbors, and friends. As such, I was able to visit and interact with 55 research participants in total. Of the 55 research participants, 27 were female and 28 were male.
42 of them were adults and 13 were children aged between seven and 17 years. While I interacted with 42 adults, I classified eight of them as primary informants with whom I consulted at length more than a couple of times during the research process to clarify questions that arose during data collection and to clarify information that I had acquired during data collection. The CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 155 other 47 were classified as regular informants with whom I talked to only once during the research process.
Processes of Recruitment
At the beginning, before starting data collection, I resided in Kisanana with members of my extended family and during this time, I was able to integrate with members of the community while working towards participant recruitment. I used word-of-mouth to reach potential participants. Specifically, I relied on a primary research guarantor, a retired teacher, who had been placed in contact with me before beginning my research, to introduce me to members of the community during my first month of residence. During informal meetings, for example, casual visits to neighbors’ homes, I had informal conversations with members of the community about my intention to conduct research. During and following these informal conversations, I got a sense of the number of individuals in each family who would like to participate in the study. In the end, my sample included individuals who showed an interest in the study and were willing to participate as research participants. My sampling technique was thus volunteer sampling, a purposive non-random sampling technique where participants volunteer to participate in a research (Jupp, 2006). One problem that has been levelled against the technique of volunteer sampling is that of representativeness, that is it is difficult to know the extent to which those that volunteer to participate in the research are a representative sample of the population (Trochim,
2006). On the issue of representativeness, I was able to secure participation with participants from all the members of the six clans represented in Kisanana. The families I conducted research with, their friends, relatives, and neighbours came from the six clans represented in Kisanana.
Thus, I can say that my sample was sufficient in accounting for variance in clan representation in
Kisanana thus passing the representativeness test levelled against volunteer sampling. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 156
Once I had identified families to work with, I began the recruitment process. Before recruitment, however, I approached potential household heads and sought approval for research access into their household. The household in Tugen communities is considered in terms of the extended family. Members of one extended family residing in close proximity, but in different houses, are referred to as one household usually named after the patriarch. I approached the oldest living individual (male and/or female) to seek approval to conduct research with the family which, in most cases, comprised of married sons, their wives, their children, unmarried children and their grandchildren. I approached the oldest living individual as the head of a house since in Tugen, the eldest living individual is the head of a house. I gained agreement from these individuals using a Permission to Conduct Research form that was written in English. I translated the form into Tugen and/or Swahili while reading it to them. Following agreement, individuals signed the form. It was important to get permission from the head of the household as a sign of respect. In Tugen community, the head of the household is responsible for all the affairs and the goings on in their house. It would be deemed disrespectful to enter someone’s house to conduct any business without letting the head of the household know and without getting their permission to conduct that business. To ensure that I had good relationships with research participants, it was also important to show this respect to household heads, by asking them permission to interview and observe members of their household.
Once I gained permission to conduct research with family members as research participants, I began the recruitment process. I began the written consent process with adults who indicated an interest in participating in the research. The consent form was written in English.
For participants who could not read in English, I translated the consent form to Tugen and
Swahili. Since these participants knew that I was a member of this community, they trusted that CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 157 the translations I offered were an accurate portrayal of the information that was in the form.
Upon reading the written consent and following agreement with participants, the forms were signed. I made appointments at a later date for individuals who wished to set up a consent meeting at another time. For those who could not read, I asked them to initial their names on the consent form. For those who could not initial their names, I initialed the names on their behalf after asking them if it was okay for me to do that.
For children (below 18 years), I first approached their parents and/or guardians to indicate my intention to involve their children as participants in my study. When the parents/guardians granted written permission, I approached the children for the assent process.
To ensure that the children chose to participate on their own accord, I used an assent form where
I gauged the children’s interest to participate in the study. To gauge their interest, I used an oral pre-assent form to ask children if they would be willing to talk with me about their life and about the topic of conflict in their lives. I then proceeded with the oral assent process with the children who indicated interest.
Procedures of Participant Observations, Focus groups, and Group and Individual
Interviews
I conducted participant observations with each family one at a time and the observations occurred in family residences and the places they frequent in Kisanana. Participant observation is defined as:
the process of entering a group of people with a shared identity to gain an understanding
of their community. This is achieved by gaining knowledge and a deeper understanding
of the actors, interaction, scene, and events that take place at the research site. Through
the experience of spending time with a group of people and closely observing their CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 158
actions, speech patterns, and norms, researchers can gain an understanding of the group.
(Allen, 2017, para. 1)
Participant observation is thus a process of becoming one with the research community, participating in communal activities with community members, and then writing up observations based on what is observed and based on the experiences of the observer.
One advantage of the participant observation method is that it gives researchers a glimpse into what deMunck and Sobo (1998) call the “backstage culture” (p. 43). This means that researchers will get a rare glimpse into daily events in the lives of research participants, and the meanings ascribed to social phenomena by research participants. Additionally, according to
Dewalt and Dewalt (2002), participant observation “improves the quality of data collection and interpretation and facilitates the development of new research questions” (as quoted in Kawulich,
2005, para. 13). For my case, I found that participant observation allowed me to follow up – with questions – on what I had observed. For example, following an observation of greetings between two individuals of different ages, I followed up with questions on what the style of greeting meant.
One limitation of the participant observation technique has to do with access. Participant observers may not have access to certain populations and certain events based on who they are
(Dewalt & Dewalt, 1998). As an example, given that the Tugen clearly demarcate spaces for men and women and according to age-groups, I was not able to partake in some activities that men partook in for example, meeting at a tea café to watch television. I was mostly with women my age and was able to observe and partake in activities that form part of daily life for these women.
This means that I did not have access to larger portions of the population, particularly older males, except in activities that brought together all communal members such as weddings and CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 159 going to church. To counter this problem of access I ensured that any observations I made while engaging with women my age for example during cleaning, or when sharing a meal, or during a group meeting, were recorded with a section on further questions. Under the section on further questions/clarifications, I wrote questions that I would ask male participants. For example, I found that the topics of discussions during meals ranged from the welfare of children and the behavior of children and youth during meals with women my age, most of whom were young mothers. When interviewing males, I asked them about the content of their conversations when sharing a meal. I found that men my age discussed business opportunities and politics when they shared a meal together. This is an example of how I was able to counter the problem of access that is associated with participant observation.
I conducted participant observations with household informants and their relations
(relatives, neighbors, and friends) in their daily activities such as while doing household chores, going to the market to buy groceries, participating in farm activities, attending church, and while attending family gatherings, for example graduations and weddings. I conducted observations of children in their day to day lives for example in the playground and around the homestead.
During observations, I took notes on an observation protocol I developed that had a section on what I observed, a section on reflective notes, and a section on follow-up questions and clarifications (Appendix 3).
Individual interviews lasted between one to two hours for the eight primary informants.
As I already noted, I returned to the primary informants to seek further clarification on the questions that arose pertaining to the data I had collected. Follow-up interviews lasted between
15 minutes to one hour. I conducted 27 regular individual interviews that lasted between 15 to 30 minutes each. Generally, I audio-taped interviews but took notes for participants who did not CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 160 consent to being audio-taped. In the interviews, I asked participants to share information about
Tugen culture and knowledge about Tugen history. I also asked participants to share their experiences about growing up, for example, how they were raised, disciplined, and educated about cultural mores and values. Following the interviews, I stayed in contact with the eight primary informants for further information and to seek clarifications on questions that emerged.
Group interviews occurred spontaneously where others would join in on already planned interviews and or when participants in groups of two to five spontaneously offered to speak with me since they had become aware of my research work in Kisanana. Before beginning every interview, I informed the person(s) I was interviewing that some individuals may choose to join spontaneously. I thus asked for their patience and permission to complete the written informed process with them before proceeding with the interview. This is something that I added on to my data collection process once I had completed the first interview in which another individual joined spontaneously. For the first spontaneous group interview, where an individual joined spontaneously, I interrupted the interview without prior warning to the first interviewee to complete the written consent process. Every interview that followed the first thus was began with an explanation that other interviewees may join spontaneously and an explanation that I could not continue the interview until I completed the consent process with these individuals. Research participants were by and large patient and agreed to this arrangement. While I completed the written consent process with individuals who joined the interview spontaneously, the first interviewee(s) simply waited or engaged in little chit chats about each other’s wellbeing. I allowed for spontaneous joining because of reference to the cultural practices of welcoming others and being generous with one’s time. It would have seemed culturally awkward to ward off individuals who spontaneously joined in on conversations. The benefits of allowing for CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 161 spontaneous joining is that I was able to have conversations with a large sample. Spontaneous joining also worked well with the recruitment process I chose, that of volunteer sampling. One concern with spontaneous joining would be the interruption of the research process and thus the increase of time needed to complete an interview or one set of interviews. The concern with interruption was addressed effectively during data collection since I recorded interviews and was able to continue seamlessly by replaying the last portion of a recorded interview to know where we had reached with the semi-structured interview protocol. The concern of time was however not a big issue for me since I was in the field for six months and since I was able to communicate with research participants, before interviews began, that others might be joining us during our conversations and that I would be pausing our conversation to allow others to join.
I conducted a total of 10 group interviews. Six group interviews consisted of two people each, two group interviews consisted of three people each, and two group interviews consisted of five people each. I audio-taped all group interviews; those who did not want to be audio-taped in group interviews did not participate. Group interviews lasted between 20 minutes to one hour each.
Focus groups were convened at a location and time convenient to participating group members. I conducted two focus group discussions with adults. One focus group comprised of seven individuals (male) and the other comprised of five (female) individuals. The Tugen generally demarcate spaces to include those occupied by men, those occupied by women, and those occupied by children. By keeping with these demarcations, I was able to gather information in an environment of openness and comfort for the informants. Adults in focus groups were asked to share information on their knowledge about Tugen culture and values; share their knowledge about how the Tugen educate young members about Tugen culture in CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 162 general and about conflict and conflict resolution in particular; share their perceptions on how socialization practices have changed with different generations and to identify the factors that have led to these changes. They were also be asked to share their perceptions on how different generations approach conflict, that is the main sources of conflict and conflict resolution. For logistical purposes, only individuals who agreed to being audiotaped participated in focus group discussions.
Table 2
Households, research schedule and activities, and number of participants
Family Headed by Total Research Activities No. Of participants
No. of
days
Kap Joshua Matriarch38 21 Participant observation, 10 multigenerational
individual interviews, family members –
group interviews grandparents’ children,
grandchildren
Kap Samuel Patriarch 31 Participant observation, 5 multigenerational
participant observation, family members –
individual interviews grandparent, parents,
children
Kap Samson Patriarch 23 Participant observation, 8 multigenerational
individual interviews family members –
38 Matriarchs heading households are widows. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 163
grandparents, children,
grandchildren
Kap Ezra Patriarch 20 Participant observation, 5 multigenerational
individual interviews, family members –
group interviews grandparents, children
Kap Job Matriarch 17 Participant observation, 7 multigenerational
individual interviews, family members –
group interviews grandparents, children
Other relatives of Participant observation, 15 participants primary individual interviews, households focus group discussions
Neighbors and Participant observation, 5 participants friends individual interviews,
focus group discussions
Regrouping Transcribing, refining
research questions,
literature review
Data Analysis
For data analysis, three coding methods were used; open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. Specifically, constructs emerging from raw research data (emic constructs) CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 164 were identified before they were connected with themes emerging from etic theoretical constructs. For example, some emic constructs that emerged included konyit (respect) and tiliandi (reciprocity). Research participants referred to these two values as core to the functioning of Tugen society. The emic constructs that were connected with the principles of konyit and tiliandi is peaceful co-existence brought about by adhering to the principles of respect and reciprocity. Existing literature including the constructs of peace (Galtung, 1969; Lederach,
2014), conflict (Avruch, 1998), human needs (Burton, 1990b), formed the base for etic constructs that connected to the principles of konyit and tiliandi. Data analysis began with transcribed data narratives derived from interviews, focus groups, and observations. For interviews and focus groups, narratives were transcribed by me following translation (from
Tugen and Swahili) into English. For observations, descriptive and reflective notes based on what was observed were used.
Open coding began with the assembling of large sections of text to create constructs that would later be open for further categorization (Given, 2008). During this stage, data were sifted to identify similarities which allowed for the labelling of similar sections of text into one word and/or several phrase identifiable descriptors (Given, 2008). Examples of codes that I developed during initial coding include, but not limited to, conflict, war, social change, birth, naming, taboos, marriage, clans, age-sets, discipline, women, teaching, recruitment into the police force, livestock, church, schools, land, leadership and more. Following the development of initial codes, I used index cards to write up the codes and grouped them based on similarity as I prepared for further refinement during the next phase, axial, of coding.
For axial coding, index cards labelled with open codes were taken, arranged and organized according to similarity to develop finer yet broader codes (Given, 2008). The axial CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 165 coding process also entailed rereading transcripts that related to the open codes by looking at them, not as large pieces of text but as smaller segments, as in paragraphs and line by line
(Given, 2008). In looking at smaller segments I was seeking to determine if and how open codes were interrelated. Following this process, some core codes that emerged included, but were not limited to, socialization patterns (with open codes of birth, naming, discipline, teaching, and schools), sources of livelihood (with open codes of joining the police force, teaching, and livestock), and war (with open codes of cattle rustling, and age-sets) and many more. During the second phase of coding, I found that some open codes fell into more than one category. For open codes that fell into more than one category, I went straight to the phase of developing narratives to make sense of the interconnections between these themes. For example, the open code of teaching emerged under the themes of socialization, the sources of livelihood, and war. In each of these themes I found that teaching was an important thread that emerged at when individuals were socialized into their age and gender teams to perform tasks related to livelihood (for example cultivation and cattle rustling).
Upon the creation of interrelated constructs developed during the initial and axial coding phases, I proceeded to the third phase of coding (selective coding). In this third phase, I intended to develop meaningful narratives from the constructs developed during initial and axial coding
(Mills, Durepos, & Wiebe, 2010). In doing this, I used the five Ws and one H (What, Who,
Where, When, Why, and How) questions to develop meaningful stories. During this phase, while creating meaningful narratives, I relied on etic theoretical constructs from literature (including but not limited to conflict, peace, human needs, respect, reciprocity, and relationship building) that related to the themes that emerged from the findings during the first two phases of coding. In CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 166 looking at conflict for example, I found that what was perceived as divergence39 occurred when young adults were negotiating marriage with their parents and other important relations. In cases where two clans were forbidden from intermarrying, I found that there emerged a divergence of interest when young adults from these (forbidden clans) clans planned on intermarrying and/or even went ahead with eloping without the blessings of their parents and other kin. The selective coding process that led to the development of meaningful stories saw to it that other codes that had been selected during initial coding and axial coding were incorporated into the narratives to provide rich descriptions that provided holistic representations of phenomena.
From the meaningful narratives developed, etic theoretical constructs were found to further buttress emic representations of data. These etic theoretical constructs emerged from a review of literature that touched on the topics that emerged during the processes of data analysis.
For example, from research findings as they emerged during data collection, I found that participants valued social recognition and being seen, acknowledged, and validated by related others especially during social functions such as marriage, visitations, and fundraising events. A failure to recognize a key relation was taken with deep offence. A research on the human needs for recognition and belonginess revealed what other researchers have theorized about human needs and perceived and actual conflicts emerging in human groupings. A further review of literature on human needs and conflict revealed other human needs that are applicable to the
Tugen case, those of bonding, and the human needs for physiological wellbeing and safety. The cyclical process of looking at the findings emerging from the three phases of coding research data and the review of literature made it easier to provide a holistic view of the case with support from researched and proven literature under the topics of culture and conflict, human nature,
39 An etic theoretical construct in this instance emerges from the definition of conflict as a “perceived divergence of interest” (Pruitt & Kim, 2004, pp. 7-8). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 167 peace and violence, and human needs and realized peace, and Indigenous processes of peacemaking.
Reporting Research Findings
For qualitative research, Miles and Huberman (1984) suggest narrative text as the most suitable for reporting findings. As this is an ethnographic case study, I use thick description to describe and narrate research findings in detail. The narrated data reflect emic interpretations of data weaved with theoretical constructs relating to the variables that are relevant to the case study’s research questions including conflict, culture and conflict, peace, relationship building, respect, and Indigenous peacemaking. The research will be disseminated as narrative text in
English. I also plan to organize group meetings (barazas – deliberation meetings) with research participants and members of the community (in small groups), upon graduation, to disseminate research findings.
Ethical Considerations
Ethical considerations are of importance to researchers. Since my ethnographic research involved participating in the private lives of individuals, it was important to identify measures that would safeguard the rights and values of research participants. Before beginning data collection, I gained ethics approval from the University of Manitoba Joint-Faculty Research
Ethics Board (JFREB).
During the initial phase of my fieldwork, I also gained an understanding of participant and group values at it related to cultural knowledge and perceptions of research. I shared some of these perceptions in a chapter titled Research ethics review, research participants, and the researcher in-between: When REB directives clash with participant socio-relational cosmologies
(Kiprop, 2018) published in a book Looking back and living forward: Indigenous research rising CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 168 up. Summatively, in the initial stages of fieldwork, I shared the objectives of my research with members of the community through my primary research contact, a retired male teacher, who served as a primary guarantor during the data collection process. In the process of getting written consent, I informed participants of all data collection devices including audio recorders and only used those devices with permission from research participants. I also informed participants that participating in the research was voluntary and informed them that they could stop the interview at any given time. I informed them that there would not be any repercussions should they withdraw their participation from the research process. Lastly, I informed interviewees that tape recorders and interview transcripts will be destroyed after I have defended my dissertation.
In terms of anonymity, I explained the measures I would take with research participants during the consent process. To ensure that nothing reveals anything about participant identities, I have minimized opportunities for others to infer people’s identities from detailed accounts by grouping data and presenting them, generally, based on identified themes and codes. There are however stories that are well known in the community. Some of the stories I have shared, for example about the Paramount Chief Cherusei’s role in bringing education to Kisanana is a story that was repeated by several informants. In this case, the story was shared as a historical fact.
In other cases, I have disguised, without distorting, research data in order to protect people’s identities. I have ensured anonymity by omitting the description of the residence and just listing the houses based on pseudonyms. Not including house descriptions will conceal people’s identities without necessarily jeopardizing the integrity of data.
Since I interacted with and interviewed multi-generational families, it was important to consider additional ethical considerations for conducting research with children. In terms of confidentiality, I informed the participants, as was written on the written consent form, that all CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 169 the information they shared would be kept confidential. I also requested participants to keep our conversations and interviews confidential, that is, not share the discussions we had with anyone else. Secondly, in addition to gaining informed consent from parents and guardians, I ensured that all child participants assented to participate in the research. To ensure assent, I made sure that children knew that they had a choice not to participate. If they did participate, I let them know that they had a choice to withdraw from the research process at any time should they have wished to do so. Since child assent was an important concept introduced and agreed to in my research ethics application process, I informed families the importance of letting children decide for themselves whether they wanted to participate in the research or not. Some interviewees actually informed me, following these discussions, that children in Tugen society are autonomous and make decisions for themselves. Further, I explained to children that they were to partake only if they wished to participate. I also assessed children’s body language and interaction when I began interviews. There were children who looked away when I asked them questions. Some kept themselves busy with their toys without giving me nor my questions much attention. From this, I realized that those children did not necessarily assent to the process of research. The above steps, that I took, assured me that the children who made the final sample assented to being part of the research process.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 170
Chapter Five: The Ideological, Social, and Material Aspects of Tugen culture
In this chapter I seek to answer the first research question: how culture shapes the group’s pathways towards peace. To answer this question, I introduce the elements of Tugen culture. The three elements of culture that shape this study are Clark’s (2002) ideological, social, and material components. The ideological elements of culture intertwine with material culture to ensure that members of the community do not infringe on the property rights of others, thus preventing conflicts over material resources. The social components of culture inform how the members of the community interact and relate to each other as they seek to survive in an environment viewed as dangerous and precarious by the members of the group.
This chapter begins with an exposition of the Tugen traditional mandate,40 that is, the meaning ascribed to the purpose for which the community organizes; to ensure the continuance of silangwe (genetic survival), and by extension, cultural survival. The chapter then makes an exposition of Tugen views about human nature, the nature of the universe, and the natural and supernatural worlds. The chapter then links material culture to ideological culture in showcasing the ideological mechanisms in existence that prevent conflicts over material resources amongst members of the group. The chapter concludes with an exposition of Tugen social culture with a discussion of Tugen clans and Tugen age-sets. The purpose of this chapter is to orientate the reader with the components of Tugen culture that shape the group’s pathways towards peace.
Ideological Culture within Tugen Society
Tugen Traditional Mandate – Cultural Survival
40 Malinowski (1960) in outlining his functional analysis theory identifies the purpose for which groups organize as the groups’ traditional mandate, that is, the group’s “charter of their purpose” (p. 39). As Malinowski (1960) notes, “this concept implies an agreement on a set of traditional values for which human beings come together.” Further, “under the traditional mandate, obeying the specific norms of their organisation, working through the material apparatus they manipulate, human beings work together and thus satisfy some of their desires” (Malinowski, 1960, p. 39). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 171
Mary Clark (2002) identifies three key human needs; bonding, autonomy, and cultural meaning. Clark’s (2002) identification of the human propensity for meaning can be equated to
Malinowski’s (1960) conceptualization of a group’s charter as rooted in a group’s “purpose or traditional mandate” (p. 39) that is: “the charter is the idea of the institution as entertained by its members and defined by the community” (p. 48) and “the definition by the group of the value, purpose, and importance of the institution into which they are organized” (p. 111).
For the purpose that they organize as a group, the Tugen’s charter is founded on the principle of cultural survival made possible with clear terms that define how the members of the group interact with a precarious environment and with each other in pursuit of the continuance of silangwe, directly translated to mean the genetic root; basically, to ensure genetic survival and by extension cultural survival. When discussing the question of what one can tell someone who is not Tugen about Tugen culture, a 70-80-year-old female study participant remarked that “us, people of Tugen, we value silangwe (the genetic root). That is why we do everything to ensure the continuance of silangwe. When we die, we want to know that things are okay, that the silangwe is protected.” The survival of the silangwe is thus one uniting purpose for which the
Tugen community organizes.
The Tugen principle of survival is rooted in the Tugen worldview. A worldview is a philosophy about life, mainly theories about human nature and the nature of the universe that informs a group's mechanisms for cultural survival in a precarious physical environment (Clark,
2002). In navigating the physical environment, ideological, social, and material culture emerges.
Culture then influences a group's mechanisms for cultural survival by making sure that individual and group physical, social, and psychological needs are met.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 172
Tugen Views about Human Nature (Socialization in Tugen Society)
Tugens ascribe to theories of social learning when it comes to their views about human nature in that they intimate that children are a product of their surroundings. Essentially, children are a product of what they learn from their social relations and from their environment. First, children are gifts incurred from living a decent Tugen life. A decent Tugen life is determined as one transitions through the different life status roles.41 The important roles played by individuals as they transition from childhood, to the youth-stage, to adulthood, to parenthood, and grandparenthood cannot be underplayed. Each status role is seen as important in Tugen society as each stage provides an opportunity to teach members of society about their roles and about the values associated with their roles, as well as the values that are important to Tugen society. In each stage are specific age appropriate teachings led by the seniors of each age-group. On the question of Tugen culture, specifically, teaching children, a 50-60-year-old female interviewee observed that
children are taught when they have gill (when they have become aware of right and
wrong), usually when the first set of teeth have fallen out; this is when a child has
become aware of what is right and wrong. The first thing they are taught is kigirei (things
that are forbidden). The children are told kigirei for things that they are not supposed to
do. If a child questions their elders, they are told kigirei. If a child lies, they are told
kigirei. At this stage the children are kept away from discussions that are meant for
adults. If children ask where babies come from, they are told they come from mose
(monkeys). When a new baby is born, they hold a birthday celebration when the baby is
41 The life status roles that individuals transition through in adulthood are murenik (warriors), poisiek (workers), kugosiek (elders) and kugoisiek (retired elders) for men, and murerenik (brides), chebyosoik (adult women), kogoisiek (grandmothers), and kogoisiek (retired grandmothers) for women. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 173
one month old. This is a celebration and feast prepared for children. They tell the children
that kitile kotutye ab mose (they are cutting the monkey’s tail) to make the children
believe that the baby came from a monkey. They then boil meat with bitter herbs to give
to the children to eat. They tell the children that they are eating the monkey’s tail. During
the celebration, they also plant a tree for the new baby. The tree will grow as the child
grows. The tree planted will represent the life of the new baby.
In sum, children are taught about appropriate subjects based on their age. There is a clear socialization process that introduces children to the idea of bringing new borns to the world.
The youth, approximately ages 15 to 20, are taught about responsibility and the need to be accountable for their actions. In earlier Tugen society (up until the late 1970s, when attending school was normalized in Tugen society), the youth were disciplined to ensure that they were keeping with the values espoused in Tugen decency, values of hard work, truthfulness, and respect. If there was word that the youth were slacking in their duties when for example herding livestock, the community would organize mass discipline enforced by the warriors, ranging in age from 21 to 30 years old. During a focus group discussion, on the question of how and when individuals learned about how to be a Tugen, a 70-80-year-old male study participant narrated that
mass discipline was there keny (during our time). The women would report the youth, to
the warriors, as misbehaving or fooling around when they should have been serious with
home duties such as caring for the home or herding livestock. Sometimes reports were
made that the youth would engage their bulls in fighting competitions. This would be
reported to the warriors who would then choose a date for mass discipline. They would
start from one corner of Kisanana at 4 am in the morning and by 8 am they would have CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 174
finished disciplining all the youth of Kisanana. They brought sitowonik (thin whips) to
discipline the youth… during those times, no one cared who was misbehaving, they
would discipline all the youth. The mothers would wake them up when the warriors
arrived, and they would go outside to be disciplined. They would be whipped and told to
behave and to stop fooling around when they should be engaging in duties that are of
benefit to their families.
At a male focus group, study participants agreed that the practice of mass discipline was aimed at ensuring that the youths policed themselves to ensure that none of them misbehaved because it often resulted in mass discipline. From the focus group discussion, individuals mentioned that the youth would often seek out those that they deemed as going against social rules to try to convince them through peer pressure to act according to social mores. A 60-70-year-old male informant, in the focus group expressed that “if you know that you are all going to be punished for the actions of one or two individuals, then you have to approach those individuals and straighten them out by convincing them to change their ways or pressuring them.” A 50-60-year- old male informant, during a group interview – on mass discipline – further noted that “during those days, age-mates would approach those that they saw as misbehaving and would cane them in order for them to change their ways. This way, the wrongdoers would stop misbehaving.” In sum, mass discipline was a common practice in Tugen. Mass discipline was enforced to ensure that all the youth in the community adhered to social codes of conduct. Mass discipline fell under the sphere of social control (or the normative sphere). Mass discipline was discarded sometimes in the late 1970s when disciplining youth was left to each family and the schools. With families sending their children to school, the need for mass discipline dissipated as the schools became institutions that disciplined youth regarding individual behavior. Additionally, families became CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 175 liberal in their approach to discipline. Some parents started taking offence to the idea that their child would be disciplined by another person, and not themselves. A 70-80-year-old male interviewee expressed that
parents became soft. If you discipline a child, they will go to the hospital and then the
police and report that their child is bleeding from injuries. The children have also become
soft. No one is allowed to touch anyone’s child. That is why the youth are no longer
disciplined in Kisanana.
While disciplining the youth fell in the hands of the community (warriors) in earlier Tugen, the call for discipline fell with the schools and with each family being expected to discipline their own children in later years. Currently, each family is expected to discipline its own youth.
The youth to adulthood rite of passage prepares individuals for life as adults. This is an important stage where individuals in their age-groups transition through an elaborate rite of passage called tumdo for men and soe for women. These rites of passage involve circumcision. It is however important to note that soe, for women, was discarded by the community in the late
1970s when the second president of Kenya, Daniel Arap Moi, who took office in 1978 and who was from the Tugen community, implored communities in Kenya to disregard the practice. The members of the community give credit to the former president and biblical teachings for the eradication of the practice. An 80-90-year-old female study participant, on the important historical events that have impacted Tugen society, recounted that
when Arap Moi took office, he told the Tugen to eradicate female circumcision. His
government also passed laws that made the practice illegal in Kenya. During those days,
a lot of people were arrested during December holidays because kiyatita laak (they
opened out the children) [meaning that they circumcised the girls]. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 176
Another interviewee, 80-90-year-old male, on the important historical events that have impacted
Tugen society argued that
we stopped circumcising girls because of the Christian religion. The Tugen saw that Jesus
was circumcised but his mother was not circumcised. Also, we came to believe that it is
not proper for a person to bleed twice. Men bleed once when they are circumcised and
women bleed when they are giving birth. We could not continue circumcising girls
because they bleed during childbirth.
The men, however, still go through tumdo (the male circumcision practice). In the age-groups, men are taught about the admirable values that Tugen men should espouse, that of providing for their families, being men of integrity, and being courageous to protect their families and their community. During soe, in earlier Tugen, women were taught about how to care for one’s home and how to prepare to be a good wives and mothers, that is how to ensure that their families are fed, how to be responsible and hardworking, and how to welcome guests to one’s home. With the discard of soe, women learn about the values that should be espoused by Tugen women from their families.
The stage of parenthood is important and is one that individuals are often ready for given the teachings that they are exposed to during the transition from the youth stage to adulthood. It is in parenthood that individuals begin taking on the roles of teaching, they teach the young about how to be a Tugen individual espousing the values of decency, that is the values of courage, integrity, and wisdom. A 40-50-year-old female study participant noted that it is parents who enforce the values that are important to Tugen society. The informant elaborated that
during the youth to adulthood rites of passage, the Tugen educate men about how to be
fathers and the women how to be mothers. They are taught that they are the first people CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 177
that children interact with. They are told that it is their job to shape their children’s
characters in the ways that the Tugen prefer. To be good Tugen people the children have
to be taught by the parents the things that kigirei! (are forbidden!). Parents are
responsible for ensuring that their children grow to be nyigan, ng’om, ok tilil
(courageous, wise, and clean [that is people of integrity]).
The stage of parenthood is therefore important because parents are the bridge between children and the society. As they prepare to enter society, children are taught the values that are important for the Tugen by their parents.
The stage of grandparenthood is especially important because grandparents are the ultimate teachers for the young. Through stories, riddles, myths, and legends, grandparents engage with their grandchildren in the evenings. It is through the grandparent’s teachings that the children of Tugen society become aware about Tugen life and what it means to be Tugen. On the role that grandparents play in shaping the world of children a 13-17-year-old female interviewee narrated that
in the evenings, we always go to my grandmother’s house for supper. After supper, my
grandmother, after drinking some alcohol, will sing for us, will tell us stories, and will
engage us in riddles. This usually goes on for hours, or until my grandmother starts
falling asleep at which point, she will chase us out of her house. My cousins and I always
laugh hysterically during these sessions because my grandmother is very funny when she
is drunk.
Another study participant, 30-40-year-old female, noted that
grandmothers are important in telling our children stories about where we came from,
about clans, about totems because it helps children know things like who they can marry CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 178
or not marry. Grandmothers are also important in telling children how to behave morally.
Your mother will not tell you about boys and will not shun you from promiscuity because
there is some shame and respect associated with these subjects between a father or a
mother and her children. With grandfathers and grandmothers, these discussions are open
because there is an open relationship between grandparents and their grandchildren. A
grandmother will teach her granddaughters how to carry themselves around boys and this
is very important knowledge.
Grandparents are, thus, important in sharing knowledge about culture to their grandchildren and in sharing knowledge about sexuality. Topics about sexuality are viewed as improper between parents and their children. The topic of sexuality is reserved for grandparents and their grandchildren.
Those who have successfully fulfilled all their life cycle status roles and have retired as senior elders are content and happy as they approach the end of the lives. The role of families in the successful socialization of family members through the life cycle is ultimately fulfilled as individuals strive to lead decent lives as good individuals defined by their generosity and their show of respect towards others. The success of socialization is also measured by a family’s ability to raise good children that bring honor and contentment to elders towards the end of their lives. Individuals and others, thus, cannot judge the extent to which one has fulfilled their human duty to the culture that gave life and meaning to him/her, until one approaches elder-hood and watches in gracious amazement over their grand and great grandchildren.
This brings me to an important virtue in Tugen life: individual responsibility and accountability. Here I would like to introduce a story told in many Kenyan households about
Simon Makonde to illustrate a point about the values accountability in Tugen society. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 179
Simon Makonde was born on Monday. He was named on Tuesday. He married on
Wednesday. He fell sick on Thursday. He went to hospital on Friday. He died on
Saturday. He was buried on Sunday. That is the sad story of Simon Makonde. (Nyoike,
2013).
Tugens in general would agree with the sentiment that Simon Makonde's life was indeed a sad one. A life cut short by disease is considered not worth having lived. A life lived having sired no children, and particularly no sons, is considered not worth having lived. A 50-60-year-old male interviewee when discussing the question of Tugen culture in a focus group wondered, “of what use is a person who has not given birth?” Another study participant, 50-60-year-old male, in the same focus group noted: “giving birth is essential for continuing the silangwe of one’s family.”
Another interviewee, 50-60-year-old male, in the same focus group shared that
a man who has not given birth to any children with his wife is often advised to marry
another wife because children are important. If a man gives birth only to children that
belong inside [meaning girls] then he is often advised to marry another wife who might
give him children that belong outside [meaning boys].
Despite these sentiments, a man who dies young and/or a man who sires no sons and worse still, no children at all, is not necessarily blamed for his misfortunes as Tugens believe that the consequences of one's sins befall one's children. As such, Simon Makonde's misfortunes are not blamed on him as they are perceived as a manifestation of the sins of his father. These sentiments are communally shared and reflects Tugen normative standards and more importantly the Tugen worldview. For the Tugen, an individual suffers from the curses of his ancestral pathologies manifesting in peculiar ways that can only make sense to the human mind in metaphysical terms. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 180
An 80-90-year-old female informant, when discussing the question of Tugen values, expressed that
if a man sins, curses will follow his children. He may give birth to disabled children, or
his children may all die at young ages. His wife may also suffer miscarriages if he does
things that invite curses… if he steals livestock from someone in the community, if he
kills someone; these are some of the things that invites curses.
In sum, Tugen adults are held accountable for their actions. If there are any peculiarities in a man’s life such as the death of one’s children, then the man is always looked at as the source of these peculiarities. This is the fate of generational curses (ng’ogi) that the Tugen believe in should an individual does sin (tengek).
Despite the fate of generational curses, the Tugen believe in the power of salvation bestowed on individuals and families who undergo cleansing ceremonies and activities of amendment to release the pathologies linked to the curses associated with the sins of their fathers. This gives hope for perpetrators and their kin yet bestows much responsibility on them to act in accordance with the vows taken during these ceremonies and to uphold communal socio- relational norms and restorative contracts. The ceremonies and activities of amendment are referred to by the Tugen as processes of kesagan ng’alek (making things right and/or straightening things out). The rituals of kesagan ng’alek are facilitated by individuals chosen, based on the qualities of courage, wisdom, and integrity, from a pool of elders in the community.
A 50-60-year-old female interviewee, when speaking about Tugen values, narrated that
if a man has sinned and there is evidence of curses in his family, then his family can
come together to sagan ng’alek (make things right). They will invite elders and family
representatives. If the man is still alive, they will invite him and ask him to confess any CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 181
sins he may have committed in the past. The elders in his family may know of any past
sins such as killing or stealing livestock. They will then confess these sins and will
engage in ceremony of making things right… to make things right, they will promise to
give back the equivalent of stolen livestock. If he had stolen two cows then he will be
required to give back two cows… if he had killed someone, he will be expected to pay
back cows equivalent to the number of holes in a human’s body, two eyes, two ears, two
nostrils, one mouth, and two of the private parts. In total he will be expected to pay back
nine cows. Once an agreement has been reached on the number of cows to be paid, they
will seal the agreement with mursik (Tugen yoghurt). They will share mursik from one
gourd and this will symbolize that things have been straightened out.
Summatively, while the Tugen system is collective in more respects than one the Tugen person is socialized to lead a decent life that is self-policed in order to ensure that the individual is fulfilling their individual responsibility and thus their existential purpose of leading a life that assures their contribution to the communal mandate of furthering the cultural root (silangwe).
The Tugen individual derives meaning and identity from the role they play in assuring their family’s genetic survival and thus serves to assure, by extension, communal cultural survival.
This system merges the needs of the community with those of individual goodness to ensure that in leading lives as good individuals, individuals are contributing to the collective survival of the community.
Tugen Views about the Nature of the Universe
The sense I got from data regarding the prevailing Tugen view about the nature of universe is that the world is a dangerous place. The history of Tugen migration, with first settlement in Tugen hills and later in the Baringo plains is filled with stories of pain from the loss CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 182 of livelihoods to punik (enemies), drought, disease, and to wild animals. Study participants spoke of a dangerous world when asked about their general outlook on life. A 20-30-year-old interviewee observed that “life is difficult because yaa ingweny (the world is bad).” Another informant, 60-70-year-old male, expressed that “life is dangerous. The world is dangerous; there are diseases, there are wild animals that eat livestock, and there are enemies that attack.” The view of the world as a dangerous place largely informs Tugen values and norms regarding the building and maintenance of reciprocal relationships (tiliandi) of friendship, kinship, and age-set affiliation that will facilitate continued in-group nurturance to ensure cultural survival in times of unpredictability. When asked on the most important things in life, study participants mentioned tiliandi (reciprocal relationships). On tiliandi, a 40-50-year-old female interviewee argued that
tiliandi is of importance to me and to the people of Tugen because we can depend on one
another. When I don’t have maize for maize meal to feed my family, I can go to my tilia
(reciprocal relations) to ask for assistance. When I cannot afford school fees for my
children, I can go to my clanmates and ask for assistance – they can sell their cows and
give me money to send my children to school.
Another informant, 20-30-year-old male, narrated that
when my grandmother was sick, we called for a fundraiser; not once but three times to
pay for her hospital visits and her operation. The people that came to help us were the
people of this community. The people did not complain that we had called them three
times for help. They came and each time they donated enough money to help with my
grandmother’s hospital bills. That is when I knew the importance of tiliandi.
From the above, thus, because the world is a dangerous place, the Tugen are very much in-group oriented. As such, the Tugen social system is built to ensure strong social bonds within the in- CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 183 group and a collective sense of responsibility. This collective sense of responsibility sees to it that individuals in the community care for one another and rally around each other to help out whenever an individual or a family is in crisis.
While the Tugen view of the world as a dangerous place influences Tugen prioritization of in-group cohesion and solidarity, the same view of the world influences Tugen views about strangers and outsiders. The prevailing view of strangers and outsiders amongst the Tugen is that they cannot be trusted, and they must be approached with caution. Tugens view outsiders and strangers as potential enemies (punik) who if allowed in, might threaten the cultural survival of the group. This particularly rings true if Tugens encounter a group of strangers because a group of people might be united in an agenda to attack and/or steal. On being asked what they would tell someone who is not from Tugen about the Tugen, A 50-60-year-old male interviewee responded by saying:
I would tell them that us Tugens believe in two kinds of people, the people of home,
Tugens, and punik (enemies). Anyone who is not from home is viewed as punyon (an
enemy). Tugens place their trust in each other and shun outsiders and strangers since they
are enemies. I would therefore tell someone who is not from Tugen, too iyegu punyon
(you are a potential enemy).
Another informant, 70-80-year-old male, when talking about the historical events that shaped
Tugen society said the following about strangers and outsiders:
Keny (a long time ago) we had many enemies. We had the mzungu (white man), we had
the Maasai, the Turkana, the Pokot – all were our enemies. These enemies threatened the
safety of Tugen families. They raided our livestock. We also fought with the Maasai and
the Turkana. The mzungu came and took our land. We had a lot of enemies. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 184
When talking about not trusting strangers, another interviewee, 50-60-year-old female, narrated the following story:
There is a story of a family that invited a stranger into their home. This stranger came to
their home with three cows, so they allowed him in and let him set camp in their home
without asking questions. The stranger stayed and allowed the family to milk his cows for
sustenance. After several years the children of the family started falling sick. They had
rashes on their hands and their mouths. They called on some traditional healers who
informed them that the children might be drinking milk from stolen cows. Since the
family had not stolen cows in their kraal, they suspected their visitor. They questioned
their visitor on where he got his cows. The visitor denied stealing the cows. The children
did not get better. The family’s elders held a meeting and decided to expel the visitor
because they suspected that he was not telling the truth. They suspected that the cows
might have been stolen from another Tugen family hence the effect it had on their
children. Once the visitor (with his cows) was expelled, the children were treated with
traditional herbs and they recovered. The community concluded that they had been right
to expel the stranger.
The Tugen view of the world as a dangerous place determines their reliance on each other for support during unpredictable times. In the same token, they view strangers as potential enemies who might jeopardize the survival of the group as is made evident with the stories they tell in order to protect their families from strangers.
Tugen Views about the Natural and Supernatural Worlds
The Tugen believe in the existence of two worlds: the physical world and the supernatural world. The physical world is made up of humans and all flora and fauna on earth. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 185
The supernatural world is occupied by a Supreme Deity, Asis (the sun). The physical world is viewed as a source of livelihood for the Tugen and a gift from the Deity, Asis. The Tugen also believe that the physical world is a bridge between Asis and humans. Asis uses the physical world to communicate to the people and the people can use the physical world and the material resources in it to communicate to Asis. When talking about this, a 70-80-year-old female study participant observed that
Mungu42 (God) speaks to us using the earth. If it rains, we know that Mungu is happy
with us. If there is a drought or if there is an outbreak of locusts, then we know that
Mungu is not happy with us. If cases of extreme drought, and if there is outbreak of
locusts or livestock diseases, we conduct ndasimee (prayers). We sacrifice a white lamb
by the river and pray to Asis for mercy and for intervention.
The Tugens also believe in the proper management of resources, and guard against wasting resources that have been availed to them by Asis. Of importance are the resources drawn from livestock and resources drawn from the earth including milk, meat, vegetables, wild fruits, and millet. There are specific religious rules that guard against mixing dairy products with bitter vegetables (mainly wild vegetables), wild fruits, and millet. On this, a 50-60-year-old male informant expressed that
it is against our religious practice to mix meat with milk, to mix milk with wild fruits, or
milk with millet products in one meal… these actions will cause kochek (rashes on the
cows’ udder), which will make it painful for the cow, and therefore make it impossible to
milk the cows, or for calves to feed.
42 Mungu is God in Swahili. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 186
Another interviewee, 40-50 year-old female, observed that “a cow that has kochek will kick you when you try to milk it. These kochek are caused when people do not follow dietary restrictions of not mixing milk and meat, or milk and wild vegetables.” When I asked study participants about the purpose of these rules, they said that they were aimed at guarding against the misuse of resources. Others said that they were aimed at ensuring that resources were managed during difficult times so as to ensure that everyone in the family would have something to eat. In viewing the physical world as providing sources of livelihood, the Tugen have developed clear mechanisms to prevent wasting resources, and to ensure that resources are well managed for the wellbeing (ensuring everyone is provided for) of everyone in the community.
In addition to providing resources, through the physical world to the community, the
Supreme Deity, Asis, is also known for intervening in times of distress for example in times of calamity such as famine and disease, and in bringing good fortune. In situations where calamities result from non-human forces, the Tugens rely on the power of ndasimee (prayer) to secure
God's mercy manifesting as answered prayers: rainfall, cure from disease, and so on. While Asis is merciful in times of unpredictable calamities, Asis is also just; Asis will not intervene in stopping the law of cause and effect from taking full course. The law of cause and effect translated as tengek ok ngo’gi (sins and curses) serves as a reminder to the group about its limits in regard to how it uses and distributes materials derived from the physical environment and how group members treat one another. Sinning against each other either by stealing and/or destroying another’s property and discriminating against and mistreating one another is often viewed as punishable through curses that befall the sinner and/or the sinner’s descendants. A 60-70-year- old female informant mentioned the following when talking about Tugen culture: CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 187
if you do ng’ogi (sin), then you should expect the consequences. In Tugen we say, ‘you
cannot hide your sins since the effects of your sins will be brought to daylight for all to
see.’ If you steal someone’s cows, your children will die one by one until you confess
your sin. If you mistreat someone, your children will be mistreated by someone, maybe
by their step-mother. If you move the boundaries of land and steal someone’s piece of
land, then lightning will strike and pet ing’weny (cut the land down the middle) to show
the actual boundary. One’s sins will always be revealed.
To conclude, the Tugen believe in Asis (the sun) who intervenes in times of distress for instance during droughts or when there is an outbreak of disease. Asis, however does not intervene when individuals have sinned. For sins committed there must be consequences. In such cases the laws of cause and effect come into play where a person’s sins will manifest in undesirable consequences until a person makes up for their sins. The consequences of sin that have to do with stealing and/or hiding another person’s livestock are often talked about and intimated the most by members of the Tugen community largely because livestock forms the core of Tugen livelihood.
The Intersection of Ideological Culture and Livestock Resources
Tugens primarily keep cattle, sheep, and goats. More value is, however, placed on cattle ownership due to the cultural significance attached to the practice. Goats and sheep are kept for different purposes; goats for milk, meat, and their skin, and sheep for skin and for ritualistic purposes. Compared to cows, goats and sheep are low maintenance; they can survive on tree leaves and twigs in arid and semi-arid areas (Bradford & Berger, 1988); this explains why the
Tugen in Tugen Hills kept large herds of goats and sheep and only one or two heads of cattle.
Since sheep are often only kept for its product to be used during ritualistic purposes, families CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 188 who own sheep eventually sell them to slaughter-houses. Families normally own more goats than sheep and while some families may own fewer cattle than goats and sheep combined, cattle ownership is prioritized as it affords a family more prestige. Cattle is viewed as more prestigious given the market value of cows. One cow can cost from 15,000 KES to 100,000 KES (150 USD to 1,000 USD) based on weight ranging between 150 to 550 kilograms (Mugachia, 2018). An individual with a lot of cows is thus viewed as well off hence the prestige associated with cattle ownership.
The value placed on cattle ownership is showcased in everyday interactions amongst residents of Kisanana. Terms of endearment are derived from cattle. Older men and women refer to their children, nieces, nephews as tet nyu (my cow) and/or moita nyu (my calf). In essence, the place of cattle in one’s life is close to that of their children. Everyday conversations begin with an update on each other’s livestock, specifically, one’s cattle. When individuals get together, they always ask about their children and their cattle. Part of the greetings are usually: omunee laak? (how are the children?) and omunee tuga? (how are the cows?). If one is late for a meeting or misses an important social function, they inadvertently are forgiven when they mention that their tardiness had something to do with their cattle. I attended church one morning and one of the main speakers, who had been invited from a nearby location, began his sermon by detailing his morning routine which involved getting up very early in the morning, taking his livestock for a walk – in search of pasture and water – before returning home to have breakfast to get ready for church.
So significant is the cultural significance of cattle ownership that individuals, despite the rising costs of keeping cattle and despite other available profitable modes of business will continue keeping livestock. A 60-70-year-old male study participant informed me that he incurs CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 189 losses from keeping cattle. In addition to the livestock he keeps at home for family milk consumption, he owns a cattle farm outside Kisanana. His losses derive from the expensive costs of paying a herder and farm keeper, and paying for animal feed and veterinary costs. Due to increased cow diseases, he loses several cows every year. Despite these losses he insists that he cannot escape the influence of Tugen culture; “a man must own at least a few heads of cattle,” he said. “Even the most educated Tugen man, with a Ph D, will still own cattle despite any losses,” he continued.
Cows are viewed as a significant resource in Tugen society not only because of prestige but because of its historical significance. Tugens are a pastoralist community and have developed systems of pastoral care that link their livestock to social systems. Men and women, after undergoing the youth to adulthood rite of passage, are named after the bulls owned by a family.
The identification of cows based on which family owns said cows is determined by a unique ear- cut pattern for the livestock owned by particular clans. Each clan has a unique ear -cut pattern that helps in identifying the cows owned by each clan. As a pastoralist community livestock ownership is intertwined with social patterns. This speaks to the social and historical significance of cows in Tugen society.
As with the speaker in church, activities related to cattle management take precedence in the daily affairs of most families. With the exception of young families residing in Kisanana centre, the residents of Kisanana residing in family farms structure their lives around livestock management. By 5 a.m., and latest 6 a.m., women in charge of milking cows are up and ready to begin the day. Their first order of business is milking cows with the help of other family members. During the day, family and communal activities are structured in a way that fit in with herding activities. The heads of households usually supervise herding activities and always CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 190 ensure that there is someone to herd livestock. In some families, hired herders and/or relatives will herd livestock. In some instances, for example, when there is no hired herder and during school session, the man or the woman of the house (depending on who is formally employed) will take on herding duties. In other instances, when there is no hired herder and/or relative and when neither spouse has formal employment, they will take turns herding; the husband may herd in the morning as his wife finishes up chores in the house including preparing lunch, and the wife may herd in the afternoon as her husband attends to other family matters. All in all, livestock activities are well managed in the home as everyone recognizes the cultural value of cattle in the home.
The Ideological Mechanisms for Preventing Conflict over Resources
I have introduced the importance of livestock to Tugen families. Now I would like to discuss the ideological mechanisms that are in place in Tugen society to prevent conflict over material resources, mainly livestock. These ideological mechanisms are the pathways through which peace, where no one infringes on anyone’s material possessions, is secured in Tugen society.
The Tugen ideological system is laced into the material elements of Tugen life as it sets normative codes regarding the use of material resources, in this case livestock. The adherence to normative standards requires an internal acceptance of normative rules by the community at large. Forbidden rules have always been adhered to by the Tugen people. This results from the internal acceptance of these rules achieved through stories, myths, and legends of the curses that befall those who break these normative rules. On Tugen values a 60-70-year-old female interviewee observed that CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 191
if you yai tengek (sin), ng’ogi (curses) will catch and follow your children, it will not catch
you. If you sin, the curses of your sins will be seen in your children. They may get a sickness
(that will not kill them) for a long time, making them suffer until people say ‘this is a curse,’
then they have to call for kirwoge (deliberation/arbitration) to know exactly what was done.
Examples of sins that cause curses are stealing and killing. Once a kirwoge
(deliberation/arbitration) is called and the truth comes out they can address the curse and ask
for forgiveness and make amends, maybe by returning stolen items, or paying for the head of
the person killed.
The belief in the power of ng'ogi (curses) deters individuals from breaking societal normative codes of conduct.
The belief in ng'ogi is embedded in stories and legends told over generations about the consequences of breaking communal norms. A story was told by 19 study participants of two
Tugen clans who resided in the now Lake Bogoria region. The story revolves around the Sogomo and Saragi families who occupied the location of the current Lake Bogoria hot springs. The
Sogomo family was kind and generous while the Saragi family was arrogant and unkind. The
Saragi family was also richer in comparison to the Sogomo family. In their arrogance, the Saragi family would dig up holes and fill them up with milk to show who was richer. They are also said to have dug up dams to fill them up with milk to showcase their wealth. One day a beggar went to the Saragi family to ask for food and clothing. He was given a goat’s placenta to feed on.
When he went to the Sogomo family he was well fed and was given new clothing. Due to their arrogance and unkindness God decided to punish the Saragi family. God warned the Sogomo family to leave the village at night. Once they had left the village, it started raining heavily and hot springs started shooting up from the ground. The Saragi family were all killed in the hot CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 192 springs and the floods while the Sogomo family was spared. It is said that no one from the
Sogomo clan has attempted to visit Lake Bogoria to date due to the belief that they will be haunted by the spirits of their old neighbours, the Saragi family. This is an example of a story and legend that has been told and retold for generations to deter individuals from acting in unsavory ways for example by being cruel, unkind, and arrogant.
These stories and legends serve the same purpose children thriller stories do: to deter communal members from breaking cultural mores. The story about a one eye long-nosed child eating ogre seeking out disobedient children is as successful as the adult story about the cursed family whose children all died from a mysterious illness at young ages due to their grandfather's or father's sinful actions. A story was told by six study participants of a child eating ogre who goes after disobedient children. The ogre is in a state of constant diarrhoea and is condemned to sit by his tree during the day. At night, he goes looking for disobedient children. He then boils a big pot of water and dumps the children in it. Once the children are cooked, he feasts on them at night. The ogre’s name is Kipkaiwai (meaning, the one who diarrhoeas). This story scares children and motivates them to be obedient.
Another story was told, by five study participants, of a couple whose children did not live beyond 10 years old. The children were weak and sickly since birth. The children did not eat well and were always forced fed to ensure that they got the nutrients they needed. Even then, they remained weak. Before their 10th birthdays, the children died in mysterious ways as their condition had not been seen before by the members of the community. These stories are aimed at preventing individuals from engaging in forbidden acts. The forbidden actions mentioned by CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 193 informants, in reference to livestock, included stealing of livestock and burying43 another person’s livestock.
The Tugen belief in curses deters individuals from stealing livestock from one another. A
40-50-year-old female interviewee warned that, “mogichorsei, omei phich, torei phich (it is forbidden to steal, it [stealing] eats people, it [stealing] finishes people”). The belief in curses is restated in stories of misfortunes that befall those who have stolen livestock from members of the community. Below are two stories, of a cow thief and the age-set that slaughtered and ate other people’s goats, told by study participants about the consequences of stealing livestock from members of the community.
A story was told, by eight study participants, about a man in a bid to acquire lots of wealth, stole people's cows at night. The man then sold stolen cows to a slaughterhouse. Over the years, the man went to one home every night to steal a cow. He eventually acquired a lot of wealth and was able to purchase big pieces of land in Kisanana. As the years went by, his children grew up only for each to suffer premature deaths in their young adult years. He hoped for his children to grow up, to marry, and have children who would further the family line for generations to come. His children, from his second and third wives would suffer the same fates as his children from his first wife. The man would then be afflicted by a mental illness that limited his capacity to make decisions about his riches. The man lost all his riches and all his children. In the end he wandered around the streets of Kisanana having lost his mind.
The story about the Chumo age-set who slaughtered and ate people’s goats is well known and is retold over and over in Kisanana. The previous Chumo age-set (initiated into adulthood between 1930 to 1941) are known to have been filled with pride. They are said to have been
43 Burying another person’s livestock refers to the act of borrowing another person’s livestock and not returning them or failing to fully disclose to others the holding of another person’s livestock. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 194 gathering in herding fields, stealing people’s goats, roasting the goats' meat, and feasting on them. The eight study participants who told me the story of the Chumo attributed a decline in the population of the current Kipkoimett (initiated between 1967 to1976) set to the sins of their fathers, the Chumo set. A 50-60-year-old male interviewee explained it simply: the Chumo age- set committed the sin of animal theft. To pay for the consequences of their sins, the Chumo age- set was denied the blessing of siring many children.
The belief in curses, also, deters individuals from what study participants referred to as ketup tugap phich (to bury other people’s livestock). Burying other people’s livestock refers to the act of keeping without returning or failing to disclose possession of another person’s flock; flock that is borrowed to cater for the sustenance needs of a family. A story was told by 13 study participants of a father who gave his daughter to a good family for marriage. Though a good family, they did not have much in terms of livestock riches. To help his daughter feed her new family, her father lent his son-in-law two dairy cows. Over the years, the daughter's family grew bigger, but they failed to return the borrowed the cows. Her children joined colleges and secured gainful employment. With time her children started dying in mysterious circumstances. Another one of her children was afflicted with a mental illness. To repair the wrong of the past, that of burying an in-law’s livestock, an elderly uncle of the family sought out her sister in-law’s family to give back livestock that had been loaned to them. These stories are not written, they are passed down orally from generation to generation; Tugen is an oral culture.
There are other scenarios that signal ng’ogi (curses) in a family that result from breaking normative codes regarding livestock. They include infertility problems, giving birth to disabled children, stillborn births, and unexplained nosebleeds in the family; if one or all of the incidences that might fall under these categories afflicts a family, they will be considered cursed. The curse- CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 195 afflicted family, to break the chain of curses, must reflect back by consulting their elders, neighbors, and other clans in the community about knowledge of any sin committed against others by the curse-afflicted family's ancestors or relatives. A 50-60-year-old female interviewee further stated that "the head of a human being and that of a cow cannot get lost." This means that no matter how long it takes, if someone steals or buries another person’s stock, it will be revealed in future through curses that will befall the perpetrators.
Conclusively, the Tugen ideological system informs normative rules of conduct regarding material resources. To ensure group survival the Tugen while working to adapt to the ever- changing environment, have developed a highly sophisticated system of ideology built on a set of beliefs and thought patterns that are continuously being retold in stories, myths, and legends told over generations. These curses still make up the ideological component of Tugen life today as members of the group still refer to the stories and legends that warn individuals against acting in ways that are against the values of Tugen society. In working to adapt to the ever-changing environment, Tugen groupings seek to manage material resources to prevent intra-group conflict over resources.
Tugen Social Culture
Tugen Clans (Ortinwek ap Tugen)
One central organizing feature of Tugen society is the clan. A clan is made up of a group of families sharing paternal lineage. As an example, all the sons of the Kabon clan, all their grandchildren and their children shall forever be Kabon clan members. As for the number of
Kalenjin clans in Baringo, there is still ongoing research but according to the latest report and maybe the most comprehensive, Kiptalam Arap Chirchir-Sembele (2012) in Tugen clans
(Oritnwekap Tugen) lists a total of eighteen main clans in Tugenland. Eight of these clans CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 196
(Kabarkilanya, Kibongoi, Kimose, Kipois, Kipseger, Kipsochon, Mokii, Saniak) are clans without sub-clans (Chirchir-Sembele, 2012). The other clans (Kabon, Kobil, Kimoi, Siokwei,
Soot, Sokom, Talai, Targogot, Terik, and Tungo) have sub-clans (Chirchir-Sembele, 2012).
Sub-clans evolve from families that have grown great in numbers to warrant a separation under a family name (Chirchir-Sembele, 2012). As an example, the Kabon clan has sixteen sub-clans.
Over the years, due to expanding family lineages, the clan subdivided into the sixteen sub-clans.
These are; Cheberian, Chesibon, Chepsiror, Kabaraot, Kamare, Kamosirket, Kapchereger,
Kapluny, Kapkuoi, Kaplegenut, Kapsilgich, Kapsumancha, Kaptilil, Kipkwonyo, Kipsiwa, and
Kipyegen (Chirchir-Sembele, 2012). The growing Kabon numbers, made it difficult for them to keep track of all the descendants of their households necessitating the formation of a sub-clan, at first, and more sub-clans later over the years. It is important to note that subdivisions begin as families and as family members grow in number, they become distinguished as distinct sub-clans
(see Figure 5). The families keep track of sub-clans using the family surname. All descendants in a particular clan will share a surname and will be referred to as, for example, daughters, sons, or wives of the house of Kipyegen (with Kipyegen being the male ancestor and thus the male surname).
Chirchir-Sembele (2012) notes other instances that result in sub-clans, that is “through the assimilation of boys or young men seized from other tribes during inter-tribal wars when found as they had gone astray.44 Others came as escapees from other tribes after committing a serious crime like murder” (Chirchir-Sembele, 2012, p.iii). With either instance, whether through
44 A story was told (by eight respondents) of a pregnant woman who was assimilated into the Kipsegecha clan during a time of war. Many generations ago, when Tugen warriors would go on cattle rustling quests, the Tugens defeated a set of the Maasai group by setting their settlements on fire. A pregnant woman was found as the only survivor. She was adopted by a man belonging to the Kipsegecha clan (whose daughters go by the name of Kimoi) who brought the woman to their home. The pregnant woman would then be adopted by the Kipsegecha warrior’s father, and she was raised as a daughter of the Kipsegecha family. She gave birth to a son who was adopted into the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 197
Figure 5
Kabon clan, sub-clans, and Kipyegen families
Main clan: Kabon
Sub-clan: Kipsiwa Sub-clan: Kipyegen
Daughters: Kabon Daughters: Kabon
Family: Kapcherorony Daughters: Kabon
Family: Kapkolbii Daughters: Kabon
Family: Kaple Daughters: Kabon
Chirchir-Sembele, 2012). Family: Kapsiro Daughters: Kabon
separation of family lineages to curtail growing family member numbers or through assimilation of boys, the general rule guiding sub-clan formation processes remains: a sub-clan must descend from the male line. Looking at Figure 5 above, the Kabon clan descended from a Kabon man
clan. Subsequently, following a long and expanding lineage of the adopted son’s descendants, a sub-clan, of the Kipsegecha clan, was established and named after the adopted son. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 198 who sired many generations of Kabon sons, who furthered the Kabon lineage. At some point, a sub-clan was established and named after Kipyegen, a male descendant of Kabon. Out of the Kipyegen lineage emerged four main families named Kapcherogony, Kapkolbii, Kaple, and Kapsiro. Over the years, with growing numbers, it is expected that these families will be distinguished as sub-clans on their own.
As already mentioned, there are 18 main clans in Tugenland (Chirchir-Sembele, 2012).
Each sub-clan is distinguished by its sub-clan name, which is always a male descendant’s name.
While each sub-clan is distinguished by its sub-clan name, the name of the main clan remains superior and longstanding because it is the name used for all the daughters of said clan.
For example, all Kabon clan daughters are referred to as Kabon, all Kimoi clan daughters are referred to as Kimoi, and all Toyoi clan daughters are referred to as Toyoi, and so on. Even with sub-clans, where they take on a male descendant’s name as their sub-clan name, all sub-clan daughters from Kabon sub-clans are still referred to as Kabon. One might thus find three women all named Kabon but these women will belong to different sub-clans (for example, Kipyegen,
Kipsiwa, or Kamare).
To summarize, clans (whether main or sub-clan) will have a common daughter’s name, sub-clans will have a sub-clan name, and each sub-clan (and clan, for those without sub-clans) will have a totem (Chirchir-Sembele, 2012). A totem is a natural object or animic symbol that a clan is associated with.
Participant Clans.
With constant migration of the Kalenjins and the Tugen in particular, certain clans settled in certain locations. It is common, thus, to find two or three major clans in a location. In
Kisanana there are six major clans – Teriki, Kabon, Toyoi, Targok, Talai, and Tungo – and nine CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 199 sub-clans – Kipkony (daughters’ name, Teriki), Kipkoitin (daughters’ name, Teriki), Kipyegen,
(daughters’ name, Kabon), Kipsiwa (daughters’ name, Kabon), Kimose (daughters’ name,
Toyoi), Kap Kapkioi (daughters’ name, Targok), Kapargote (daughters’ name, Targok), Kap
Cheboiwo (daughters’ name, Talai), and Kap Lotobo (daughters’ name, Tungo). Table 5 below shows the clans and sub clans represented in Kisanana (participant demographics).
Table 3
Tugen clans and sub clans represented in Kisanana
S/No Clan Sub- clan Totem
1 Teriki Kipkony Belion, elephant
Kipkoitin Belion, elephant
2 Targok Kapargote Tergekchande, guinea fowl
Kap Kapkioi Tergekchande, guinea fowl
3 Kabon Kipyegen Mosee, baboon
Kipsiwa Kipsumbe, skunk
4 Kimose Toyoi Illat, lightning and thunder
5 Talaiyek Talai Ng’etundo, Lion
6 Tungoyek Tungo Chesinye, Hyena
Tugen Clans, Totems, and Clan Stories of Triumph and Resilience.
Tugen clans and sub-clans have their stories of victory and resilience through generations. In addition to the mythological belief in one origin shared by other Kalenjin speaking groups, I found that clans have their different places of origin and mythological stories of resilience through time. The Tugen of Kisanana represent a total of six clans and nine sub- CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 200 clans and these clans originated from different parts of the country, yet in settling in Tugenland, still make reference to one ancestor and thus one origin with other Kalenjin speaking groups.
With different stories of migration and settlement, clans derive an identity from mythologies of victory and resilience in each clan’s history, totemic stories, and peculiarities. For example, the Toyoi clan, whose totem is illat (lightning and thunder) is said to have the powers to direct rains to come and go while the Kabon clan identifies as a clan known for raising visionary leaders and/or war leaders with good omen (Chirchir-Sembele, 2012) as typified in their stories of success of their leaders in bringing about positive change, peace and victory. Of the Talai, Targok, and Tungo clans, this is said:
Because of their cursing powers with positive results, they are always approached to
curse troublesome characters like unknown thieves or rapists, wild animals attacking
people or their livestock and crop” and to curtail “undesirable occurrences like an
outbreak of a disease(s). (Chirchir-Sembele, 2012, p. 6)
The Talai sub-clan, Kiplelu are also know for “producing foreseers (orkoik)” (Chirchir-Sembele,
2012, p. 20). Targok of Kapchesum, on the other hand, are believed to have special abilities that can be used for good or bad: “It is believed that somebody’s wound worsens after a member of this clan looks at it, and it improves when any member of the clan spits around it” (Chirchir-
Sembele, 2012, p. 24). Basically, if someone has a wound, let us say a cut, they should not let anyone from this clan look at it because it is believed that the wound will not heal, rather its effects will get worse. If an individual wants the wound to heal, they have to approach a member of this community to spit on the wound. This clan thus have double-edged powers, those of healing and those of worsening symptoms associated with a wound. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 201
In addition to their peculiarities, clans also have tales of their totemic origins. Here is an origin totem story, of the Teriki – Abiiy/Kimaget sub-clan published by Chirchir - Sembele
(2012):
Of the Teriki clans, known for producing talented leaders, the Kibabii clan is represented
by two totems: the elephant (Belion) and the hyena (Abiiy/Kimaget). The Abiiy/Kimaget
clan came as a small family from Samburu and on the way the sun set and had to look for
a safe place to spend the night. They found a cave and slept inside. In the wee hours of
the morning the owner of the cave (hyena) arrived with its meal in form of a corpse. It is
said they told the hyena, ‘If you wanted to feed us, please we don’t eat a corpse’. The
hyena listened and then left immediately and after a short while came back with a carcass
of a grey duiker (ngemuiyon) they thanked the hyena for the carcass. The sub-clan’s
name was derived in honor of the hyena which fed them. (p. 27)
It would seem, therefore, that clan totems derived from the clan interaction with their totemic animal at some point in history. The stories about totemic origins seem to have been lost with past generations as these stories were not known to research study participants. There seems to be not much significance over the loss of these totemic stories from the culture especially because the most important knowledge is the knowledge of one’s clan and the identification of one’s totem. This knowledge is important in preventing intermarriage with one’s cousins
(members of one’s clan or those with whom a totem is shared).
Clan Intermarriage as an Opportunity for Building and Establishing Tiliandi
(Relational Reciprocity) and Peaceful Relations.
Clan affiliation is an important factor in the maintenance of reciprocal relationships among the Tugen. Individuals belonging to the same clan share tiliandi (reciprocal relationships) CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 202 that allows them to maintain a form of camaraderie and an obligation for mutual caring and nurturance. A set of important relations that individuals are obligated to care for are those of Kap mama (house of mama). Mamae (uncle on the side of the mother) and mama (aunt on the side of the mother) are among the key relations that individuals have a duty to care for among the
Tugen. On speaking about Tugen values A 50-60-year-old male informant expressed that
kiriphei Kap mama (we have to care for the house of mama). The people that should be
cared for are your mother’s sisters who share your mother’s clan name, your mother’s
brothers who are your uncles, and your mother’s parents who are your grandparents.
These relations are known to bring blessings. That is why when they greet you, they spit
on your hands to shower you with blessings….one cares for the house of mama by
making sure that they are fed when they come visit you, that they are greeted and
welcomed with enthusiasm when they come visit you, and that they are shown konyit
(respect).
There is thus an obligation to care for mamae (maternal uncle) and mama (maternal aunt) and to ensure that, in interaction, their (mamae’s and mama’s) physiological and most importantly their social needs (for recognition and belongingness) are met. This is not to say that the paternal side is not to be cared for. The paternal side is also important to the Tugen community. The emphasis on the importance of the maternal side is related to the provision of brides who will be indispensable on the continuance of the silangwe (genetic root) of a family. This is why the maternal side is emphasized when talking about the duties of care.
The rules of marriage are also important in straightening stringent relationships between clans. First, there are clans that are not allowed to intermarry. The clans not allowed to intermarry are those that are closely related to each other. Intermarriage in this sense is forbidden CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 203 amongst relatives as inbreeding is known, among the Tugen, to lead to birth deformities, which in the long run threatens the continuance of silangwe (the genetic survival of the group). When talking about Tugen culture at a group interview a 60-70-year-old female interviewee noted that
“intermarriage between some clans is forbidden. I know that intermarriage between Cheberian and Chesibon is forbidden because they are cousins. You cannot marry your cousin, if you do you will give birth to children chimasikchi (with deformities).” Another informant, a 50-60-year- old female, in the same group interview, noted that “intermarriage between Kaplegenut and those of Kipsiwa is forbidden since their daughters share the name Kabon. This means that these two clans are related therefore it is forbidden for the two clans to intermarry.” There are, thus, clans forbidden from intermarrying – first because these clans are related.
There are other instances where intermarriage between a set of clans is forbidden, one that results from a history of a crime of killing committed against a particular clan. If there is an individual that murdered another, then a marriage between the clans represented by the aggrieved and the aggressor will result in the death of children as a curse that follows families for generations. In case of a crime of killing, intermarriage is forbidden no matter the circumstances, that is it does not matter if the aggressor’s family made or makes amends to the aggrieved family. On this point, when discussing Tugen culture, a 30-40-year-old male interviewee observed that “intermarriage between clans is forbidden if kigeam met (they have eaten a head)
… this means that someone from one clan was killed and the other clan collected head payment from the killer’s clan. These two clans can never be allowed to intermarry.” In addition to being forbidden from marrying relatives, Tugen individuals are forbidden from intermarrying if there is a history of killing between the two clans. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 204
In the third instance, where there is a history of livestock theft and/or borrowing of livestock and not returning the livestock to the owner,45 amends can be made to the aggrieved family by kesagan ng’alek (making things right), that is returning the number of livestock stolen and/or hidden. In such a case, marriage affords an opportunity to make things right between families and by extension clans since the rituals of marriage afford families the opportunity to list their grievances before the ritual of uniting a couple in marriage is conducted. A 70-80-year- old male study participant, when talking about Tugen culture, described a show-up ceremony (a ceremony where the groom’s family approached the bride’s family to ask for their daughter’s hand in marriage) where there was an opportunity to make things right by giving back livestock that had been transferred from one family to another.
We went to a show up ceremony at Kap Kiai. One of our sons had identified a beautiful
flower from that family and he wanted to bring the flower to our family. When we got
there, everything was going well until one of the elders said that there was a history of
ketup tuga (burying livestock) between the two families. One of the elders who was
present informed those negotiating the koito (the giving away of the bride ceremony) that
a long time ago someone from our clan had given cows to the bride’s family for herding
and that these cows were never returned. They were forgotten. The elder was asked under
what circumstances the cows were given. He said that the cows were given because there
was drought where my family lived. The family that received the livestock lived in the
highlands so they could take care of our cows since they had enough pasture and water.
The elder was then asked how many cows were given for herding. He said three cows.
The elder told my family to go and bring an elder from our family who would meet with
45 The Tugen refer to the act of borrowing, for sustenance for example for milk, and not returning another person’s livestock as ketup tugap chi (burying another person’s livestock). CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 205
the elder from the other family. After the show-up ceremony we arranged for a few elders
to visit the bride’s home where they met with the elder from her family. They discussed
the history of the cow exchange and they agreed that they would give back three cows
before the koito (giving away of the bride ceremony). After that the bride’s family
brought back three cows to our family. From there, the path was cleared for the koito.
In sum, the listing of grievances before marriage affords families an opportunity to make things right between the families. Making things right ensures that there are no conflicts between the families should it be revealed in future that there was a history of burying a family’s livestock.
In addition to serving as avenues for building peace between clans who have a history of conflict, in the case of either livestock theft or non-disclosure of someone’s stock held in someone’s possession, marriage serves as an avenue for strengthening existing inter-clan relations. In their quest to ensure genetic survival (and subsequent cultural survival), the Tugen encourage intermarriage with clans with whom they share a history of intermarriage. This is referred to as clans with whom they share a breast with. In referencing these clans, the Tugen say mi ginda46 (there is a breast) and momi ginda (there is no breast). Mi ginda means that there is a history of successful intermarriage evident in the healthy children who go on to survive and have children of their own thus indicating the continuance of silangwe (genetic root). On this point, when discussing Tugen culture, a 60-70-year-old female informant, in a group interview noted that
us Tugens look at ginda (breast) when choosing who we want to marry. When you bring
a potential mate and they tell you momi ginda (there is no breast), you have to end the
46 In cases of marriage between individuals who do not have a history of intermarriage, that is when momi ginda (there is no breast) they engage in what they call keparpar ma (to start a fire) since there is no history of marriage, to tell whether the marriage will be a success. The success of the marriage can only be determined after the children of the couple who start a fire get married and have children of their own. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 206
courtship because it means that you may suffer in future. You may never have children,
or you may give birth to children chimogororon (who have deformities), or your children
may die in mysterious circumstances, or you may suffer miscarriages. When they say
momi ginda, it better not be you.
Another interviewee, a 50-60-year-old female, in the same group interview noted:
When we say mi ginda, it means that the families have intermarried before and the
marriages have been successful with proper children and even grandchildren. When there
is no ginda and the couple decide to marry anyway, they say kiporpori maa (they are
starting a new fire). No one knows how long the fire will stay lit or when the fire will die.
They are taking chances. But with clans where there is ginda, it is safe. The families who
have intermarried have known each other for a long time and have helped each other
through hard times. That is why the marriages between families with ginda are stronger.
In sum, relationships between clans that share ginda (breast) are much stronger given the forms of continued interexchange of spouses between these clans; these clans, and families, are known to rally around each other during times of distress and are known to help each other during times of need thus showcasing the strength of these interclan and interfamily relations. These intermarriages are encouraged and still practiced today in Tugen society.
Tugen Age-sets
The cyclical age-set system is a long-standing feature of social organization among the Tugen. There are seven male cyclical age-sets among the Tugen stratified by age seniority:
Chumo, Sowe, Korongoro, Kipkoimett, Kaplelach, Kinyigeu, and Nyongi. There are also seven female age-sets identified as counterparts, sisters, of the male age-sets. They are Masinya, CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 207
Chesur, Kosanja, Chelemei, Chebargamia, Chebingwek and Chesiran. The Tugen male age-sets and their female counterparts are presented in Table 6 below.
Table 4
Tugen male and female age-sets
S/No Males Female counterparts
1 Chumo Chebingwek
2 Sowe Chesiran
3 Korongoro Masinya
4 Kipkoimett Chesur
5 Kaplelach Kosanja
6 Kipnyigeu Chelemei
7 Nyongi Chebargamai
In the age-set system, males mature into different age-grade statuses from young men, warriors, workers, elders, to retired elders. Female age-sets are not structurally significant after marriage because a woman is said to belong to her husband’s age-set after marriage. One practical purpose of female age-sets is to ensure inter-age-set exogamy; it is unheard of for a woman to marry a man belonging to her father’s age-set. As age-set brothers, they are bound by the same limitations of blood brothers, that is, they are forbidden from marrying their nieces.
While women are forbidden from marrying men belonging to their father’s age-set, they are free to marry men belonging to their age-sets and men belonging to their grandfather’s age-set. The only restriction is against marrying men belonging to their father’s age-set. A 30-40-year-old male study participant, when talking about Tugen culture, succinctly captured it by saying that
“women are forbidden from marrying their fathers and men are forbidden from marrying their CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 208 daughters. But they can marry whoever else they want. Women can marry the men of their grandfathers’ age-set without a problem.”
Age set membership is determined by two factors: the period or year of initiation into adulthood and one’s father’s age-set. An individual cannot belong to an age-set that is adjacent to that of his father given the expected generational conflict that occurs between adjacent age-sets within the political sphere over legitimate authority to control the affairs of the land. When discussing what can be told to someone who is not Tugen about Tugen culture, a 50-60-year-old male interviewee noted the following:
Age-sets often fight because of power to control the land. The warrior age-set often fights
with the youth who are often waiting to be warriors. The warriors often prevent the youth
from transitioning into warriorhood because they always want to remain in power. This
often causes friction and the age-sets are known to engage in fights because of power.
Another informant, a 20-30-year-old male, when talking about Tugen culture, observed that
there is one age-set separating fathers from their sons. This is because age-sets that
follow each other fight over controlling the affairs of the land. The warriors do not want
to give up the power and the youth want to take the power by force. To prevent fathers
from fighting with their sons, there is one age-set between fathers and sons.
In sum, age-set membership is determined by the father’s age-set. There will always be at least one age-set separating fathers from their sons given the expected generational conflicts that occur between members of adjacent age-sets.
The rule separating fathers from sons also emerges from the cultural structuring of social time that provides a mechanism through which individuals transition into adulthood at a time that is chronologically determined by the culture as suitable for adult roles particularly those of CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 209 parenthood. Basically, the cyclical nature of the age-set is structured to function as a cultural tool for determining the cultural aspects of time as they relate to life course development and the socio-cultural structuring of time. In terms of ages, there are babies (0 -3 years), children
(4 – 14 years), youth (15 – 20 years), warriors (21 – 30 years), poisiek, workers (30 – 50 years), elders (50 – 70 years), retired elders (>70 years). These are approximate years based on informant accounts. In sum, the cyclical nature of the age-set system is built to ensure that life status roles such as parent or grandparent determined by physical age coincide with the socio- cultural structuring of time for example as people transition from youth, to warrior, worker, elder, to retired elder. In coinciding with the social structuring of time (in terms of life status roles) the age-set system functions to determine the age at which individuals will transition from childhood to adulthood thus determining the age of marriage and parenthood. Table 7 below indicates the Tugen cyclical age-sets since the 1870s.
Table 5
Tugen age-set, opening years, and approximate years of initiation
S/No Name of age Opening year Years of initiation Generational
set interval
1 Chumo 2015 2015 to date
2 Nyongi 2003 2003-2014 11
3 Kipnyigeu 1988 1989-2002 14
4 Kaplelach 1977 1977-1988 11
5 Kipkoimet 1967 1967-1976 9
6 Korongoro 1953 1953-1966 13
7 Sowe 1941 1941-1952 11 CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 210
8 Chumo 1930 1930- 1941** 11
9 Nyongi 1918 1918-1929** 11
10 Kipnyigeu 1906 1906-1917** 11
11 Kaplelach 1894 1894- 1905** 11
12 Kipkoimet 1882 1882-1893** 11
13 Korongoro 1870 1870-1881** 11
14 Sowe 1858 1858-1869** 11
** these are estimated years based on an 11 – year interval.
The opening year of the age-sets seemed confusing to me at first. I wondered if the opening year meant the year that age-mates were born. It was however confirmed that the opening year meant the year that the first set of an age-set are initiated into warriorhood. An age- set is opened when every member of an age-set that has been in power has retired from warriorhood and promoted to the status of poisiek (workers). In Table 7, the opening year of the Korongoro set was 1953, after every member of the Sowe age-set had retired from warriorhood in 1952. The Korongoro graduated from warriorhood in 1966 paving way for the opening of the Kipkoimett age-set in 1967. All the members of the previous set of Chumo (initiated between 1930 and 1941) in Kisanana have since died. As a result, a new Chumo age-set was opened in 2015. The new Chumo age-set will remain open for approximately 10-12 years.
Within age-sets are further stratified units determining intra-age-set seniority. Intra-age- set seniority is determined by physical age. In each age-set are three stratas: (i) chongin (the first eldest group), (ii) chesue, the ones in the middle, and (iii) mbarnot, the youngest in the group.
From this hierarchy, the chongin grade holds a higher status than other individuals CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 211
(of chesue and mbarnot) in their age-set. This gives the chongin first say in decision making without the consideration of the views of chesue and mbarnot stratas. A 50-60-year-old male study participant noted as an example that, “when in a meeting, chesue and mbarnot have no say unless all the chongin are dead.” While seeming unjust to chesue and mbarnot, the intra-age set strata system works to equally distribute age-set strata access to different types of power for example that of a warrior, or worker, or elder. Additionally, the Tugen cyclical system guarantees that each grade will at some point, and for a set period of time, have access to complete authority over the affairs of the land as warriors. This system helps prevent long- standing conflict over power between the age-sets. While the transition of power from one age- set to another is often characterized by conflict, the system that affords different age-sets access power at different points in time and for a set period of time provides a rule that enables the transfer of power from one age-set to the next when the time for the transfer of power has come.
This prevents one age-set from holding onto to power for longer than it should. For the Tugen, each age-set is left in power for a period of 10 to 12 years, with 11 years being the norm. After
12 years, an age-set has no choice but to give up power to the adjacent age-set.
Age-sets, Age Differences, and Konyit (Respect).
Age differences among the Tugen are important in segregating age spaces within which group behavior is determined. For a Tugen individual, others fall under those that are older than him/her, those that belong to the same age (peers), and those that are younger. Individuals that are older are accorded a higher authority by those that are younger. One will find individuals according respect to older individuals in several ways. Younger individuals will listen to those that are older, they will often be called upon to run errands for those that are older, and they will accept admonishments for improper behavior by those that are older. Age-set mates, on the other CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 212 hand, view each other as equals and do share joking relationships defined by competition to seek out the brave and clever. Age-set mates, while calling on each other in times of distress will often engage in competitive interactive behavior for example in daring each other to compete in all manner of things including games, fights, and debates about politics.
An important factor that remains relevant to the creation of age-set spaces among the
Tugen is the adherence to the value of konyit (respect). In entering spaces occupied by members of different age stratas, the values of respect are enacted with those that are older being accorded the authority to guide and determine greetings, conversations, and goodbyes. For greetings, younger individuals are expected not to utter the first words of hello that is, chamgei (hello) but are expected to approach those that are older and koyogokchi eu, (extend their hand) to be greeted by those that are older. For conversations, older individuals guide discussions in asking questions mainly about the younger one’s relations and questions about the younger one’s wellbeing in particular. Lastly, for goodbyes, the older ones determine when the conversation with the younger one will end and will send them on their way by calling on them to pass regards to the younger one’s relations.
In addition to the accordance of authority to older individuals, another important factor determined by age-stratas in terms of respect is that of determining the content of conversations within occupied spaces. Age-mates in their spaces are free to consult and discuss information regarding a variety of topics that may not be open for discussion in spaces occupied by members of different age-stratas. Topics of discussion in spaces occupied by different age-stratas are guided by rules of decency and decorum that fall under the theme of konyit (respect); individuals in these spaces are called upon to avoid disrespect of older individuals by being reckless in their talk and are called upon to prevent the exposure of younger ones to topics that may be deemed CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 213 indecent for the young. When discussing Tugen values, a 50-60-year-old male interviewee argued that
the reason we tell children that babies come from monkeys is to protect them from
conversations that are meant for adults only. Children’s ears have to be protected so that
they are not corrupted at a young age. Even you, when you are in the presence of
children, you know that there are some things you are not supposed to say. If a child asks
you a question that touches on adult matters, you tell that child kigirei (it is forbidden)
then they will keep quiet. They will not ask anymore.
In the presence of children, adults are thus expected to know what kind of topics to bring up in their conversations.
While topics of discussion are guided based on the rules of konyit in age-set spaces occupied by members of different ages, the same rules allow a set of older individuals the freedom to openly discuss topics relevant to the socialization process to younger individuals.
Those that identify as grandparents are allowed to teach grandchildren about the values of decency; in their teaching they touch on topics that may not be permitted between parents and their children, for example, those regarding promiscuity. Grandmothers in particular remained47 important pillars for teaching young girls to guard against promiscuous behavior and other forms of indecency. On this point, and while discussing how and when study participants learned about how to be Tugen, an 80-90-year-old female interviewee recounted that
girls were taught discipline by grandmothers. They were told ‘don’t sleep with men, even if
you sleep together don’t do anything because if you do something, it will be shameful, and a
47 There have been changes to the socialization process where grandparents (grandmothers) are no longer the primary agents of socialization in the Tugen household. This has led to recorded misgivings between grandparents and their children (the parents) for failing to socialize young ones in Tugen proper ways.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 214
baby will be born and after, the baby will be killed’48 because they did not want a child
before a woman is married because the baby will belong to no one.
Another informant, a 60-70-year-old female, on the same, noted, “when they are girls, they are told not to allow a man to sleep with them, even if they sleep together it is for warmth only, just as a friend, nothing more so that they can have a baby when the time is right”. In sum age-sets demarcate spaces occupied by members of different ages and guides behavior to ensure respectful relations between members of different ages. This is however different for male youth and warrior set who have, in the past, engaged in competitive fighting to gain access to power over the affairs of the land.
The respect accorded to individuals in the different spaces of interaction helps secure peace in this Tugen community. Amongst members of different ages, according respect to older individuals ensures that there are no instances of criss-crossing each other or rubbing each other the wrong way between members of different ages. Amongst age mates, respect in demanded through the principle of joking kinship. The respect that is demanded ensures that no one is taken for granted in the spaces that they enter with their age mates. The respectful relations secured amongst age mates ensures peaceful coexistence between age mates.
48 In earlier Tugen society, there were cases of infanticide where children born out of wedlock, immediately after birth were suffocated with cow dung put in their nostrils to prevent them from breathing and to prevent them from crying for the first time. When the baby did not cry, the Tugen believed that the child had not lived at all. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 215
Chapter Six: Tugen Experiences of Conflict and Tugen Conflict Response Mechanisms
In this chapter, I focus on Tugen perceptions of conflict and in doing so seek to answer the research question that touches on the influence of culture on the group’s perceptions and experiences of conflict and the group’s conflict response mechanisms. I also intend to show that while the Tugen are a peaceful culture, there are past instances of conflict that degenerated to violence. This does not rule out the peaceful nature of the Tugen, rather it shows the dynamism of the concept of peace and the dynamism of societies. The conflicts that degenerated to violence in the past, are those that occurred between the Tugen and other groups over territory and livestock and those that occurred within age-set spaces intended for competitive displays of bravery. The violence that occurred within age-set spaces occurred not because the normative rules ascribed to point to the violent nature of the Tugen. Rather, the violence resulted from individual autonomy where some individuals decided to break the implicit rules guiding conduct during competitive fights.
Perceptions of Conflict Among the Tugen
To start, I want to bring up a few words that relate to Tugen conceptualizations of conflict; (i) conflict over incompatible interests with outsider rival communities (porie, war), (ii) conflict over incompatible interests within the political arena actuated between age-set groups
(kepirgei, to fight), (ii) perceived misdeeds against one another between members sharing reciprocal relationships (kesas kei, discrimination and keus kei, mistreating one another), and (iv) kesir-sir gei (criss-crossing one another)/disagreements recorded amongst members of a larger demographic, the community.
In Kalenjin language, the word that I found to signify conflict as a “a struggle over values and claims to scarce status, power, and resources, a struggle in which the aims of opponents are CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 216 to neutralize, injure, or eliminate rivals” (Coser, 1956, p. 8) is porie (war) and is only referred to when engaging with punik (enemies) for the purpose of resource acquisition and military and territorial advancements. The word that signifies conflict as a struggle over scarce status and power (Mitchell, 1981) occurring between age-sets is kepirgei (to fight each other). When referring to misdeeds against one another occurring within the spheres of one’s set of relational networks, the Tugen use the words, kesas kei (to discriminate against one another) and keus kei
(to mistreat one another).
Additionally, the words I found to signify disagreement in Tugen is kesir-sir gei, directly translated to mean to criss-cross each other. Disagreement in this sense is seen as friction and rubbing each other off the wrong the way. This can be equated to Achan-Kyoon’s (2013) conceptualizing of conflict where she references an African proverb “where there are buttocks, they must rub” (p. 43). Friction and/or rubbing each other the wrong way is the Tugen conceptualization of disagreement.
Porie (War) 49
When talking about porie, study participants spoke of wars engaged in by the warrior set with outsiders for purposes of wealth accumulation and military defences thus showcasing the age-set unit’s function to secure the basic need for internal and external safety of the community.
With porie, Tugen warriors accepted and expected that other adversary groups would attack the community to steal livestock. One of the main roles of Tugen warriors was, thus, to ensure constant surveillance of the surroundings and be prepared to defend the community, at all times, against attacks. This explains the strategic location of Tugen homesteads, on top of small hills,
49 Porie occurred in the past; before colonial administration took hold. By the time of independence, in 1963, Tugen warriors had stopped going to raid livestock, much like Maasai groups had since being confined to colony established native reserves. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 217 that allowed Tugen warriors to have an aerial view of communal flat plains where owners herded their livestock during the day before returning to the safety of their homes in the evening. When talking about what one might tell someone who is not Tugen about Tugen culture a 50-60-year- old male interviewee remarked that
us Tugens, used to live in kamasin, hilly areas, that is why they call us Kamasia. We
lived in kamasin for security; we could see if there were enemies approaching us. These
days some people have moved to the lowlands but in the past we all lived in kamasin.
In setting up settlements in hilly areas, Tugen warriors secured the safety of the community from external threats that came with the acceptance of the notion that the community was constantly at risk of porie from adversarial groups.
With porie came a set of rules allowing individuals the freedom to injure and annihilate enemies within the constraints of Tugen ideal on the sanctity of life, that of preserving life; while displays of bravery, courage, and wisdom and individuals seemed to embody the characteristics of physical strength were applauded, displays of cruelty and misuse of power were frowned upon. Within the spaces of porie (war), the Tugen believed that they were meeting their match of able-bodied men in advancing the sustenance needs and consequential survival of their group.
Even in their aim to neutralize opponents, Tugen warriors, during porie, continued to adhere to the principles of fair play where they were not allowed to harm the vulnerable including women and children, the elderly, and the sick, that is, those who did not sign up to join the battle fields but who by circumstance found themselves there. An 80-90-year-old male informant noted the following about going to war with warriors from other communities:
When we went to war, we were well prepared, and we knew the rules to follow. They
used to tell us to use our wisdom during war not just our physical strength. That is why CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 218
they used to select the brave, the wise, and those with integrity to go to war. They also
selected those that had already had children so that if they got killed, there was assurance
that the silangwe of that family was secure. They also selected warriors from different
families – they did not want people from the same family going to war; in case one got
killed, there would still be other members of that family left. So, when we were preparing
to go to war, they would teach us all the rules that we had to follow in the warfront. The
things they told us was that we cannot kill women and children. We were told to take
women and children and bring them to our homes if they survived a war. They also told
us not to kill those that were disabled.
Another study participant, a 60-70-year-old male, recounted that
injured warriors were safe from harm during war. Tugen warriors were warned by war
leaders against harming injured warriors or the warriors that had surrendered because that
might invite curses. If they found warriors from the other side that had been injured or
that had surrendered, they were supposed to bring them home, feed them and let them go.
There is a saying that we applied when going to war, “muren nibo iman ok muren nibo
iman rah ” (“today it is real warrior against real warrior”). Fighting with an injured
soldier did not reflect this saying. It was only real warriors, and real warriors allowed to
tackle each other at the warfront.
In sum, while porie was aimed at defeating enemies, Tugen warriors were well prepared on the rules that they had to ascribe at the warfront – rules guarding against injuring women, children, the disabled, wounded warriors, and warriors that had surrendered. The above quotes might explain why the Tugen easily welcomed refugees who by virtue of their status, had exited the battle fields and joined the safe spaces occupied by Tugen women and children. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 219
The Tugen belief in the curses of bad omen informed the ways in which the Tugen approached porie, which was deemed a necessary evil for military advancements and wealth acquisition. The belief in curses and bad omen and the belief that curses, and energies of bad omen, are transferred from generation to generation eventually leading to the slow erosion of group numbers and eventually the extinction of the culture persists among the Tugen. To transform the energies associated with the omen of killing, warriors upon returning from war stayed away in the forest until they had performed the rituals of transforming the energies associated with killing into natural objects. They engaged in cleansing rituals before they were integrated back into the community. The rituals of cleansing were aimed at transforming the energies of bad omen associated with killing for the purposes of releasing these energies into natural objects away from human communal spaces. On this point, a 50-60-year-old male interviewee noted that
when they [warriors] engaged in cattle rustling, they often killed enemies. On their way
home, they were cleansed. They took them to the forest for cleansing rituals so that when
they came home, they were clean. If they came home and encountered others before
being cleansed, there were negative consequences. For example, if an uncleansed warrior
encountered a pregnant woman, she would miscarry because the man was polluted; he
had someone’s blood on his hands. However, once they had been cleansed there was no
problem if he came in contact with his wife and children.
Here is another study participant’s, a 70-80-year-old female, account about kesagan ng’alek
(making things right) following the shedding of another human’s blood:
When they [murenik, warriors] returned from porie (war) they conducted cleansing
rituals. One thing they did was slaughter sheep. These things were things of men. No one CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 220
showed this to a woman. When they [murenik] arrived home, they were clean. No man
was allowed to step inside the home before conducting these rituals.
On this point, another informant, 50-60-year-old female, in a focus group further said:
The Tugen rarely eat sheep meat. The Tugen keep sheep for rituals. They keep the sheep
for skin and for oil. The oil from a sheep is used for rituals. It is used to anoint marriages.
The sheep is used to reverse evil acts that have been committed. Have you ever heard that
the Tugen, when they utter words that may bring bad fortune quickly say, sere gote nyu
mwaitap keche (bless my mouth with the oil of sheep), it is because the oil of a sheep has
the power to reverse bad words.
Another interviewee, a 50-60-year-old male, on the topic of sheep used for ritualistic purposes after war said the following:
….sheep was sacrificed after warriors returned from war. The Tugen believe that a sheep
is a pure animal, so they would take a white sheep and slit its throat and let the blood
flow into a hole that they dig in the forest. They then burnt the sheep. While the sheep
burnt, they uttered the words, sere! sere! (bless us! bless us!)
In sum, Tugen warriors worked to ensure the safety of the community and engaged in wars with punik (enemy groups) for the purposes of wealth acquisition and for the purposes of defence all while adhering to the rules of conduct as dictated by elements of Tugen ideological culture; the belief in curses and bad omen. To protect the community against curses and bad omen associated with killing, warriors upon returning from war engaged in rituals of amend, that is kesagan ng’alek (to make things right).
Kepirgei (To Fight)
The Tugen concept of kepirgei (to fight) might closely be equated, with alterations, to CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 221
Coser’s (1956) definition of conflict as “a struggle over values and claims to scarce status, power, and resources, a struggle in which the aims of opponents are to neutralize, injure, or eliminate rivals” (p. 8). To curate this to fit in with Tugen view of kepirgei, (to fight) the definition would be “a struggle over … scarce status and power … a struggle in which the aims”
(Coser, 1956, p. 8) are to make an “opponent abandon or modify their goals” (Mitchell, 1981, p.
29).
Generally, in Tugen society, power, status, and prestige are accorded to the owners of ingweny50 (the earth), murenik (warriors). This includes the ownership, as most of the research study participants noted, of “the ants”51 on the earth. In holding authority over the land, the warrior group is responsible for making decisions that would have an impact on the management of public resources and communal well-being. In the past, the warrior set, for example, determined when and how the group would go raid livestock from other communities and determined if and when curfews would be enforced if there was perceived and/or actual insecurity. An example was provided by study participants of the previous Kipnyigeu (initiated into adulthood between 1906 to 1917) age-set who took it upon themselves to start moving from
Tugen hills towards the Baringo plains along the Nakuru corridor between the 1900s to 1920s.
The move from Tugen hills to the plains was precipitated by drought in the hills and overpopulation, which put a strain on the resources of the families. Another example was provided of the current Korongoro (initiated between 1953 to 1966) set who made a decision that would have an impact on the public for generations. As warriors in the 1950s, the Korongoro age-set are said to have banned the opening of local brew drinking bars in Kisanana. A 40-50-
50 Among the Tugen, this phrase means to own power over the earth. The age set has the power to get married and lead war.
51 Ants here refers to small insects CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 222 year-old male interviewee, on the important historical events that have occurred during a group interview, said that “in Kisanana our Korongoro elders closed bars and clubs and decided that they would remain closed for 99 years.” Another informant, a 30-40-year-old male, in the same group interview noted “they did not want the youth of Kisanana to be spoiled by alcohol. They did not want them to be alcoholics because alcohol is bad. It makes people quit school. It brings poverty to the family.” Another interviewee, a 50-60-year-old male, in the same group interview recounted that
in some places that decided to open bars like Kibotany, a person would take a goat to the
bar as payment for alcohol. The person would drink from morning to evening till he
finishes alcohol that is equivalent to the price of one goat. He would then leave his goat
with the owner of the bar as payment. The next day he would return with another goat
and do the same thing. Eventually he would drink away all his goats.
The warriors, thus, have a lot of say when it comes to matters affecting the community, specifically with decisions that have to do with the community’s public well-being. The power and authority to make decisions about public matters comes with specific prestige and privileges.
Given the authority accorded to the warrior set and the privileges that come with warriorhood, warriors hold on to power for as long as they can. In addition to holding authority over the age-sets junior to them, the warrior set is responsible for training the younger sets. In their training, the younger sets are at the mercies of the older set who often impose their will on the younger set. The warrior set are said to be cruel in their training, especially as the younger set undergo the childhood to adulthood rite of passage. A 30-40-year-old female study participant, when discussing Tugen culture during a group interview, noted that “motirenik (mentors) can be very cruel to torusiek (initiates). They beat them and scold them and accuse them of being sissies CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 223 if the torusiek are viewed as ‘soft’.” Another informant, a 20-30-year-old female, in the same group interview observed that
the traditional way of doing tumdo (initiation) is not good for young boys unless there is
someone from the family who is there with the boys throughout the whole process
because the young boys will be abused by the motirenik (mentors). They usually beat
them and force them to eat to food that is available without complaining, even if they are
allergic to that food. I know a boy who was forced to drink mursik (Tugen yoghurt) and
the boy had ulcers. Eventually the boy fell very sick that he had to be rushed to hospital.
The motirenik can be ruthless in their training…some families prefer to send their
children to the church initiation ceremony because the motirenik in the church ceremony
are not rough.
The power and prestige accorded to the warrior set extended to their control over the youth groups. Further, the warrior set are tasked with training the youth groups, as their mentors. The warrior set is, however, said to take advantage of their power by often tormenting the youth groups especially as they transition from youth-hood to adulthood. The long hold onto power by the warrior group is what leads to competition over scarce status, which, in the past, led to physical fights between members of different age-sets, those of the warrior set and the adjacent age-set, the youth.
Competition that Degenerated to Violence Between Members of Different Age-sets.
The youth, while at the mercies of their mentors – the warrior set – are eventually able to express their individual voices in challenging what is perceived as a prolonged hold onto power by their mentors. An 80-90-year-old male interviewee, on the subject of the sources of conflict, observed that “the youth, when they feel that the older set are not letting go of their warrior CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 224 status first set up a meeting with poisiek (workers) to inform them that they are tired of the warriors’ antics.” A 60-70-year-old male informant further noted that
poisiek (workers) as senior to the warriors must first be informed by the youth that it is
time for them to graduate to the warrior status. This is to show respect to the mentors of
the warrior set. Once they are informed, poisiek pass the message onto the warrior set.
This is just a formality because the warrior set generally do not give up power without a
fight.
As the warriors continue holding onto power, the younger set begins showing signs of impatience at what is viewed as the older set’s attempts to prevent the youth from accessing the privileges that come with holding authority over the land. When discussing the sources of conflict that occur in the community, a 50-60-year-old male study participant noted that “once the youth agree that it is time for them to take over power, they start disobeying the orders of their mentors. They start rebelling”. A 40-50-year-old male interviewee in the same focus group, and on the subject of conflict, further noted that “the boys start holding secret meetings to plan how they can overthrow the warriors from power.” Another informant, a 50-60-year-old male, again on the subject of conflict said that
the boys, when they are tired of the warriors being in power, will start discussing what
their age-set will be known for when they rise to power. For example, the chumo age-set
of today, before they were initiated into warriorhood [starting in 2015] started bragging
that they will bring tradition back. Some of them started smoking tobacco. They started
saying that their age-set will ensure that women are circumcised before they marry them.
They also said that they will bring back polygamy. They just started bragging to show
that they will be different and to prove that they are real men. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 225
The long hold on power by the warrior set sets the youth group off and has them engaging in some rebellious tactics aimed at showcasing their dissatisfaction with the status of affairs when it comes to power and authority, and the prestige and privileges that come with it.
Study participants mentioned two main generational disputes over scarce power and status that degenerated to violence, that between the Chumo (initiated into adulthood between
1930 to 1941) and the Sowe (initiated between 1941 to 1952) that occurred in 1941 and that between the Sowe (initiated between 1941 to 1952) and Korongoro (initiated between 1953 to
1956) that occurred in 1952. An 80-90-year-old’s account about the power struggle between the
Chumo and the Sowe – that occurred in 1941 – is narrated below:
The Chumo and the Sowe fought first; they fought over power52. The Sowe wanted
authority over the land and the Chumo said: ‘no, we are yet to give up our authority.’ The
Sowe, then, wanted to take power by force from Chumo. Some Chumo men then asked:
‘Why do they want to force themselves on the seat of power, yet the earth still belongs to
us?’ There was an upcoming song and dance ceremony53 and someone used this
information to incite the Chumo set. This man [the inciter] came and told Chumek (the
Chumo): ‘the Sowe set have said they better not see any one of the Chumo set at the
singing ground.’ The inciter further told the Chumo set that the Sowe set had said that
they were the ones who would mentor their fellow Sowe initiates during
52 From respondent accounts, the age-sets fought using stones and sticks. An 80-90-year-old male respondent noted that the age-sets brought arrows that they used to attack their opponents, despite the guidelines that inform these fights – guidelines aimed at preventing fighters from using steel weapons against each other.
53 The Tugen often, particularly the warrior set, organized sing and dance ceremonies where they engaged in competitive singing and dance, and merry making. The warrior set were said to be in control of the song and dance spaces and determined who could attend and/or not attend these ceremonies. Singing and dancing are also a major part of initiation ceremonies and are still controlled by the warrior set. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 226
the upcoming tumdo, initiation ceremony.54 The Chumo responded by saying: ‘What
right do they have to tell us not to step on the singing ground? Who does the land belong
to? Who is in authority? Is it not us? We are the ones who have the authority to tell them
not to come to the initiation ceremony.’ Another Chumo individual is reported to have
said: ‘What did they say? That we should not step on the singing ground? Are we not the
owners? It is our duty to motirisie (mentor the initiates’).
On the day of the tumdo (initiation ceremony), they (the Chumo and the Sowe)
met where the Chumo were slaughtering a bull. The Sowe arrived with their weapons and
started the confrontation. They brought weapons like spears, knives, and shields; the only
weapon they did not bring to the ground was the poisoned arrow. One thing happened; a
Sowe man was hit (by a Chumo man) with a knife on his upper left side even though they
had decided not to use steel weapons; it is hard to control a crowd. The victim was,
however, attended to and he made a full recovery.
Days after the fight, they sent for the chief who came with some elders. They
called for a baraza (meeting) where we engaged in a lengthy deliberation on the issues of
contention after which we reconciled. They told us not to harm each other since in future
we will become konyiten (respectful relations). It ended like that. There were no more
conflicts between the Chumo and the Sowe and shortly after, there was a smooth
transition of power.
54 As is the rule in Tugen, during initiation rites, there are mentors who accompany the initiates throughout the initiation process. The older age-set (as warriors) are tasked with the responsibility of being mentors of the initiates. As such, the Sowe set were to be mentored by the warrior set, the Chumo. The Sowe, in declaring that they would serve as the initiates’ (Sowe) peer mentors were not only challenging the authority of the Chumo but were seeking to go against the norm as practiced in Tugen.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 227
From the above account, we see that the competition over scarce status and power between the warrior set and the youth set was actuated in the field of initiation, that is, during tumdo. The actualization of conflict during tumdo led to physical fights that, in the past, degenerated into violence between the two sets. Perhaps at this point I should explain the tumdo, initiation ceremony.
The tumdo is a male childhood to adulthood rite of passage that involves circumcision.
Those attending the tumdo usually ranged in age, in earlier Tugen, from 18 to 26. These days, because of the attendance of school, those going through tumdo range in age from 18 to 20, usually after the completion of high school, and before enrolling in a tertiary institution.55 The completion of tumdo is seen as a graduation in itself where individuals move from one stage of life to another. The tumdo is a clan affair with families gathering together, raising funds, and choosing a host home for the tumdo celebrations, which last for a month, during December holidays. All the members of the community are often involved in the celebrations that is mothers, fathers, siblings, grandparents, friends, and neighbors.
The tumdo ritual starts with the soon to be initiates gathering as a group, usually between
10 to 15 in number, to prepare their menjo (temporary dwelling) in a forest away from the visibility of nearest homes. Once the temporary dwelling is ready, the initiates and their families will be given a date on which they will celebrate the initiates’ going away ceremony. In the meantime, the families will prepare gourds of mursik (Tugen yoghurt) that the initiates will feed on during their stay in their menjo.
55 There are, however, instances of individuals ‘running away’ to go to tumdo during their younger years starting at age 14. Individuals who decide to go to tumdo at younger years are often barred from joining secondary school in Kisanana due to accusations of insurbodination of teachers (especially female teachers) on the part of the initaties. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 228
On the first day, each group is given a chance to interact with the initiates. While adorning their traditional clothing made out of refined cow hide, the initiates, their mentors (the warrior set), and the men in the village will gather and engage in a song and dance competition
(between members of different age-sets) for several hours. During the song and dance celebrations, they will slaughter a bull, feast on roasted meat and will sing and dance while moving in a circle. Song and dance celebrations entail competitions of jumping to see who can jump the highest, clapping to see who can clap the loudest, and praising their bulls (for example by saying “my bull is the most beautiful”, “my bull is the healthiest”, my bull is the fattest”) to see who is most creative.
Once the men are finished with song and dance, and as the sun sets the women, that is grandmothers, mothers and aunts, are invited to the singing ground to sing for their grandsons, sons and nephews. Using song and dance, the women are called on to encourage their grandsons, sons, and nephews to be courageous and to show strength during the operation that is expected to occur at nightfall. The women are asked to bring with them a piece of belonging whether a scarf or a belt that they will place around the necks of the young men who will take these belongings with them to their menjo (temporary dwelling).
Once the women are done singing and dance, the children are called. The children, also, are often ready with their songs and dances. Instead of bringing a piece of belonging, the children bring goodies to feed the young men. Some brings sodas and cakes, some bring yoghurt, and others bring bananas to feed to the young men. The young men are not allowed to touch anything or anyone, so the children literally feed the young men. The goodies fed to the young men are aimed at encouraging them and give them strength as they prepare for the circumcision. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 229
Once the singing and dancing is done, the young men are taken to their menjo where the circumcision will commence. In the morning, the initiate’s female relatives (women) find out how they did. The men will start singing and dancing at the singing ground to indicate to the women that it is time for them to join the men. When they join the men, who will be singing in a circle, they will find their pieces of belonging (belts and scarves) placed in the middle of the circle with the leaves of the sinendet (periploca linearifolia) ceremonial plant wrapped around them. The sinendet56 plant is used to indicate to what extent the young men were brave during the circumcision rite. A longer sinendet indicates that the young man was brave and did not show any signs of weakness. A short sinendet indicates that the young man showed signs of weakness and probably cried during the circumcision.
Once the women have had a look at the sinendet and are assured that the operation went smoothly, they will remove the sinendet from their belongings and will place them on the roof of a hut. This is believed to bring well wishes to the family that has hosted the tumdo ceremony.
Once they have placed the sinendet on top of the hut, celebrations begin with the drinking of busaa (traditional brew) and feasting.
The tumdo day of opening, thus, is a day that the community celebrates the young initiates through song and dance and bids them farewell, while wishing them well as they go away for the initiation rites. The day of the opening is also a day where age-sets display dominance through song and dance and also a day in which competitive fights are recorded as the older individuals of the warrior set prevent the graduation of the youth set into warriorhood
56 According to Makokha (n.d.) the sinendet is a “climbing herb” that grows upto 10 metres long (para. 1). It is not only used during circumsicion ceremonies but is used during marriage to adorn the bride and groom once the marriage has been sealed (Makokha, n.d.). It is also used to adorn beer pots to indicate peace between warring groups after agreements have been reached (Makokha, n.d.). Lastly, it is used to adorn individuals after a victory of some sort including when they graduate from college, or after winning an election (Makokha, n.d.). The sinendet ceremonial plant is thus an important fixture in Tugen culture. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 230 status. It is during the tumdo opening day that reports have been recorded of the older set warning the younger sets from setting foot on the singing ground.
Of importance to note here is that the fights between age-sets are not aimed at maiming or injuring opponents, rather, they are meant at defeating, much like they do in wrestling matches. The ones who surrender to defeat are the ones that lose in the end. The use of steel weapons by one group means that the fight will not be fair as one group will be disadvantaged in comparison to the other. On asking why they brought knives and spears to the battlefield, an 80-
90-year-old male interviewee noted that they brought them “to show off, and brag; they never intended to use these weapons.” It is also important to note that the age-sets were told not to harm each other since they will be konyiten (respectful relations) in future. This is in line with the Tugen principle of tiliandi where individuals know that in future their children may intermarry. Harming each other would just jeopardize the chances that these future intermarriages would be successful.
Further, on the outcome of the fight, they were asked to attend a baraza
(deliberation/arbitration council) that are mediated by elders in the community. In the deliberation the elders, with the Paramount Chief, listened to both sides’ stories and let both sides air their grievances before making a decision on what needed to be done about the fighting between the different age-sets. On the resolution of the dispute, an 80-90-year-old male informant narrated that
we went for the baraza (deliberation/arbitration ). The Paramount Chief was present.
There were also three elders at the baraza. The meeting started with the Chumo and
Sowe telling their side. The Chumo, seniors of the Sowe started. They said that the boys
had disrespected them by challenging their rightful authority over all including chepkulie CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 231
(ants). The Sowe representative said that all their mbarnot57 members were about to be
circumcised yet the Chumo were still holding on to power. He said that it was time for
them to start mentoring the next age-set, the Korongoro chongin. After listening to both
sides, the elders decided that the Chumo age-set would give up authority in the following
year, during the initiation rites. The Sowe were happy with the decision. The Chumo had
nothing to say since the elders had spoken. After that things were better, nobody fought
with anybody.
The struggle for power between the Sowe (initiated into adulthood between 1941 to 1952) and
Korongoro (initiated between 1953 to 1956) age set occurred sometime in 1952. A 70-80-year- old male narrated the story as follows:
It was approaching the time for the Sowe to pave way for the Korongoro age-set to hold
power. At the time, the Korongoro had said: “What is the use of these Sowe? First, they
fought with our fathers (the Chumo) and now they want to continue dominating over
us?”
On the day before the fight, some Korongoro men were slaughtering a bull with
their age mates. Sounds mimicking the sharpening of spears, could be heard from a
distance. When the Korongoro heard these sounds, they became upset. To make things
worse, they [Korongoro] said: ‘we fought with the Maasais and we defeated them, will
these ones [the Sowe] really defeat us?’ At the time, the older Sowe mates, chongin and
chesue58 were no longer going out to war; they stayed at home and took care of their
57 As noted in Chapter five, in each age-set are further intra-age set demarcations to include the chongin, the older ones, chesue, the ones born in the middle, and mbarnot, the youngest in the group.
58In the quote provided, the older grades, the chongin and chesue were no longer engaging in competitive fights. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 232
families. So, when the Korongoro mbarnot men were slaughtering the bull, they said: ‘we
do not want to see any member of the Sowe, except chemotirisie (those that will mentor
the initiates) in Kap tien (the place of song and dance). Kap tien belongs to us’
The issues between the Sowe and Korongoro became similar to the issues
between the Sowe and the Chumo. The Sowe said that the earth belonged to them. The
Sowe told the older men of the Korongoro set: ‘please tell your boys that we are just
coming to the place of song, we have no issue with anyone.’ They said: ‘if you sing your
songs somewhere else, that is your problem but do not set foot here.’ The Sowe turned
back and gathered to strategize. On their way out of the space, the Korongoro pointed at
the Sowe with spears, then the Sowe knew that it was piregab kei (a challenge to fight).
On the day of the fight, the Sowe arrived at the same time the Korongoro arrived.
They threw sticks at each other and threw stones at each other. One boy of the Korongoro
then shot an arrow and it hit a Sowe mate. The Sowe saw that their mate had been hit,
then one Sowe man hit a Korongoro man with a machete on the head, and he fainted. See,
they had agreed not to use steel [weapons made of steel, like arrow, and spears]. Even the
Korongoro men had agreed to this, but some Korongoro boys stayed up the hill and
started aiming arrows at the Sowe. As they continued with the fight, askaris (colonial law
enforcers), who had been informed of the planned fight arrived and starting shooting
bullets up in the air, then the different age-set members all dispersed.
The District Commissioner then arrived and said he wanted all those involved in
the fight to be arrested. They gathered the Korongoro men, put them in cars and told them CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 233
they were taking them to a baraza, (deliberation/arbitration). The foolish ones went59.
The rest went to hide in their homes. They got twenty men [the men hiding in their
homes], gathered them, and took them straight to jail in Eldama Ravine60. They later
came and arrested the rest who were involved, and they put them to work; to construct
roads.
From the examples above we see that the age-sets got into fights with each other over power and authority to control the affairs of the land. They tried to resolve their conflicts with violence.
From the above accounts, the violence often attracted the attention of authority figures who stepped in to stop the fights between the age-sets. In proper Tugen, the elders and the chief would call for a baraza (deliberation/arbitration) where they would decide on the outcome of the conflict which often entailed a timeline on the transition of power from the warrior set to the age- set junior to them. During colonialism, these conflicts were stopped by colonial askaris (colonial police), who arrested those involved in the fight.
Kepirgei as competitive joking instances of kin relations.
The competitive field where individuals showcased power, fall under what an 80-90- year-old male study participant called tangoi (play). On concepts of play, an informant, 80-90- year-old male, noted that “…these fights between age-sets ended, but it was really just tangoi
(play).” A 70-80-year-old interviewee observed what else happened in these instances of tangoi:
“Women would draw a line on the ground and say ‘don’t cross here’… elders used to lay their kirogik (canes) to form a line warning others from crossing it; it was used to stop violence
59 It was deemed foolish because a call to a baraza (deliberation) was a trick used by the colonial administrators to arrest those who were involved in the fight.
60 Eldama Ravine constituency is an administrative unit that formed part of, together with Mogotio constituency, the colonial South Baringo constituency. There was no jail Mogotio; the one jail servicing South Baringo was in Eldama Ravine. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 234 because if people decided to harm each other, it got bad.” While there were ways to prevent competitive fights from turning violent, sometimes the competition turned violent when individuals on their own accord, decided to break the rules ascribed to in the fields of competitive interaction.61 When the competitive fights turned violent, they often ended up at a baraza (deliberation/arbitration council) where they would deliberate on the course of action to take to resolve the dispute over power.
Other kinds of competitive play appeared to replicate in different spaces including within the formal political arena involving members of different age-stratas and in the households, involving siblings. In discussing politics in the Kenyan scene, individuals of different age-sets often reassert the prowess of each of their age-set mates and often in group meetings urge the older sets to let go of political power to pave way for younger generations to take over. Since the age-set arrangement is one of constant tension where the older sets ‘torment’ the younger sets
(seen as errand boys) with their constant demands, there seems not to be an easier transition of power from one age-set to the next. The giving up of power often takes some rebellion from the younger set. In recent years, they have used softer tactics (including ignoring, forming secret meetings, and taunting the older set as less able) where they rebel against the demands of the older set without openly confronting them. This has reduced the instances of violence occurring between the age-sets.
61 The functional component of competition among different members of the group in different spaces explains why in the competitive fights between the Chumo and the Sowe and between the Sowe and the Korongoro, the fighters had initially agreed not to use karnee (steel) against each other. I asked one of the respondents why they brought steel weapons, arrows and spears, if they were not going to use them. The 70-80-year-old male respondent noted that “they brought them to show off and to scare each other, but not to use them. They used stones and sticks to fight each other, not steel weapons,” he responded. The aims of the fights were not to inflict harm or injure, rather to rightfully, yet playfully, challenge dominance structures. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 235
Within the household, siblings often dare each other in a competitive way with minor to major tactics to see who would be courageous enough to cross a boundary. A 13-17-year-old study participant told me a story involving the fights she had with her sibling:
I fought a lot with my brother. He often tried to instigate a fight between us; he always
took what was mine to see if I would fight back. One day I had had enough and I told him
if he dared me again, he would suffer the consequences. One day, he hid my Sunday best
dress and I could not find it so I missed church that day. I waited for him to get new
shoes. I asked to see one shoe. He gave it to me. I ran out as fast as I could it and threw it
in the pit latrine. From that day onwards, he left me alone.
The above example is not only normal sibling rivalry but also reflects rivalry between young members’ different clans. An example was provided by a 13-17-year-old male interviewee who got into a conflict with another young member over clan stereotyping in school. He narrated his story as follows:
In school there is always clan rivalry where individuals of different clans band together to
form sporting and game teams. I am from the Kipsiwa clan. A member of another clan
started making fun of me because I belong to the Kipsiwa clan. They say that us
Kipsiwas love cattle so much that we spend our time trying to think of ways to acquire
more. They even call us ‘the thieves of cows.’ This particular student called me ‘a thief of
cows.’ I was not happy. I took his backpack and threw it in the pit latrine… he did not
report me to the teachers because that would be him admitting defeat. He said he lost his
books and that was the end of that case. From then on, we just avoided each other.
It is clear from the above examples, that the aspect of competitive play is replicated in different spaces within the Tugen community. The rules of engagement, are thus, implicitly known and CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 236 acted upon by members of the group within their appropriate spaces. One might ask where the parents and/or guardians are when children and youth engage in these competitive fights, which in some cases leads to physical fights particularly among the youth who often meet outside their homesteads as they each herd the livestock of their respective households. For the Tugen, however, the lack of parental and/or adults interference within spaces occupied by children and youth is expected as the Tugen seem to encourage competitive play. Parents and guardians and other adults do not usually intervene in conflicts occurring between children unless it is a case of an older child mistreating and/or fighting with a younger child since there is an imbalance of might. In a case of an older child and a younger child, the older child is perceived as ‘abusing’ or mistreating the younger one (60-70 year old male). When it comes to age-mates, the adults seem to condone rivalry. A 50-60 year old male informant, when talking about how disagreements between children are handled, noted that “if my child comes and tells me that he has been beaten by another child, I will tell him ‘what were you doing till you were beaten? Where were you looking? Go away and learn how to fight.” Another informant, a 60-70-year-old male, on how disagreements were handled, when he was growing up, also noted that
when I was growing up, my father never wanted to hear stories of us children fighting. If
I came and reported to him that another child had beaten me, he would beat me and tell
me that I should have fought back….he believed that children’s fights were not important
as to occupy his time, they were metegelen (petty).
In sum, children’s competitive fights seem to be condoned in the community as adults seem to stay out of the way of these fights. Unless it is a case of an older child fighting with a younger child, cases of children’s fights are often ignored as they are deemed as petty and not important enough to occupy the minds of adults. In these fights, the children do not see the option of CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 237 reporting their counterparts to adults since their reports will be dismissed and since reporting will be seen as a sign of weakness.
Competitive fights are also a common occurrence that lead to wrestling matches between individuals who dare each other to fights to determine the bravest. Below is an example given by a 70-80-year-old male study participant.
Word around was that Lotepa killed a lion, so he was known as the bravest man in
Torois.62 Lotepa who was revered as the bravest became very arrogant. He would go
around telling everyone he meets ‘Let us fight. Bring some kiboko (sticks) and let us
fight.’ This man had fought in Torois and had emerged winner in all fights. He then heard
that there was another brave man in Pokor.63 When he got to Kisanana, he found Cherusei
and asked him: ‘are you the one they call the bull of Pokor?’ Cherusei said: ‘What do you
want?’ ‘I want to fight’ he responded. The warriors around gathered sogonwogik (fighting
sticks) and they started fighting. They broke so many sticks, but the warriors kept
gathering more. They fought till they fainted. They were then taken to Cherusei’s mother.
When they got there, they were treated, fed, and put to rest. When they were all healed,
they became very good friends and the man from Torois said, ‘no one here is the bull but
you’ and Cherusei told him, ‘and you are the bull of Torois.’
The informant, 70-80-year-old male, concluded it like this: “Fighting was fun, like wrestling. It was part of the games we played. If you found someone brave, you felt like slapping and beating them, and then you dared them to a fight.” In sum, the Tugen encourage competitive fights aimed
62 Torois refers to a sub-group of the Tugen that occupy Radat, Loboi, Ol Kokwe, Waseges, and other sub-locations in Baringo county. Other sub-groups within the Tugen community are Kakimor, Pokor, and Keben.
63 Pokor refers to the Tugen who occupy the areas of Kisanana, Mugurin, Mukuyuni, and other sub-locations in Mogotio constituency. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 238 at determining power, prowess, and bravery. They set up competitive matches, much like wrestling matches, to see who will emerge winner. These competitive displays fall under what is categorized as tangoi (play).
Competition as a way of identifying exceptional individuals.
The fact that some individuals went ahead and broke the rules of engagement (that is those of the Korongoro age set who stayed up the hills and shot arrows at the Sowe fighting the
Korongoro in the field) reveals another aspect about the Tugen culture; the Tugen value of individual freedom and liberty accorded to adults. Freedom and liberty to do as one pleases, even if going against societal norms, is one of the privileges associated with adulthood. As an adult the Tugen believe that an individual is fully conscious and therefore aware of right from wrong and thus is able to make informed decisions. One category of Tugen principles that allow for individual autonomy mostly relate to those aspects encouraging Tugen individuals to explore the outside world and identify practices, ideas, and technologies that might help the group to continually adapt to the changing physical environment. This makes the Tugen particularly open- minded in regard to change, new technologies, and changing surroundings. Individuals in their groupings are thus encouraged to develop competence, wit, sharpness, and courage that will allow them to competitively stay above board when competing against the forces of nature and punik (enemies) to ensure continued cultural survival.
As individuals’ transition through the life course, exceptional ones are identified, first based on their clan and family histories, their prowess and competence in particular skill sets, and their decency of character as defined by the Tugen to include courage, integrity, and wisdom. Examples of exceptional individuals have thus been recorded through Tugen oral histories and over the years become embedded into the Tugen ideological system of belief and CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 239 spiritual practice. Leaders who have been identified as visionary and whose stories of courage, principles of integrity, and wisdom exist in the ideological and normative fabrics of Tugen society through stories. These stories are told and retold during communal gatherings, during ceremonies and festivities, and during family gatherings, basically wherever individuals are gathered. Leader Totona is particularly known for his prowess and wit in guiding the community in terms of internal and external security. Here is an interviewee’s, 70-80-year-old male, account about Totona’s negotiating and leadership skills that paved way for the sharing of grazing land between the Maasai and the Tugens and the eventual defeat of the Maasai in conflict over territory:
The area was becoming small for all of us, it was not enough for all our livestock. Our
poisiek (workers) decided that it was best to go to Maasai land to seek access to their
territories for grazing purposes. When we got there, they spoke to us in Maasai but we
understood nothing. Little did we know that one of us, Totana, spoke many languages
including Maasai. Totana stepped forward and spoke to the Maasais. They talked at
length and then Totana came back and said that they had agreed to our request. We do not
know what they said but we were happy. We went back home and gathered our livestock,
put them on trucks and left. There were two warriors, the other eleven were women and
children. When we got there, Totona approached them and said: “We have arrived” but
the Maasai refused to accept us in their territory. They did not accept us; that was an
indication of war because the Maasai saw that we had brought ourselves with all our
livestock, like fools. They had war as their intent from the very beginning.
Totona went back to where we had temporarily set camp and said: “Everyone,
women, children, paint your clothes, hands, all red, everything (because in olden days, CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 240
the warriors adorned red clothing and red body paint in preparation for war).” We heard
that the Maasai came to look at our [temporary] home, they saw red and thought we had
brought many warriors, so they stayed away for a while.
We stayed in Maasai territories for several months. Eventually the Maasais
managed to overpower us and they came for our livestock. We quickly packed and left.
We then ran after the Maasai circling yet circumventing them and killing them one by one
from the sides. There were nine Maasais, we killed seven. One ran away, one was caught.
We brought the captured Maasai warrior home, we told him that he could stay for one
night, he would be fed but he would have to leave in the morning.
From the above account, Totona was identified as an exceptional person given his language capabilities and his leadership in the plan on how to circumvent and defeat the Maasais when they eventually planned their attack on the Tugen community.
While Tugen individual movers and innovators risk a lot should the direction of their explorations wreak havoc on the community the benefits accrued should their risks pay off are worth the try. The Totona family has been identified as producing visionary leaders in family stories of courage, resilience, and victories. These conversations form part of discussions told and retold at family gatherings in between the main activities of an event, for example, during weddings, fundraisings, group meetings, and so forth. Conversations revolve around the circumstances of the day, including weather conditions and implications for food production, health and bodily well-being, and stories capturing the communal zeitgeist at different points in times, all laced with stories of past times, lessons learned, practices employed, and families and clans involved. These stories are told to ensure that individuals remain aware of what has worked in the past and what might work in the future given current state of circumstances. These stories CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 241 and conversations are retold orally and passed on from person to person in the community. None of these stories are written down.
Conversations shared amongst communal members in different spaces of interaction also entail stories of defeat, regret, and decimation from individual choices. A clear example of this is told of the Maina age-set who, became greedy leading to their decimation. The community decided it was best to retire that age-set forever. Here is the story of the Maina age set as remembered and narrated by a 70-80-year-old male study participant:
The Maina of Tugen is similar to the Korongoro age set of Nandi. They were all killed;
the Nandi retired the Korongoro and the Tugen retired the Maina. What happened was:
the Maina of Tugen were away for tumdo (the rite of passage) and while there, they heard
that an older set, had gone to another land, found people in that land very relaxed, and
they just walked in and took all their goats. They went to a location where nobody was
expecting external attacks. Maina, while away in tumdo decided that when they rejoined
the community as adults, they would go to the said location to get more livestock. Little
did they know that the community that had been attacked got angry and prepared
thoroughly for any future attacks. They put human camouflaged barricades on roads,
sideroads, and boundaries. The Maina age set thought it would be easy to raid from that
community. They went, got there, and the other side was ready. They let them in then
surrounded them and killed all of them. From then on, they did not name that generation
again.
The Tugen saw the killing of the Maina set as a sign of bad omen and a curse. Age-sets are cyclical. In the cyclical pattern, the Tugen believe that what happens to the age-set Maina will happen to the next generation of Maina and what happens to the current age-set of Kaplelach will CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 242 happen to the next generation of Kaplealch, and so on. An example was provided of the
Kipnyigeu age-set. The previous Kipnyigeu age-set (who were warriors between 1906 to 1917) are viewed as a blessed age-set since during their time as warriors, they were able to expand the
Tugen horizon by moving from Tugen hills to the lowlands to set up permanent settlements in a region that had been controlled by the Maasais. Following their move, they were successful as cattle keepers since the land was open for them to herd more livestock and since the weather conditions during these times were favorable for cattle keepers. They were thus seen as a successful generation. The previous Kipnyigeu age-set (who were warriors between 1988 to
2002) were also seen as a successful generation since during their times, there was recorded success in the families raised. The Kipnyigeu (who were warriors between 1988 to 2002) are said to have started the tradition of individuals coming together to help each other during marriage ceremonies. The coming together to the aid of each other extended to other areas including funerals and the forming of support groups for hospital bills. Summatively, the lessons learned from a generation determines how that generation will be treated in future hence the retiring of the Maina age-set who, if it had been kept alive, would have resulted in bad luck for the next generation.
Summatively, the Tugen age-set system functions to structure life transitions along different status roles across the lifespan. In structuring life transitions and societal functions, there emerges a group, the warrior set that seeks to retain the power, status, and prestige accorded to them by postponing for as long as they can the transfer of power while the youth (the adjacent set) seeks to move up in the cycle. The tensions between the warrior set and the youth have in the past led to violent fights. Additionally, in seeking cultural survival, the Tugen have encouraged competitive play to search for and identify exceptional individuals. Individuals who CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 243 embody courage, wisdom, and integrity are identified as their stories are held in the culture’s ideological fabric in stories retold over generations. Stories of defeat are also held in the Tugen ideological fabric. Stories of defeat are aimed at warning individuals from taking the path that previous individuals and/or sets took and failed.
The Misdeeds of Discrimination and Mistreatment
In this section I focus on Tugen perceptions of misdeeds (wrongdoing) occurring amongst individuals sharing relationships of reciprocity (tiliandi) and respect (konyit). In doing this, I touch on perceived infringements defined as kesas kei and keus kei, that is to discriminate against each other and to mistreat one another. Given the tied fates of individuals, the Tugen believe in safeguarding the basic physiological, safety, and bonding needs of individuals that one relates to, that is those with whom one shares reciprocal tiliandi (relationships) through clan ties, age-mate affiliations, and established friendships. As such there are specific mores guiding group behavior in regard to how individuals treat each other. Accusations of discrimination and mistreatment are taken seriously and are mitigated within the spaces that they occur using communal mechanisms of resolution. In this section, I am continuing to answer the question on the influence of culture on the group’s perceptions and experiences of conflict.
The concept of discrimination against others is a common theme that emerged when talking to study participants about their perceptions of misdeeds meted against members of the community. The idea of saset ab kei occurs when someone discriminates against an individual by either not giving them what is their due based on the relationship shared and or as a result of unfair and unequal treatment in comparison to individuals sharing the same kind of relation to a person. Someone may be said to be discriminating against another if during a family festival, they fail to acknowledge that person in introductions, greetings, and/or the award of gifts. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 244
Another person may be said to be discriminating against another if they extend their greetings to one person and ignores the other. A father may be deemed as discriminating against one of his sons if he fails to pay tuition fees for one and pays tuition fees for another. A woman may be accused of discriminating against one of her visitors if she feeds one of them and fails to feed the other. A father, upon meeting his age-mate’s daughter, is expected to award the similar kind of treatment that he would award his daughter. If his age-mate’s daughter visits his home, he is expected to treat the visitor as a daughter for as long as she decides to stay given her rightful relational place (as a daughter) in all her father’s age-mates’ homes. The visitor will be integrated easily within the family as she understands her status role and subsequent responsibilities within the family as a daughter based on her age-strata and her gender role.
During a koito (giving away of the bride ceremony), all the aunts of the bride and groom must be accorded the same treatment, that is they must be introduced and be gifted with a similar gift to avoid accusations of discrimination and favouritism. Accusations of discrimination have to do with relational components and are categorized under the infringement of one’s needs for belonginess. Discrimination against someone might be perceived as attitudes of hostility towards another manifesting as actions that infringe on another’s sense of humanity, that is that of deserving equal treatment in ensuring that their needs for belongingness are met. The Tugen perception of equal treatment relates to the concept of equality where all individuals are treated the same and accorded the same kind of privileges; the concept of equality here is taken from
Anderson (1999).
Another word that is used in correlation with the attitude of saset ap chi (the discrimination of someone) is uset ab chi (the mistreatment of a person). The word as a verb is keus chi (to mistreat a person) and is used to refer mostly to the infringements on others’ rights in CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 245 the failure by one’s set of tilia (reciprocal relations) to assure that their physiological and safety needs are met. If an individual goes without food, clothing, and/or shelter, then they are deemed to have been mistreated by their family and by extension their set of reciprocal relations (tilia). I found the topic of mistreatment emerging when looking at the structure and relational composition of the Tugen family. For example, the mistreatment of children by stepmothers, the mistreatment of children by parents, and the mistreatment of the vulnerable (sick, elderly) by relatives. Accusations of mistreatment fall under what might be perceived as neglect of kin by their family. Individuals are often warned from neglecting and/or mistreating their kin since these inactions will result in bad omen that follows one who, within full capacity and ability to safeguard and protect another’s capacity for humanity fails to do so thus breaching a basic natural law. Warnings are often communicated through the utterance of the phrase kigirei! (it is forbidden!) meaning that there are curses associated with the neglect of one’s set of reciprocal relations (tilia) that are transferred to individuals who fail to secure the physiological and safety needs of those with whom one shares reciprocal relations. While the virtues of kindness and generosity form the fabric of the ideal of a decent human being in Tugen society, the aspects of helping kin relations takes precedence. This is not to say that the Tugen will neglect a stranger who shows up hungry and in need of clothing and shelter; if anything, the Tugen are known for the generosity for people who show up in need of food, clothing, and shelter as the pain associated with hunger and thermal discomfort was said by a 50-60-year-old female interviewee, to “to reach the ears of Asis (God, the Sun) who will punish those who do not care for others.”
Within reciprocal relations the punishment for neglecting each other has negative effects on silangwe (genetic survival). The neglect of each other is known to bring curses to a family. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 246
Discrimination and Mistreatment Blamed on Household Heads.
From study participant accounts, I found that disputes tied to discrimination and mistreatment occurring within families were blamed on heads of households, as husbands and fathers. On the main sources of conflict, a 50-60-year-old male interviewee observed that
if a husband is someone who does not have good leadership in his home, then there will
be saset ab kei (discrimination). Sometimes the man will show more love to one wife and
not the other; he could go spend all his time in the home of one wife and not the other, he
may buy gifts and good clothing for the children of one house and reject the children of
the other. He may bring more food to one house and not to the other. It is inevitable that
there will be some dispute between these homes.
Another informant, a 70-80-year-old female, on the sources of conflict noted that
some men are bad. They may take things from one household and bring to the other
household. He may take cows from one household, sell them, and give the money to the
other. This is favouritism. It used to be there; it is still there.
On the need for men to play their part fulfilling their duties to their families, a 40-50-year-old male interviewee expressed that
a man is not supposed to make the wife and children of one house suffer. It all depends
on the man. If a man has two to three wives, he has to be fair to each, and if he is not fair
then they have to call for a kirwoge (deliberation/arbitration council) where they ask for
the property to be divided to one’s children. Once the property has been divided equally,
each wife will go her way, content that her house and her children will be well fed and
well cared for. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 247
On a woman disputing for the benefit of her house and her children a 30-40-year-old male informant said that
sie ok sie (co-wife and co-wife) will have to dispute; if the man takes food to the other
house and neglects one house, there will be a problem. For the Tugen, if the man
slaughters a goat, it has to be measured and divided equally, kotang’da (meaning straight
down the middle). It has to be equal. If one becomes small, one might get mad and say,
why are you mistreating me? She might tell him, “ilochini64 koin tuguun, kone?” (you
are carrying things to that house, for what?)
While women dispute, they do all they can do to keep their children out of it. A 50-60-year-old female study participant observed that:
The women might dispute but they protect their children from these disputes. Tugen
women do not want children fighting because adult [male children] will kill each other
and the women do not want something like that to happen. No one wants the children to
fight because no one knows which child (of which household) might end up dying. It is
better for siblings to be at peace, even if parents disagree.
There are also conflicts that speak to the leadership of the home arising in monogamous households. Here is an informant’s, 50-60-year-old male, account when discussing the main sources of conflict in a monogamous household:
A man may have many children, mostly boys and he has a small piece of land, this
creates bad conflict. In olden days, the first born son would take the lion share of the land
64 The act of ilochini (carry for) is derogatory because it comes from the word loe, which means to carry on the back, like to carry a sack or to carry firewood – activities that are usually delegated for women. Iloe tuguk is thus only used when referring to women’s activities. When someone tells a man ilochini, you are carrying things on your back like a woman, for what?, it implies that he is so blinded by his own desire that he ends to the whims and wills of a woman as opposed to sticking to his duty as a husband, father, and leader.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 248
and the last born took the mother’s share of the land. The middle ones were on their own.
There are some people who still have that mentality. If someone wants something from
the father, he/she can nominate one person (their brother) to go and speak to the old man.
Someone may say ‘no, I do not have the guts, you are the one who is supposed to tell
him’. There is a protocol that someone is born knowing his role in the family. The first
born son is supposed to the spokesperson for the siblings and usually acts a bridge
between the parents and the siblings. There is something that breaks this protocol these
days; if the first born has neglected himself and the last born is successful and rich, the
last born is given the authority by the other sons to command (serve as a bridge) the
father because he has the resources…..For a family, this can have repercussions. I know a
family where with the first born, there were no signs that he would be successful, he was
deviant, unreliable, so when it was time for initiation the father named his second born
Arap ponde (son of the father) (usually, the first born is named after the father and the
last born is named after the mother). So, it was like he had killed his first born while he
was still alive. What happened, because the second son sat in a chair that does not belong
to him (the first son’s chair), he became arrogant and this guy ended up dying young and
without a thing to his name. The first born son who was given to the bull (named after
one of the family’s bull)65 later became very successful. So, the lesson is, even if you
give that person authority, you give it so some limit, to hold the strength of the family.
From the above accounts, we see that there are recorded instances of disagreements tied to discrimination. A common thread that emerges ties to favoritism and the award of privileges to one set of individuals(s) and ignoring another set. The disagreements tied to discrimination
65 In Tugen culture, middle sons are named after the bulls that a family owns. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 249 occurring in families are largely blamed on poor leadership in the home where men are seen as favoring a child/children over other children.
Discrimination in the Home: Women as Moral Compasses.
The heart and center of Tugen culture are the children. The women as the nurturers and protectors of children within their demarcated spaces are thus held in high regard by the rest of the community. The Tugen understand that the continuance of silangwe, that is genetic survival, is dependent on cultural survival and thus have, over generations, ensured that the safety of women and children takes precedence over all else. The complementary socio-relational norms informing the division of tasks as those of inside spaces for women, and those of outside spaces for men, ensures that children in their demarcated spaces are protected from physical neglect, harm, and emotional neglect through acts of discrimination and/or mistreatment.
Mothers and women in general are thus said to display more care and nurturance to children and thus would want to avoid instances of discrimination in the family. On the important roles of women as protectors and defenders of children, a 40-50-year-old female interviewee said: “A man can be bad and if a woman is not vigilant and tough, the man will bring bad things; things of sin and curses and he will pass on these curses to the children.” Another study participant, a 50-
60-year-old female, while discussing how to prevent conflicts said: “When a man brings things taken from another household, the wife has to put her foot down and ask the man to take it back.” And another informant, a 50-60-year-old male said that
a foolish man will take cows from one household and sell them and bring it to a woman’s
house. When that foolish man brings things taken from another household, to a woman’s
house, that woman has to put her foot down and ask the man to take it back. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 250
On the use of another house’s resources to educate one’s children, a 50-60-year-old female interviewee argued that
it is not bad to educate children using cows from the other (co-wife’s) household, so long
as it is borrowed and given. The right thing to do is to borrow, ask one’s co-wife to loan a
cow that can be sold in order to educate children, then in future one can pay back. Other
people take by force and that is when things go bad.
To conclude on the importance of women as moral compasses on matters of discrimination, a 60-
70-year-old female informant said that
these are the bad things that happen and the bad things that men bring to our homes. This
requires vigilance. Women have to be vigilant to know the kinds of things that are being
brought to her homestead. Lies and wrongdoing should be shunned.
In sum, twomen as moral compasses perform their duties of caring and nurturing by ensuring that men do not engage in discriminatory acts against children. In their roles, they remain vigilant to ensure that the home remains a place of comfort and a place where children are treated equally. Men generally accept the women’s role in ensuring that the home remains a space that ensures equal treatment for all.
Discrimination and Mistreatment: Response Mechanisms.
The Tugen have a clear system of handling complaints relating to kesas chi and keus chi
(discrimination and mistreatment). At the family level complaints of discrimination and mistreatment reported in the spaces occupied by children are handled by the mothers and the women in the family. The mothers and elderly women in the family are responsible for ensuring that older children are treating younger ones with the care that should be accorded to them, that of tending to their physical and emotional needs and providing a free space of expression of CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 251 thought, feeling, and experience. The perception of discrimination and acts deemed unfair and actions that breach the safety of spaces within which children are nurtured are constantly regulated at the household level with older children and adult women overseeing peer mentorship play spaces. Examples of such nurturance and care is the constant checking in on children to ensure that they are okay. During observations I noticed that the women would remind each other and take turns to toon laak (check on the children). Further, if children felt that they were unsafe and were treated poorly by older children, they reported back to the women, often crying in order to plea their case. An example I noticed is when children were playing video games with phones. The younger ones had access to the phones and the older ones would be reprimanded if they took the phones from the younger ones. There are other examples of older children not treating younger ones properly, for example excluding them from the games they play. An example I observed was in a family where older children were tasked with herding livestock. They would drive the livestock to the communal salt lick and the water hole. The older children enjoyed doing this work since they did it in groups and often had fun spending time with their friends. They often did not want to bring younger children with them. A 13-17-year- old female study participant observed that
younger children are boring. They are a bother. When we bring them herding, they
always complain that they are hungry and tired, so we have to carry snacks for them, and
we have to take care of them. When we go herding it is fun to go us only, the older
children. The younger children are better off when they stay home so that they can be
cared for by adults.
In one family the children often cried so that they could be allowed to accompany the older children and the adults often asked the older children to bring the younger children with them CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 252 and to take care of them while out herding. If the older children did something unwelcome to the children, for example if they failed to provide them snacks when the children asked or if they excluded the children in their card games, the children would report back to the adults who would reprimand the older children for neglecting the younger children.
Additionally, younger children who were allowed into spaces occupied by older children, for example, when herding often reported back the actions of the older children to the adults when they got home. If the older children allowed for bull fights occur, the younger children would report these instances back to the family. The older children would then be reprimanded by being warned against engaging in bull fights again. This is one reason why older children often wanted to exclude younger children from their affairs and one reason why adults wanted the younger children to be included in the affairs of older children – so that they could be sets of eyes and ears for the adults.
The disputes occurring between a father and his children and between male siblings and other male relatives based on perceptions of discrimination and unfair treatment are addressed by the koret kirwogik (neighbourhood deliberators) comprising of elders acting as representatives of different related households in the koret (neighbourhood). As noted, there are instances of discrimination occurring in the household where a father may favor the children of one house while neglecting the children of another house. Additionally, the father may favor some children, given their economic status, in comparison to other children, who are less economically successful. In such cases, if reprimanding from the women in the family does not work, a call is usually put out to neighbourhood kirwogik (deliberators) made up of family elders and representatives from the koret (neighborhood). In such cases, the deliberators will listen to both sides of the story and will make a decision based on the norms of Tugen society. An example is CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 253 provided of a man who went to complain that his father was favoring his other family and providing education for the other family while neglecting his mother’s children. This favoritism led to hostility between the two families who started to avoid each other and who stopped attending family functions. A 70-80-year-old male interviewee reported that
the elders listened to the aggrieved family’s side of the story. They then called the
accused father to explain himself and to set the record straight. He was asked to speak the
truth and was questioned on why he had neglected his other family. The accused said that
he did not have enough money to educate all his children. He was then asked if he had
approached his extended family and his clan to explain to them his predicament. The man
had not approached anyone. He was told that he was in the wrong because he did not seek
help to educate all his children when he should have. He was then told that since he had
failed to educate his children, from the other house, he was going to give cattle for the
education of his grandchildren from the aggrieved family. He was told to approach his
clan for help, that is to collect cows that can be given to his other (the aggrieved) family.
From the above example, disputes occurring between a father and his sons and/or between adult males in a family are handled by the neighbourhood council of deliberators. It is important to note that the women in the family will, in first instance, reprimand the men for their acts of discrimination and if these efforts fail, the neighbourhood council of deliberators will be called to seek the truth, and to resolve the dispute based on Tugen norms of equal treatment.
Disputes occurring between a mother and her daughters are addressed within household spaces and are guided by elderly women. The recorded disputes occurring between a mother and her daughters had to do with how the daughters carried themselves and how the mothers wished CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 254 their daughters would behave and carry themselves. One common dispute had to do with dress code. A 60-70-year-old female informant lamented that
these girls these days have no konyit (respect). They wear clothes that are improper. One
day I told my daughter not to wear tight pants that draw out the shape of her body and to
stop wearing short skirts that show off her legs. She got upset with me and told me ‘what
do you know, you who never went to school, you who has big ear piercings, you know
nothing so you cannot tell me anything.’ From then, I decided not to tell her anything
anymore. I called on her grandmother’s sister to speak with her since I could not engage
with her. I do not know what her grandaunt told her, but she stopped wearing those
clothes in my presence.
From the above example, the dispute related to dress code was resolved by one of the parties’ grandaunt. This is because the party failed to listen to her mother. It was deemed easier for the grandaunt to call her grandniece to the side and speak with her about the concerns raised by her mother. From the caucus called, the grandniece stopped engaging in acts that were deemed as violating the values that had resulted in the dispute with her mother. One might wonder why the grandmother was not called to settle the dispute. I was informed that the grandmother was not called lest she be accused of favoring one of the parties (either her daughter or her granddaughter) when admonishing the one who was on the wrong. Even when resolving disputes, the Tugen still guard against accusations of favouritism which dictates who will be selected to mediate a dispute.
Disputes occurring between sisters are handled by paternal aunts. Some of the disputes occurring between sisters have to do with the distribution of household chores and responsibilities. The disputes have to do with complaints made by others that household chores CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 255 are unevenly distributed and/or that some individuals (sisters) try to escape their duties. These disputes are also categorized as discrimination (kesas kei). As one example, one party, a 20-30- year-old female, to a conflict noted regarding the other party, “kisasan (she discriminated against me).” These disputes occur between age-mates since age-mates engage in similar kinds of responsibilities. An example I witnessed involved a family that was receiving guests on a Sunday afternoon for the matriarch’s women’s group meeting. One sister stayed home to help the mother welcome guests. Specifically, she helped with preparing lunch for the guests, serving the guests, and making tea for the guests. After the women’s group meeting, she cleaned the house and did the dishes. The other sister (one year younger) attended a Christian youth group meeting. The younger sister is a leader in a Christian youth group. She spends three days of the week attending to Christian youth activities. On Tuesdays she attends a prayer meeting. On Thursdays she attends a bible study meeting. On Saturdays she attends a fellowship meeting. All day on
Sundays she attends to activities in the church. She is thus rarely home. Her older sister complains that her younger sister uses her Christian youth group activities as an excuse to evade homemaking activities and responsibilities. There is always tension between the two sisters following the arrangement that they have. The mother, in such cases, is not expected to intervene since there might be accusations of favouritism if she takes a stand on the dispute. However, to help come to a resolution, the mother enlisted the help of the girls’ two paternal aunts. Paternal aunts were chosen since they lived (the Tugen family is patrilocal) in close proximity to the mother and the girls. Below is how one the parties to the conflict described the process of resolution.
Our mother called on two of our aunts to help us find a solution to the dispute between
my sister and I regarding the distribution of household chores and responsibilities. As the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 256
one who had first complained to our mother, I was approached and asked to tell my side.
I was told to tell the truth. My sister was not present, so I told them exactly what I was
thinking. I explained that I was tired of being the maid of the house yet there are two of
us who can perform these duties. I told them that I needed my sister to participate in the
activities of our home, to help out, and to reduce her activities in the church. They
assured me that they would resolve the problem. After I spoke with them, I think they
also talked with my sister. Afterwards things seemed to improve. My sister was home
more often. She told me that she will be giving me breaks in the mornings. She started
helping in the morning with milking cows and separating calves, doing dishes, preparing
lunch except for Sundays because she attends church in the morning. On Sundays she
helps out in the afternoons and the evenings with household chores. She also started
helping out on every other Saturday with our mother’s women’s group meeting. My aunts
keep checking on us once every often to ensure that we are getting along and to ensure
that their efforts at resolving our dispute have paid off.
From the above account, interested, yet perceived neutral third parties (aunts, not the mother) were called on to resolve the dispute between the sisters. Of importance was the notion of truth seeking and truth telling in order to arrive at a fair agreement. The agreement reached seemed to have pleased the aggrieved party and seems to have led to a division of household tasks between the sisters evenly.
Disputes, arising from mistreatment, between a husband and a wife are more complex and deemed most destructive since they involve two families, two clans, and their extended set of relations. These are handled by the extended family and eventually by the clans if said mistreatments continue to occur. In cases of domestic mistreatment, a woman first, would seek CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 257 refuge in the homes of other women (her mother-in-law and/or sisters-in-law) in the family; in these homes, the woman is safe from any feelings of threat that might have been experienced in her home since her safety was assured by her mother-in-law and her husband’s aunts during the koito (giving away of the bride ceremony) when the bride was handed to the care of her new family. From here on, the women of the family will speak with their husbands who will convene a meeting as an age-set, with the alleged offender regarding the concerns leveled against him and will warn him against ruining the reputation of the age-set and, most importantly, the clan since a ruined reputation spells doom for future marriage prospects. In scenarios where the woman feels that her husband upon warning has not changed his ways and continues with mistreatment, she could decide to go back to her parents’ home. This would often lead to a long elaborate process of making amends and the re-establishment of new rules of engagement between the couple and by extension the two families. A man would have to make amends by ascribing to a new set of demands placed upon him by the bride’s family. These demands might involve paying the bride with a determined number of cattle, taking advanced measures to cater to her needs and demands, for example, setting new visitation rules by the wife’s mamaeisik (maternal uncles) involving regular visits to the woman’s marital home to continually check on the safety and comfort of the woman and her children. Paying the bride is an attempt at restitution to make things right. To avoid the embarrassment that would befall him should he choose to act against set normative standards and to avoid bringing shame to the name of the family and the clan the man often complies due to the pressure placed on him by his family, his clan, and his age-set.
The man would want to avoid ruining future marriage prospects for his family and his clan. The avoidance of shame to the family and the age-set, by the man, relates to shaming theories that have been put forth to explain how communities and societies handle conflict and conflict CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 258 resolution (Augsburger, 1992). Shame theories explain the effect that culture has on conflict formation, conflict escalation, conflict resolution, and conflict suppression. Cultures that shame members of their community are likely to suppress conflicts from erupting based on the cultural aspects associated with the need to belong and persistent peer pressure aimed at ensuring that individuals conform to societal expectations and mores. Individuals are more likely to suppress the need to express conflict to ensure that their place in the culture or community is not jeopardized.
The above examples point to the response mechanisms in place for handling disputes that occur withing the family. The response mechanisms show that there are identified third parties who are responsible for handling disputes between different kinds of people. When it comes to cases of mistreatment involving younger and older children, the women of the family are responsible as caregivers and nurturers. They ensure that younger children are not mistreated by older children. When it comes to disputes between a father and his male children and/or disputes between adult male children, a call is made to the neighborhood council of kirwogik
(deliberators). The deliberators help the disputants reach a solution to their disputes based on facts and the norms that are laced within the socio-relational fabric of Tugen society. Disputes between a mother and her daughters are mediated by grandaunts while disputes between sisters are mediated by paternal aunts. Marital disputes are seen as more destructive and threatening to the survival of the family. These are first handled when women approach a husband’s age-set who will admonish the offender and ask him to change his ways. If this step fails, a wife can go back to her parents’ home where a more elaborate resolution process will ensue. Resolution at this state often entails the making of amends through reparation. Additionally, a promise is made on the future steps to be taken to prevent disputes of a similar nature from occurring. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 259
Criss-crossing each other (disagreements) recorded in the community and the relevant response mechanisms
So far, I have touched on the misdeeds against one another recorded within families, that is, the discrimination of children, the mistreatment of children, disagreements between a father and his male sons, and between adult male children, disagreements between a mother her daughters, and disagreements between sisters. Now I would like to turn to disagreements (kesir- sir gei) that are recorded amongst a broader demographic, members of the community and the response mechanisms put in place to handle these disagreements. To do this, I will focus on different kinds of disputes in order to distinguish how different disagreements yield different modes of resolution.
The first kind of disagreement that expands beyond the confines of the family to involve members of the community, mostly members of other clans, are land disputes. Disputes over land occur when one is denied their right to land, mainly when a father denies his sons land and/or when a husband denies his wife/ves land. In cases where a father fails to divide land equally to his male sons, the mechanisms of resolve are similar to those already discussed, that is, the father and the aggrieved will meet with kirwogik (deliberators) who are elders selected from a pool of individuals determined to be of courage, of integrity, and wisdom. These deliberators will ensure that the principles of fairness are in place and will use the socio-cultural norms that inform inheritance laws in Tugen society, that of awarding male sons equal share in land. In some families, the eldest son gets a bigger share given his responsibility to care for his father in old age while the youngest son gets a bigger share in comparison to other sons since he is expected to care for his mother in old age. In some families, however, land is divided equally CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 260 amongst all male sons.66 If a father fails to adhere to these rules, he will be called on by the deliberators to distribute land to his male sons evenly. Land disputes between a father and his sons are thus resolved by partial and impartial mediators drawn from a pool of family elders
(who are partial) and koret (neighborhood) elders (who are impartial).
There are also recorded land disputes between a husband and his wife/ves. A man, when he chooses to marry often has a piece of land in which his new bride will reside. This piece of land is shared with the mother’s youngest son. If a man chooses to marry a second wife, it often means that a man has acquired new wealth, cattle and land, that will need supervision by someone (his new wife). Land disputes occur when the husband decides to sell one of his wives’ piece of land, thereby displacing her. A common story is told of a man who did just that. The dispute that resulted from the man’s act of selling one of his wives’ land spilt over to his sons and their families (Kap Siena and Kap Toloi) who until recently harboured negative feelings towards each other.
Kap Siena and Kap Toloi had feuded for years. Their feud dated back several generations.
The older Toloi had three wives. One of his wives belonged to the Kipkony (daughter’s name is
Teriki) clan. Toloi,67 one day, decided to sell his piece of land in Tenges.68 This is where his second wife, of the Kipkony clan, lived. Teriki, his second wife, protested his decision. She went to the older Siena (her clanmate), whose father was a popular political figure, and talked to him about her predicament. As a member of the Kipkony clan, the older Siena felt obliged to step in and speak on her behalf. He went to the older Toloi to inform him that his decision was uncalled
66 Daughters rarely get awarded land by their fathers since they are viewed as people on transit who will be married off to other families. There is an exception when a father has had only daughters who choose to remain unmarried; only then can they inherit their father’s land.
67 Toloi belongs to the Kipsiwa clan (daughters’ name is Kabon).
68 Tenges is a town in the Tugen hills. It is approximately a 2.5 hour drive from Kisanana to Tenges. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 261 for and asked him not to sell his second wife’s land. The older Toloi was not ready to take back his decision. He went ahead and sold Teriki’s piece of land in Tenges. Teriki had to relocate to
Kisanana to live close to her co-wife (Toloi’s first wife). She lost the piece of land that was supposed to belong to her and her youngest son. This dispute was not forgotten and became central in shaping the politics of Kisanana. The Tolois and the Sienas engaged in political conflicts since the Toloi-Siena initial disagreement. This dispute spilt over to the clans.
Following this dispute, the Kipsiwa and the Kipkony clans have always voted for seats in parliament along clan lines.
There came a time when Toloi’s and Siena’s grandchildren brought the families together.
They decided to get married. This was not long ago. This was in the mid 2000s. The Siena of the
Kipkony clan approached the Toloi of the Kipsiwa clan for their daughter’s hand in marriage.
During the koito (giving away of the bride ceremony) negotiations, Kap Siena decided to bring up what they perceived as an injustice brought upon one of their clanmate, Teriki the second wife of Siena. They spoke of the difficulties that the elderly woman (whose land was taken from her) faced when she had to relocate to Kisanana. They spoke of the lack of renumeration from the sale of her piece of land. To continue with the marriage negotiations, and to settle the differences created by the bride’s grandfather, they asked them to make amends to the aggrieved grandmother’s family. The bride’s family accepted the condition that the marriage would continue only if the elders of Kap Siena would meet with Teriki’s children to renumerate them the amount that was collected from the sale of Teriki’s piece of land, in Tenges, by the older
Siena. Following the koito ceremony, the elders of Kap Siena together with the representatives of
Teriki’s clansmen including those drawn from the family of Toloi approached the children of
Teriki. The elders of Kap Siena and the representatives of Teriki’s family with support from the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 262 representatives from Toloi’s family came together to negotiate an appropriate kind of renumeration. They called a surveyor to access the land and to inform them how much the piece of land would have cost in the mid 2000s. After receiving the surveyor’s report, the two sides met and discussed reparation plans. Kap Siena agreed to pay Teriki’s family (meaning a representative of her children) the amount owed in installments. They agreed that the payment would be completed in a year.
The above example shows that the land dispute that spilt over to clans was resolved using the marriage ceremony, which provided an opportunity for making amends. The condition for the marriage was for the aggressor’s family to make amends to the aggrieved party, that is her children. The dispute was negotiated by interested third parties representing both sides. The norms guiding the resolution sought was the search for truth and the quest for fairness by speaking about the challenges faced by the aggrieved party. The solution sought was one aimed at reparation and was not aimed at making a profit; that is, the solution was equivalent to what it would have cost to sell the land during the year that the dispute was resolved.
Another instance of kesir-sir gei recorded in Tugen society that spills over to clans is that involving stealing. When one individual steals from another clan and they are caught, the dispute has to be resolved and measures have to be taken to ensure that the crime is not repeated in future. As already noted, stealing from one’s clan is kigirei! (forbidden!). Punishment for stealing from one’s clan (and family) is believed to be curses that follow one’s children thus leading to the extinction of a family. It is thus up to a family to raise individuals of strong moral character, those who will not steal from others and from each other. Individuals who, in their adult life, decide to go against cultural mores and decide to steal from the family and the clan are shunned and shamed for their behavior. Those who steal from other clans, though they may hide, are CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 263 believed to be revealed in future when these clans intermarry. The revelations of theft will be seen in miscarriages, children born with deformities, children who may be afflicted by unexplainable diseases, or children who may die at young ages. When these afflictions affect a family, the family is always left with no choice than to seek answers from elders and those before them to determine if there was ever theft between the two clans (or families).
In instances where an individual is found to have stolen property, then conflict response mechanisms ensue. The conflict response mechanisms entail the call on elders, who serve as kirwogik (deliberators) to seek to get to the truth and establish reparations for the aggrieved party. One individual, a 70-80-year-old male, who had been selected as a kirwoginde
(deliberator) for a dispute involving theft recounted his experience as follows:
I was called to deliberate the theft and killing of a donkey. They had deliberated three times
and they had not reached a decision. They called me because of my experience deliberating
issues of theft and issues of burying livestock in the community. There were two men who
had been called for deliberation/arbitration. One was accusing the other of stealing and
killing his donkey out of anger. He was angry because he had lost a bet about which soccer
team was going to win and which one was going to lose. His team lost and his friend rubbed
it in his face and went around poking fun at him in front of his friends. This, apparently, went
on for days. From his anger, he went and stole his friend’s donkey. He confessed to stealing
his friend’s donkey out of his anger. He however denied killing it. Since he had not confessed
to killing it, the previous deliberators did not know what kind of resolution was befitting. I
arrived and asked, ‘has he confessed to stealing the donkey?’ ‘Yes,’ they said. ‘Was the
donkey killed in his possession?’ I asked. They again answered ‘yes.’ And that was the end of
it. I told them that a quick resolution was the payment back of the donkey and nothing more. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 264
Whether he killed the donkey or not was irrelevant, the fact of the matter was, he had stolen
the donkey. ‘He must therefore give back the stolen donkey, and since he could give it back
the stolen donkey, he has to give money equivalent to the market value of the donkey’ I said.
And that was the end of the case.
From the above case, the deliberator was an expert in the area of resolving disputes associated with stealing and burying livestock. The deliberator was also interested in uncovering the truth regarding the specifics of the case. It, also, is apparent that the deliberator did not focus much on the root source of the dispute – the taunting of the individual who decided to steal the horse out of anger. Lastly, the deliberator concluded that renumeration be made to the aggrieved party for exactly what he had lost, the price of one donkey, and nothing more.
The above case speaks to an individual who confesses his crime of stealing. There are instances where the accused fails to confess his/her crime. In such instances, the Tugen do not bother themselves much with digging deeper or investigating further in order to get to accused to confess. If there is no evidence and if the accused does not confess, the Tugen simply say,
“haithuru (it does not matter)” and “sigonai tai (the future shall know)” knowing quite well that the sinner will be caught mainly through his children as curses that follow his sins.
To conclude this section, I would like to touch on how families handle individuals known to sir-sir, cross others by stealing and/or burying livestock from the community. In instances of serial thieves, maybe of cows, the family is often warned and asked to address the situation lest the family be locked out of future marriage prospects in the community since they will be known as a 20-30-year-old study participant noted, a “family that harbors thieves.” There are cases of families, therefore, disciplining the accused by caning and whipping to prevent serial stealing. If the individual continues in his ways, some families have resorted to more final measures, such as CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 265 killing the serial perpetrator to stop what is experienced by the family as a menace. The act of killing is however forbidden in Tugen culture and is known to result in curses that follows the perpetrators of the act of killing. A 50-60-year-old male interviewee told of the Kap Teber story who had a son known for his thievery.
Kap Teber had a child who stole people’s livestock and sold them every now and then. He
was well known in the village as a thief. His family was asked by the community to do
something about their son since he was becoming a problem in the community. The
family talked to him and the son did not heed their advice. He continued to steal
livestock, he sold them, and used the money for alcohol. One day, his brothers had had
enough of him bringing shame to the family. They chased him and when they caught him,
they beat him severely. He managed to escape and ran and climbed a tree. Once he got on
top of the tree, he asked for forgiveness but his brothers did not listen. The brothers
climbed up the tree, brought him down and beat him to death. While he was dying, he
uttered the following words: ‘kaocham awo kuunie, ogany, amok atkaamuneng’wok
kelyek’ [‘you have accepted that this is how I will go, just wait, I will eat you all the way
to your legs.’] From then on, this family has had problems with their legs that always lead
to their demise. Their first-born brother fell, he had knee pain after that, and shortly after
his health deteriorated. Another brother had a problem with his hip, he fell ill after that,
and he eventually died. Now, we heard that another brother of theirs has arthritis affecting
movement in his legs. We have heard the family saying that it is time for them to sagan
ng’alek (fix things) associated with the curse that is following the brothers of that family.
From the above example, each family is expected to ensure that its family members lead lives that are free from the controversies of stealing and/or burying livestock. Families that take final CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 266 measures, such as killing, into their own hands are often followed by curses that afflict the ones who inflict punishment on the wrongdoers. This is still related to the concept of curses related to the spilling of another person’s blood. To stop these curses from following the perpetrators, they have to engage in ceremonies of making amends.
To conclude, for criss-crossing (disagreements) – that occur in the community involving members of different families and clans – there are clear mechanisms for resolving them based on the kind of dispute. For land disputes involving a father and his sons, third party deliberators are called on to settle the matter. Land disputes involving a man and his wife are negotiated by members of representative clans. If no solution is found, future marriages serve as avenues through which justice can be restored where reparations are made to the aggrieved party as a condition for uniting a new couple in marriage. When there are accusations of stealing, getting to the truth matters for the deliberators who make a decision to restore justice by having the accused pay back stolen property. If the accused fails to confess their crime, the Tugen simply decide to leave it to fate as they believe that in future, said crimes will be revealed as curses that afflict the children of the guilty party. Lastly, if in a family there is an individual that is known for their thievery, the family often takes measures to prevent the individual from committing these crimes. Some families may take the measures too far by killing their family member. If the family kills one of its own, the effects are often felt by those who perpetrated the act of killing since the Tugen believe that the blood shed will haunt those responsible for another person’s death.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 267
Mediation in the home, arbitration and deliberations outside the home, and negotiations between families and clans
Tugen third-party intervention processes can be classified into four main categories: mediation, arbitration, deliberation, and negotiation. The type of third-party intervention process depends on (i) where the dispute occurs, inside the domestic space, or outside the domestic space, and (ii) who the disputants are. As already noted, spaces in Tugen society are demarcated to include orit (the inside/domestic space) and sang (the outside/public space). Women generally occupy the inside space and men occupy the outside space. It is, for instance, rare to see a man spending his time inside the home during the day. Men in this Tugen society often spend their time outside the home, either at work, or out herding livestock, or out in bars and tea cafes. Men come home for lunch and often leave the home immediately, only to return in the evening for supper and to sleep. When they come home for lunch, men enjoy their meals outside their houses as houses are known to be spaces controlled by women, with the exception of unmarried men’s sleeping quarters.
In the same token, as the spaces are demarcated for men and women, so are third-party intervention processes. Conflicts occurring within the confines of the home, that is in domestic spaces, often occur between children, between sisters, and between a mother and her daughter(s).
Since these conflicts occur in orit (the inside/domestic space), they are mediated by women in the family. The processes that take place to resolve disputes in the home can be categorized as mediation since they involve a third-party calling caucuses with disputants with the aim of understanding the conflict and the aim of resolving the dispute in order to maintain the relationships between parties. The mediators help the disputants with recognizing the problem CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 268 causing the dispute with the aim of solving the problem so that disputants can go back to the way things were in the relationship before the dispute occurred.
Disputes occurring in sang (the outside/public space) occur between adult male siblings, a father and his son(s), and other male relatives. It is important to note here that male relatives who engage in disputes are relegated to the public space since men of the family occupy outside spaces. It thus makes sense that the conflict resolution processes directed towards men are designed to occur outside the home. The dispute resolution processes put in place to address conflicts occurring between adult male siblings, a man and his son(s), and other male relatives can be categorized as arbitration. These often involve calling on neighbourhood kirwogik
(arbitrators) comprising of elders drawn from the family, from the clan, and from the neighbourhood. The kirwuogik (arbitrators) are often selected based on certain characteristics they are known to possess – wisdom, integrity, and braveness. The process of arbitration entails calling on the parties to a conflict and listening to both sides. It also entails questioning disputants on the contents of their dispute with the aim of getting all the facts that are pertinent to the dispute and to the relationship between the disputants. The aim of the arbitration process, much like the mediation process that occurs in inside/domestic spaces, is to restore balance, that is restore things to the way they were before the dispute occurred. Kirwuogik (arbitrators) to restore balance and to restore relationships often suggest ways to end the dispute either by ensuring that amends are made by the offender to the victim or by suggesting amending the nature of the social relationship shared by the disputants in order to secure a relationship based on equity and respect.
Additionally, the Tugen rely on barazas (deliberation councils) where matters of communal concern are debated and resolutions on matters affecting the community are discussed CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 269 to find solutions. These also occur in sang (outside spaces) since men are the ones called on to facilitate these barazas. Barazas have been used in the past to select individuals who would be in charge on the communal plunge dip treatment, to select the chief who will work on behalf of the community, to select representaitves to serve in various boards such as the consitutuency development fund board, schools boards, and the hospital board. Barazas have also been used to resolve disputes occurring between age-sets. Barazas are similar to problem solving workshops where the facilitators aim to lead the parties to a conflict through a process of brainstorming solutions with the aim of empowering parties to reach solutions and to make decisions regarding the matters of concern. Facilitators chosen for barazas in Tugen society are mostly elders who espose the characteristics of wisdom, integrity, and braveness. Women do not attend these barazas; they are purely a men’s affair. The barazas occur in public spaces, mainly with participants sitting in a circle, under a tree. Participants are often free to add their voice to the brainstorming of solutions with a speaking participant, while standing up, holds a stick and swings it back and forth to highlight the points he is making. After much deliberation, discussion, and debate, the participants often come to a conclusion, with the help of the facilitators.
Negotiation occurs in Tugen society between two families and two clans and often involve disputes between married couples. Whenever there is a dispute in the home with the woman as the victim, the woman will first seek refuge in her in-laws’ homes. The woman’s mother-in-law or sisters-in-law are expected to provide shelter to her until her husband promises to change his ways. Usually, the processes of pressuring the man to change his ways include gossip and shaming. When a woman leaves her matrimonial home, the women in the family will engage in gossip and will often paint the victim’s husband in negative light with the hope that word will get to the man’s age-set mates who are expected to then pressure the man through CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 270 shaming to change his ways. The age-set is often invested in the outcome of the age-set mates’ marriages since successful marriages increases the age-set’s status and prestige in the community and in neighbouring communities. Prestige and status are important since it can be used by the age-set mates to secure more wives from neighbouring regions. If a man is thus accused of mistreating his wife and/or if a wife leaves her matrimonial home for any reason, the man will be blamed. The man’s age-set mates will then shame the husband and pressure him to make things right with his wife lest he portrays the age-set in bad light. The pressure from the age-set often prompts the man to make promises of change to his wife. If convinced, his wife will be informed through her sister-in-law (who will have been informed by her husband) that her husband wants her back home. If she returns home, the negotiation ends with a positive outcome.
There are instances when a man promises his wife to change but fails to make promised changes. The wife may, then, go back to her paternal home where negotiations will move to two families and by extension their clans. The negotiations are often conducted between representatives chosen by both families. During these negotiations, the wife’s family has more power since it is generally perceived that the husband is in the wrong. To facilitate negotiations, the husband’s family prepares anointing oil that is used to bless the negotiation talks. On the other hand, the wife’s family prepares mursik (traditional yoghurt) that the families will partake to seal the agreement reached by both families. The negotiations often entail discussion on amends to be made by the husband’s family and promises on what will be done in future to prevent similar disputes from occurring. Once agreements have been made, a reanointing ceremony of the marriage occurs where the hand of the woman is oiled and placed in the hand of the husband. After the reanointing of the marriage, the man and wife, and those present for the negotiation share mursik from the same gourd to seal the agreement reached. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 271
It is important to note that Tugen third-party intervention processes are facilitated by non- neutral parties that is, interested third parties who have considerable knowledge about the disputants. Since the aim of third-party intervention processes is to restore balance, to restore relationships, and to make things right (kesagan ng’alek) interested third parties go into the dispute knowing what is at stake. This case (of using interested third parties) is different than third-party intervention processes which are built on the principle of neutrality.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 272
Chapter Seven: The Tugen Family, Social Cohesion, and Ceremonies of Social Inclusion
In this chapter, I seek to answer the third research question: how the fulfilment of human needs contributes to the securing of peace in Tugen society. I intend to show how the group is able to maintain peace amongst its members in day-to-day life. While I wrote about Tugen clans and age-sets in chapter five, I left out another important component of social culture, Tugen families. In this chapter, I introduce the Tugen family. In focusing on the Tugen family, I intend to show how the group is able to maintain sustained peace amongst members through the family which works to assure the fulfillment of family members’ basic physiological needs and the needs for bonding and autonomy. In fulfilling these needs, the family functions as a tool that ensures sustained peace as individuals in the group remain content in their quest for meaning, actuated within the group as they are made to belong. On cultural imperatives (necessities) that are needed to be in place for the fulfilment of human needs, the family, at the nuclear and the extended level, works as a cohesive unit with members traversing different domains to fulfill their status roles. Specifically, the family provides the social organizational context within which agreed upon cultural norms and values inform individual and group action and relational behavior as members use and distribute material resources for survival.
The agreed upon norms and values speak to the social cohesion already present in Tugen units. In the family context, parents and other immediate members of the family (for example aunts) look after dependent young ones in ensuring that their physiological needs are met.
Additionally, through the division of tasks founded on the family’s worldview and belief system, other family age and gender teams participate in economic activities where material resources are culturally transformed for the use and benefit of the family. The division of tasks and the agreed upon rules regarding roles and responsibilities helps reduce role strains that might be CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 273 apparent in a system that is not consistent in its mandate to ensure that tasks are divided in a cohesive manner. Ultimately, the group is able to sustain peace through the family which works to ensure that group member needs are met. In addition to (i) the fulfillment of members’ needs the second way in which peace is maintained among members of the group is through festivals and tumwek (ceremonies). Through Tugen ceremonies such as marriage and those of thanksgiving, members of the group are able to validate each other and show appreciation to key individual members who share reciprocal and respectful relationships and who are defined as those with whom there are obligated duties for care.
The Character of the Tugen Family
The Tugen nuclear family in its basic form consists of a man, his wife/wives, and their children. The second tier of relations surrounding the nuclear family is the extended family consisting of aunts and uncles, nieces and nephews, cousins and their nuclear families. In the first and second tier of relations are individuals from different clans brought together through the institution of marriage. The clans then provide supportive linkages across families and clans in the region, and by extension other regions of the country.
Tugen families are patriarchal in nature meaning that everyone associated with a particular family is known by the name of the patriarch of the family. For example, Kibet69, one of the study participants, a 60-70-year-old male, is the patriarch of his family. He has two wives, six children, and four grandchildren. Kibet’s residence is referred to as Kap Kibet which means, the house of Kibet. His children are referred to as laag ap Kap Kibet (children of the house of
Kibet), his daughters are referred to as tiphik ap kap Kibet (daughters of the house of Kibet), and his sons are referred to as werik ap Kap Kibet (sons of the house of Kibet). Kibet’s first wife’s
69 This is a pseudonym. All other names used in the dissertation are also pseudonyms. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 274 name is Kabon and his second wife’s name is Kimoi. Kabon’s homestead is referred to as Kop
Kabon nibo Kap Kibet (home of Kabon of the house of Kibet) and Kop Kimoi nibo Kap Kibet
(home of Kimoi of the house of Kibet). Kibet’s married sons are also referred to by their father’s name. Kibet’s first son is Changwony. In referring to Changwony’s family, home, and residence one might say that one is going to ‘kap Changwony werit ap Kibet (house of Changwony, son of
Kibet).
While patriarchal families are the norm, they are not the only family unit represented in
Tugen society; there are very few families who identify with their matriarch. There are few matriarchal families due to the rare conditions that need to be in place for women to assume the roles of the head of a household. Some of the conditions that would have to be in place to have a matriarch as the head of a household include her inherited wealth, from her father, combined with the inability to bear children and/or her wealth and her decision to stay unmarried. In these cases, the wealthy woman would enter into what is known as a woman to woman marriage. A
50-60-year-old female informant recounted one instance of woman to woman marriage as follows:
There is kogoe (the granny) of the house of Naguretei who took a bride to her home so
that the bride can bear children for her. The granny of the house of Naguretei had a lot of
money. She was an only heir; her father left her all his wealth. She decided not to get
married to a man because she did not want to leave her father’s property behind as she
would have had to move away from her father’s home into her husband’s home. She
therefore decided to take on a bride to keep her father’s wealth under her father’s name.
These marriages are accepted, in the Tugen society, as a way for an unmarried woman to preserve her family name for another generation if she has made the decision not to marry, and if CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 275 she has no male siblings to carry on the family name. What happens in these cases is that a woman of middle age marries a younger woman of child-bearing years. The younger woman then finds a man to have children with. Even though the children and her household will be referred to by the matriarch’s name, it is important to remember that the matriarch is known in reference to her own father. These trends of woman to woman marriage have been observed in other communities, particularly in sub-Sahara Africa, and are operationalized as institutions
“whereby a woman marries another woman and assumes control over her and her offspring”
(Cadigan, 1998, p.89).
Widows are also known to be running matriarchal families. With the death of their husbands, widows may continue to have children with other men and these children are known by the widow’s husband’s family name. This is common in the society and accepted as a way for the woman to continue the traditions of her husband’s family and is never seen as either abnormal or unacceptable. A 60-70-year-old male interviewee observed that
once a woman is married, she will always be a wife of that household. The Tugen do not
believe in divorce or remarriage. Once married, that is it. Even if one’s husband dies, the
woman can continue to have children, but she will always remain the wife of her first
husband and all her children will always be the children of her first husband.
These women then form matriarchal families but the names she and her children go by are still their husband’s thus allowing that family name to be carried on for future generations.
Another character of the Tugen family is one that has to do with locality; the Tugen family is patrilocal, that is a man will occupy the same land as his sons and his son’s families.
Upon marriage, a woman will move into her husband’s family’s farm (home of husband’s parents) to be in close proximity to her husband, her in-laws, and ultimately her children. Cases CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 276 of polygamy differ in that wives do not necessarily have to move into the same homestead as that of her in-laws, especially true for second, third, fourth, etc. wives. A 50-60-year-old male observed that
a man’s wealth determines how many wives he will have. Once a man acquires more
cattle and more land, he often marries another wife who will take care of his new cattle
and new land. This new land is always far away from him ancestral land. This is to
prevent friction between his wives.
With polygamous families, thus, husbands build separate homes mostly in another location for their younger wife/wives.
There is another type of family unit among the Tugen, that of single mothers. This is not a rare phenomenon as there are a number of women of the Kaplelach and Kipnyigeu counterpart age-sets who have raised their children as single mothers, albeit sometimes with the help of family members. Perhaps it is important to note that both men and women have had children out of wedlock in equal measure. In some cases, the fathers take full responsibility for the child. To care for their children, fathers are expected to have already married; children are logically thus to be entrusted to their father and their stepmother. Some families however do not entrust the care of the child with the father and stepmother. Instead, the child is raised by either its paternal or maternal grandparents. There are also instances of children remaining with their single mothers.
Some single mothers suffer economic troubles as they remain unmarried70 and uneducated71.
These women depend on the generosity of family members and friends and other voluntary
70 It is important to note that marriage here is used in terms of its traditional approach to assure financial security. With changes in society, there are multiple ways – paved way by education – one could secure their financial security.
71 These women often forgo going to school in order for them to take care of their children. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 277 association groups to ensure the physiological survival of their brood. A 40-50-year-old unemployed single mother narrated her story as follows:
I am a single mother of five. Two of my children are in secondary school and three are in
primary school. I am not rich, but I have never lacked. My children have never missed
school because of a lack of tuition fees. When one child is about to go to secondary
school, I approach my relatives and they come together to raise funds for me. When the
money runs out, I approach them again and they never hesitate to help. I also engage in
small scale farming for consumption. I plant maize for maize meal. I also plant beans,
isochik and isagek (traditional green vegetables). I also have two dairy cows for milk. We
always have plenty to eat. I have a small piece of land that I rent out to some farmers in
the area who engage in crop production. The money from renting the farm, I use for my
chama (women’s group). I am able to save money from the chama. I intend to take a loan
from the chama to buy another piece of land that I will rent out to farmers.
In sum, single mothers are able to secure the needs of their children by engaging in various activities including participating in chama, renting out pieces of land, and engaging in farming for family consumption.
The Family and the Fulfillment of Basic Needs
Within the family are stratified teams based on age and gender that are tasked with the overall responsibilities of ensuring that the family’s basic needs for food and thermal comfort are met. It is within the family context that material culture, including the use of fire, the use of water, clothing, beddings, rooms, and buildings, are built and used, and taught to family members in their gender and age-strata teams. The needs for safety, movement, growth and hygiene are also met within the context of the family. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 278
The needs for bonding and autonomy are also fulfilled within the family as the family affords members avenues towards feelings of belongingness while allowing members the freedom to act as autonomous agents. The processes of teaching about domestic roles in relation to the fulfillment of family needs basic and safety needs are taught to individuals through age and gender teams mostly through the processes of observing by younger children, and through practice in action by older children. Conclusively, the family fulfills an important integrative and educative function as it is tasked with the caring for young members of society and providing context for cultural education and learning. I found that there is variation from family to family regarding the distribution of tasks associated with the fulfillment of family basic needs.
Here is an excerpt from my field notes regarding daily life and home affairs management in a young nuclear family residing in Kisanana centre that showcases how the family functions to meet group basic needs. The family is headed by Ezra, a 30-40-year-old male.
In Kap Ezra, we watched the evening English news from 9 pm to 10 pm every night before retiring to bed. On a Saturday morning, their nine-year old son woke up early, at around 7 am, to catch birds as a hobby that he had perfected. His mother would have been up earlier to wash the utensils from the night before and to prepare breakfast in the kitchen. In the cool morning, I always preferred to sit in the kitchen next to the warm fireplace to chat with Jane as she prepared breakfast for the family. This particular morning, she was making pancakes because as shopkeepers, they had sold out all the bread from the previous day. By around 8 am, breakfast was served. With the sun out, rising and warm, we sat on the verandah facing east to have breakfast. As was the case every morning, Jane’s brother who lived in their ancestral farm in close proximity to his parents, joined us for breakfast. Jane’s brother is a transporter who owns a motorbike that he uses to ferry customers from place to place. Jane’s brother, John, joined us for CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 279 breakfast every morning before he embarked on his business. John, every morning, also brought five litres of milk from their parents’ home up in their ancestral farm where they kept livestock.
To cater for her grandchildren, Jane’s and John’s mother sent milk to Jane’s house for sustenance.
Breakfast conversations always revolved around livestock up in the hill and also revolved around what the plans for the day were for each member. This particular morning John lamented that he had to cancel a motorbike ride appointment because he had to go back to their parents’ farm (about ten minutes ride away on a motorbike) to drive the livestock to the cattle dip since the herder who had been hired by the family had taken an unexpected leave. Jane requested John to pass by their family shop, about a ten-minute walk away, in Kisanana centre to bring breakfast to her husband Ezra who had gone to open the shop at around 7 am. The family ensured that the shop was opened early since one of their primary suppliers arrived from Nakuru town sometime between 7:30 am to 8:00 am every morning.
Jane is a teacher at a local school who works every weekday to return home sometime at around 4 pm. Jane’s sister, Judy, lives in Kap Ezra and is the one who is in charge of the family business during the week. Judy is also the primary caregiver for Jane’s three-year-old daughter.
She babysits her during the week when no one is home while at the same time running the family business. Judy receives a monthly stipend derived from the family business for services rendered, first as a shopkeeper, and second as a primary caregiver for the family’s youngest child. During the week, Judy brings the young child to the shop which is equipped with a small kitchen area where Judy prepares food for herself and the child. The shop is also equipped with a small back room with a cot on which the young child takes naps. Judy helps with the household tasks on the weekend as Ezra who also maintains formal employment in the area takes over the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 280 family shop business on Saturday. It is on Saturday that Ezra takes the time to do business inventory accounting for goods sold and goods needed in the store for the coming week upon which he will inform his suppliers about the kind of and how much inventory he needs for the week.
By around 10 am, household cleaning chores are in full gear with Jane and Judy helping each other clean the house, do tlaundry and arrange clothes and items in preparation for the week ahead. Jade, Jane’s eldest child, by 10 am is out playing with his friends. This particular morning, he had trapped two birds using his invented trap method involving a basin, a rope, a stick, and food grain. He was showing off his birds to his friends who had been unlucky in their attempts to trap birds. Shortly after Jade had kept his birds in a cage, he took his bicycle and rode it to family shop where he would spend time with his father. Jade and his father are quite close.
They spend most times together during the weekends. His father dearly refers to Jade as baba, meaning father. He also serves as a little helper in the shop sometime in grabbing the items needed by a shopper or in counting money to be given as change to a customer. Jade is his father’s little helper when they are at the shop.
In the afternoons, after lunch, Ezra takes a break from the shop and so does Jade when
Jane and her sister Judy take over the business for a few hours. Ezra in the afternoons takes the time to visit with his peers to discuss business projects and other ideas including Kenyan politics in Kisanana centre. With his father out talking politics with his friends, Jade engages his own friends as they take turns riding his bicycle or playing a sport like soccer. In the centre where the family owns a business are other young families with young children the age-mates of Jade. The children gather and play together in their open spaces with little supervision and/or interference from parents. From afar the parents are secure in knowing where their children are. The children CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 281 however do not go so far away in case they are called upon to run an errand. Jade, with his bike, is often called upon by his father, mother, and/or aunt to run an errand for example going back to the house to collect an item that is needed at the shop.
In analysing the above text, the collaboration and cohesive functioning of the family involving different family members including uncles, aunts, and grandparents helping out the nuclear family in the fulfillment of basic sustenance needs is apparent. Family members also step in to take on highly prioritized sustenance activities (as is the case with driving the livestock to cattle dips) should one person tasked with a responsibility fail to appear for the task. We also see the needs for bonding fulfilled within the family unit where parents take time to engage with their children in endearing manners by involving them in the tasks they themselves are engaged in. In involving their children, they are not only providing room for bonding but also for learning. As with the case of Kap Ezra, we see their son engaged in the family business learning the basic forms of shop keeping by working with his father. We see children, also, in their outside play spaces, are bonding within autonomous spaces with their peers as they engage in play activities as in trapping birds, playing soccer, and taking turns riding bicycles. This autonomy is continually nurtured as parents, guardians, and adults stay away from the spaces that children occupy and only call upon the children to leave these spaces to re-enter those occupied by adults when asked to run errands.
The example provided above touches on the duties for care in regard to a young family.
For families residing in ancestral farms, away from the centre, which are headed by older adults
(for example grandparents) the duties for care in terms of fulfilling basic needs extend towards older children who in adulthood are expected to care for their parents. One practice of the Tugen that determines the responsibilities of adults towards their parents is in the naming of adults by CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 282 order of their birth and expecting the named individuals to fulfill their duties for care to their parents. First born sons are named after their fathers while last born sons are named after their mothers. Let us take an example of Kibwalei, a 60-70-year-old male, who is married to Targok.
Kibwalei’s first born son is named Arap Kibwalei, son of Kibwalei. His last son is named after his mother as Arap Targok, that is son of Targok. The naming of first born and last-born sons after their parents comes with the expectation that those named will understand their roles in leading the way when it comes to caring for the parents. One will thus see the first-born son residing in close proximity to his father and the last born son residing in close proximity to his mother. As widows, women in particular are cared for by their last born sons as the duties of care are internalized from childhood in the naming of the child as Arap Kogo, that is the son of granny (here I am referring to an older woman who is also a grandmother). The naming of children speaks to how responsibilities are divided within the family. The middle sons are not named after their fathers or mothers, rather they are named after the bulls the family owns. In
Tugen language, eito refers to a bull while ei (plural) refers to bulls. A middle son may be named as Arusei which means a grey bull, or Kibinei which means a bull with white patches. This implies that the middle sons will be given the responsibility of caring for family livestock that are named after them. Additionally, the middle children are called on by the eldest and youngest sons to help with the duties of caring for their parents. They are called on when there is need, for example, for raising hospital bills, for raising money to feed the parents, and so on.
Now I would like to get into the life of a kogo (granny) who is autonomous in making decisions regarding the affairs of her home yet is well catered for by her adult children. Below is an excerpt from my field notes about Kogo of Kap Joshua, a 70-80-year-old grandmother. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 283
Kogo (granny) of Kap Joshua is able to effectively manage and delegate livestock duties courtesy of the support she receives from her children. Some of Kogo of Kap Joshua’s daughters are married and run successful family businesses. Her unmarried daughters are employed in different parts of the country. Her sons live in Kisanana, in close proximity to Kogo. Although not as well off as some families who are able to employ many workers to take care of their mother, Kogop (granny of) Joshua is well taken care of and lives an autonomous life. Her youngest son’s daughter (this makes sense given the duty for care expected of youngest sons to their mothers) lives with Kogo. She goes to school, but she helps Kogo with household chores such as cleaning utensils, cleaning the house, and once in a while with food preparation tasks.
Kogo (granny) at all times prepares her meals; her granddaughter often helps with preparing food ingredients, then Kogo cooks. After milking their own homestead cows, Kogo’s daughters-in-law go to Kogo’s home to help milk cows, separate calves from their mothers, and let the cows out of the cow-shed for grazing. These duties are important for securing family livelihood. Milk is an important ingredient in the food that the Tugen family consumes with milk products being consumed in the morning for breakfast, at lunchtime, and at dinner time.
During school season, Kogo has someone hired by her daughters to herd her livestock.
During school holidays, her other grandchildren come to visit and help around the homestead and also with herding the livestock while the hired herder takes a short leave. Kogo meticulously supervises all these affairs. Kogo always gives her grandchildren, and the herder when he is not on leave, very detailed instructions about cow grazing. She always gives, almost similar, detailed instructions to those assigned herding duties. She gave the following instructions to the girls one morning: CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 284
Count the cows and get ready. They should be 13. Do not leave yet; it seems the cows
still want to graze in the compound. Let them go east for a little bit and then bring them
back west to the back gate. Walk them by the side, close to our fence. Take them slowly
till you get to the water dam. Let them drink water; wait for about 20 minutes then move
them slowly further east down the hill. Make sure you go down our farm; don’t let the
cows come close to Kap Michael’s farm. Go around the hill then come up – west – the
hill. Let the cows come slowly till you get to Kap Kibet’s barn. Let them graze there for a
while. Go to Kibet’s Kogo. Give her this scarf (she handed one of the girls a scarf). She
will use the scarf to wrap something for me (I later learned that this was cash payment for
surplus milk that she supplied to her neighbour, Kibet’s gogo, every morning). She will
wrap it by the edge of the scarf. Do not unwrap it once she gives it back to you. Tie the
scarf round your neck. Give it one knot. And another knot till it makes the sound khoor.
And then you leave Kap Kibet and come back home to arrive here at 11 am.
The instructions Kogo gives to her grandchildren are verbal. These forms of instructions are common with grandmothers who are in charge of the affairs of their homes. It is a way of ensuring that elderly women are autonomous in the decisions impacting their homesteads.
Like Kogop Joshua, most widows of the Korongoro (initiated into adulthood between
1953 to 1966) age-set still have some if not all of their male sons and their families residing at their ancestral home. The mothers, however, remain household heads making decisions about the management of the affairs of their home. Kogop Joshua for example, is the sole decision maker when it comes to milk production and management in her home; she always decides how much milk to set aside for her household and how much surplus milk to package for sale. Widows of the Sowe (initiated in 1941 to 1952 and aged between 80 to 90 years) age-set will often have CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 285 relegated these duties to their children. At this age, they no longer make decisions about livestock and/or surplus milk. Often their children make these decisions for her. At this age, they are considered retired and they often sit in their residence listening to the radio and entertaining visitors. Their grandchildren always bring them food, prepared by their daughters-in-law.
As her (Kogo of Kap Joshua) basic physiological needs and the needs for autonomy are fulfilled within her home setting so are her needs for bonding and belonginess. As I have already noted, Kogo of Kap Joshua lives with her granddaughter. Her granddaughter’s parents live in close proximity, about a ten- minute walk away, to Kogo yet her granddaughter resides with
Kogo to ensure that Kogo’s needs for belonging are fulfilled and as a 20-30-year-old female study participant noted, “to prevent loneliness.” Additionally, Kogo, during the day, always has a stream of visitors coming to visit with her. These visitors are often times family members, including her sons and her daughters-in-law, and other relatives including her brothers, sisters-in- law, and her neighbours. As such Kogo always has tea brewing for her visitors who spend time ranging from 30 minutes to two hours. Her visitors are often passing by going about their business but as is tradition in Kisanana, if one passes by a tilia’s or konyiten’s home, they must stop by for a quick hello and to check on one another. These quick hellos are often characterized by conversations about the welfare of livestock, children, and other relatives, the goings on in the village, and Kenyan politics. At the end of a day, it is normal that Kogo will have entertained at least 10 visitors. Additionally, as her children go about their livelihood duties such as herding livestock, her grandchildren will be found in granny’s home playing. Her younger grandchildren ranging in age from four to around seven years old enjoy visiting with granny as they are often fascinated by visitors and the stories shared by adults. In most cases children will play in their created spaces close in proximity to that of adults while they (adults) engage in their CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 286 conversations with older ones charged with looking after the youngest ones. Children learn a lot about their sets of reciprocal and respectful tilia (relations) as they visit at granny’s who is always entertaining these categories of people.
In arriving at the conclusion that the Tugen are a peaceful culture, I looked at the fulfillment of human needs made possible by the cultural arrangements that provide the environment for these needs to be met. Malinowski (1960) in his functional theory identified two types of needs; human needs and culturally derived needs. He also categorized culturally derived needs as instrumental imperatives, that is the cultural arrangements that need to be in place in society in order for that society to secure the needs of its members (Malinowski, 1960).
Malinowski (1960) identified the human needs for metabolism, reproduction, bodily comforts, safety, movement, growth, and health. He, also, identified instrumental imperatives as economics, social control (the normative sphere), education, and political organization
(Malinowski, 1960). As an example, the interplay between human needs and cultural derived needs occurs as follows: in order to secure the fulfillment of the basic need for metabolism
(within which falls the need for food) there have to be economic arrangements found within the culture, where teams of individuals work together with a set of codified agreements on who needs to do what (for example in cultivation activities, food handling, and preparation), where, and at what time.
From the excerpts described above, we see the instrumental imperatives in play in order to secure the fulfillment of group members’ basic needs. These instrumental imperatives can be equated to Max-Neef’s (1991) satisfiers, that is the ways in which basic needs are met. From the examples provided, we see the synergistic working of group members (under codified agreements) to ensure that the basic needs of family members are fulfilled. Each individual is CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 287 aware of their roles in ensuring the fulfillment of these needs. We also see the efforts put in by family members and communal members in the fulfillment of the needs for belonging and autonomy. While individuals are supported in their personal affairs, they are also allowed the autonomy to make decisions about those affairs. Children are also given space to be themselves and to be autonomous in the play spaces that they enter with their peers. Additionally, as Max-
Neef (1991) notes, there are single satisfiers and those satisfiers that meet more than one need.
As an example, the act of the father who is working with his son in the shop is fulfilling the needs for belonging and the economic needs of the family.
Tumwek, Festivities as Avenues for Social Inclusion and for Sustaining Peace
The Tugen love their festivities and tumwek (ceremonies). The Tugen will gather frequently for tumwek (ceremonies) to celebrate marriage, childhood-to-adulthood rites of passage, graduations, and to celebrate each other. The festivities and ceremonies performed by the Tugen form the core of the glue that holds Tugen society together. The principles of tiliandi
(reciprocal relationships) and konyiten (respect) are reasserted through these ceremonies across generations. In this section, I am seeking to provide a comparative analysis of an earlier Tugen ceremony of marriage with current Tugen festivities using the example of the marriage ceremony and the thanksgiving ceremony. I use marriage and the thanksgiving ceremony, a festival that has recently been introduced into Tugen ceremonies, to showcase newer forms of ceremonies. In these descriptions, I intend to show that the Tugen gladly welcome change so long as these changes (i) do not insult tilia and konyiten relations, that is, they do not ignore key aspects of relationally tied personnel and (ii) do not dismantle the practices that are deemed necessary for cultural survival. In these descriptions, I continue to answer the question of how the Tugen CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 288 maintain sustained peace amongst its members, that is, through Tugen festivities that reassert
Tugen principles of tiliandi, reciprocal relations and konyiten, respectfulness.
The key personnel involved in tumwek celebrations are drawn from key tilia (relations) with whom participants share respectful relational ties. The key personnel who in their daily lives traverse different spheres in fulfilling individual member physiological and safety needs and eventually serving to ensure group cultural survival in their roles are the most important set of relations in tumwek. The key hosts of tumwek, whether families during ceremonies of marriage and/or clans during rites of passage, aim to please key relations by ensuring that key relational ties remain involved and partake in the festivities as a show of gratitude for the roles they play in daily life. The festivities, thus, serve as a reminder of the value and importance of each key relation in the fulfillment of individual group member’s needs and in the survival of the culture as a whole. Boulding (2000) captures the importance of recognizing key personnel as falling under the category of the need for social bonding and nurturance. Clark (2002) holds the same idea in noting that bonding is a basic need for human cultures to thrive. The processes of bonding are apparent in Tugen tumwek (ceremonies) through introductions, food sharing, song and dance, mock activities, and most importantly, gift sharing.
Marriage (Koito)
The koito ceremony is often preceded by the show-up luncheon. The show-up luncheon is initiated by the couple. Let us take the example of Jeptoo, a 20-30-year-old female, who has met the one she wishes to marry. In agreement with her partner, the bride informs her parents, through her mother that she wishes to bring home some guests. This simple phrase, amoche amutu toek gaa sotuye translated to mean “I would like to bring some guests home so that you can meet” is never misinterpreted. The initiative taken by the bride-to-be to inform her family is CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 289 taken to mean that the bride-to-be has met someone she wants to marry. In today’s Tugen society, the bride does not pay much attention to the details of her spouse’s clan. A 20-30-year- old female informant noted: “what mattered to me was love. When I had found the one I loved, I brought him, and I let my family do the rest.” Another interviewee, a 60-70-year-old female observed that
children these days do not vet the families of their mates. They just bring someone and
say ‘I have loved this one.’ Sometimes they do not even know what clan their mate
belongs to. This often brings problems. I remember one time a child of this family told us
he had met his choice. Before we went to kepartagei (for the show-up luncheon) we did
some investigations on the family from which his friend came from. We found out that
we were related, we shared a totem. So, we had to stop the proceedings. We told our son
that he could not be with his friend because they were related. There is nothing he could
do. They had to end their friendship.
In sum, in Tugen proper, the bride in consult with her family checked the history of her future mate’s clan and family. In current Tugen society, there is concern that the mates do not concern themselves with learning about the histories of each other’s family and/or clan.
The show-up luncheon is typically hosted by the bride’s family in correspondence with the groom’s family. In preparation for the luncheon the bride’s family provides the groom’s family with a list of relations invited to the ceremony. The list of relations often includes; the couple, the couple’s two closest friends, the groom’s parents, the groom’s maternal and paternal grandparents, the groom’s eldest paternal and maternal uncles, the groom’s eldest paternal and maternal aunts, the grooms’ family’s neighbours (preferably a couple). In all, there is an CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 290 expectation of equal representation of list of relations on both sides during the show up ceremony.
Perhaps it is important to mention here that the koito and the show-up ceremonies are often preceded by behind-the-scenes investigations of each other by both families. These investigations, often subtle, amongst family members are aimed at assessing the suitability of their daughter’s or son’s chosen one. While both families do informal investigations and behind- the-scenes vetting, the groom’s family is always most invested in conducting diligent investigations since they will be inheriting a daughter whose important role will the continuation of silangwe – genetic survival – and by extension the group’s cultural survival. When the family disagrees with the choice either due to the choice being from a forbidden clan (arising from, maybe, a history of killing between the two clans), they often inform their son or daughter and ask him or her to call off their plans for marriage. Sometimes the family is successful in persuading their children to call off the marriage and in other times they are not. When they are unsuccessful in persuading their children to call off the marriage, they often go on with the wedding while saying “haidhuru (it does not matter now). Let us leave it to fate” (50-60-year-old female). Another informant, a 60-70-year-old male, noted that they engage in “keparpar maa,
(lighting the fire for the first time) and wait to see how long it will stay on. Any other questions and concerns raised regarding the histories of each family and the history of interaction between both families/clans if applicable are often addressed during the show-up ceremony. At the show- up ceremony, the groom’s family is also informed by the bride’s family the bride price they will be expecting at the koito ceremony.
During the day of the koito, each family, their relatives, and their friends gather at the home of the bride with a clear understanding of the details of the day’s agenda. The house guests CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 291 are also aware of the details of the discussions that will occur in the house. The house guests include members of the bride’s and groom’s same list of relations that spoke on behalf of the couple during the show-up luncheon. If anything, the most important individuals in the koito are the ones that chi chute koot (enter the house). Other invited guests, other relatives, friends, and neighbours are also important elements of the day in that they add to the celebratory element of rejoicing in the joining of two families, two clans, and sometimes, two ethnic communities. The chance of celebration and making merry is however made possible by the presence of the ones that enter the house and their ability to reach a mutual agreement on the terms of the union in a timely manner.
Inside the house, on the day of the koito, each family’s list of relational representatives that enter the house are first introduced to each other after which the process of making amends begins. Making amends often involves the groom’s family offering apologizing gestures, in the form of gifts and money, suggested by the bride’s family for any perceived infringement on the bride’s family’s values and rights. The most common reparation made by the groom to the bride’s family often result from the couple living together in what is referred to as a ‘come we stay’ arrangement and/or the couple having children together en sang, which translates to outside but in common terms, out of wedlock. This kind of amend is often important in recognizing that the daughter is under the care of her father until the koito (giving away of the bride ceremony) where the bride’s family officially entrusts the care of their daughter to her new family. The amends requested will vary from family to family but always entail some form of monetary compensation. The bride’s family will state the compensation they expect in livestock terms, for example, four cows, four goats, and so on; the number of livestock will then be converted to currency. If a cow’s market value is KES 20,000 (250 CAN), the bride’s family is expected to CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 292 pay KES 80,000 (1000 CAN) for four cows. The value of the compensation is often determined by the degree of the offence and the degree of the injury as experienced by the bride’s family.
The longer the couple live together and the more children they have, the heftier the fine.
After making amends, the discussions move to the subject of bride price, which often involves both families seeking to reach an amicable agreement on the price to be paid to the bride’s family. At this stage, the families will agree that the union should proceed as the necessary cultural conditions for marriage will have been met. The groom’s family will have also made amends for perceived disrespect of the bride’s father and bride’s family by the groom when the couple agreed to a ‘come we stay’ arrangement and/or have children before the bride is given away.
For the mwaita, which is the oil used to anoint the union between the bride and the groom is equivalent to four goats in cash and is paid to the groom’s mother, who is tasked with preparing the anointing oil. To make up for taking one’s daughter from their family, the groom’s family pays the bride’s family four cows (this is the bride price). The payment of the price is not expected immediately; it may be paid slowly over many years, sometimes even until the couple’s children are ready to go for tumdo (the childhood to adulthood rite of passage). While this arrangement is still agreed upon across Tugen land, there are differences noted in bride-price negotiations between Tugen families, between Tugen families and other Kalenjin sub-groups, and between Tugen families and other ethnic groups with the Tugens requesting the least, followed by other Kalenjin sub-groups, and led by other ethnic groups who invariably request the most. The request of other ethnic groups would be the most in comparison to the requests made by Tugen families. This was attributed to the valuing of daughters based on their achievements in life and the request for payment of the girl’s family for a job well done in CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 293 raising a daughter. A 60-70-year-old male study participant noted the following about his experience with a Kikuyu family:
We went to a Kikuyu family to ask for a girl. Our son had met her in school, and they had
loved each other so we went to her home for koito. When we got there, they first asked
for one cow to book the girl because they said that the girl was in high demand. When we
got to negotiations, they first asked for payment of the bride’s parents, aunts, and uncles
for the work they did in raising their daughter. They then went on to talk about the girl’s
education. The girl had completed university and was already employed in a good
company. They talked about the girl’s success in university and her success in securing a
job and asked for more money. They estimated that her parents had spent 250,000 KES
(3,500 CAN) for her education. They asked for 250,000 KES and an additional 50,000
KES (700 CAN) for the fact that their daughter had secured gainful employment at a
good company.
Money requested for a bride in other communities is more in comparison to what is asked by
Tugen families because other communities put into consideration other factors including the education of the bride and whether the bride in gainfully employed. The Tugen do not put these matters into consideration. The Tugen adhere to cultural rules which prescribe that bride price should be constant across the board. Tugen families therefore only ask for only four cows, to reflect the number of teats in a cow’s udder.
Once the bride price is agreed on and the mwaita (anointing oil) is paid the ones in the house proceed with the ceremony of keilda lakwe (anointing away the child). The literal meaning of the word keil is to oil; the mother of the bride will hand the mwaita that she prepared to the officiator of the ceremony. The officiator of the ceremony then asks the couple to stand facing CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 294 each other and asks each relational representative in the house to stand, in a circle, around the couple. The officiator, with the couple standing in the relational circle, will put dabs of oil on the bride’s forehead, chest, right-hand palm, and feet while uttering certain phrases symbolizing the process of giving away a daughter. The process entails the following:
Action 1
The officiator, using his thumb, applies a dab of oil on the bride’s forehead
Concurrent words for Action 1
Kagoger togengung | Your face has seen him
Action 2
The officiator, using his thumb, applies a dab of oil on the bride’s tegee, translating to
mean chest (practically though, the oil is dabbed on the skin below the bride’s neck)
Concurrent words for Action 2
Kagoyan sophondo ng’ung | Your soul has accepted him
Action 3
The officiator, using his thumb, applies a dab of oil on the bride’s right-hand palm and
then directs the bride to place her hands on the groom’s hands.
Concurrent words for Action 3
Kegonam eu ng’ung |Your hand has held him
Action 4
The officiator, using his thumb, applies a dab of oil on the bride’s feet
Concurrent words for Action 4
Kagomut kelyek guk | Your feet have walked with him, now go! CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 295
To break the seriousness accorded to the ritual of keilda lakwe and allow the group to easily transition from a spiritual to a celebratory mood, the officiator facilitates a mock mini ceremony symbolizing that the union has been formalized. The mock mini ceremony is taken in delight by the guests outside the house as it usually indicates that they (guests outside) can proceed with lunch, which precedes the most anticipated part of the koito ceremony, the gift sharing. When the officiator applies a dab of oil on the bride’s feet and utters the words “Your feet have walked with him, now go!” the couple, still holding hands, slowly walk out of the house. The guests outside, anxiously anticipating this moment, burst into celebratory ululations when the couple step outside the house. The ululations and screams get louder as the couple makes several steps towards the crowd outside. The officiator, stealthily following behind, yells out “owegisyen, kagorobhon!” “come back, it has rained!” The couple then turn and walk back to the house to complete the process of sealing the marriage agreement between the two families with food and drink.
The mock mini ceremony symbolizes that all in attendance can now eat. The ones that enter the house, drink mursik72 while engaging in the last stage of house discussions, about the conditions for the couple’s success as a married couple. Outside guests enjoy lunch with celebratory background music and in their small groups engage in little chit-chats. Before discussing the conditions for the couple’s success, the officiator of the ceremony facilitates a sealing ritual, one that assures an unbroken bond between families. The bond between the two families is sealed when they drink mursik poured from the same gourd. The bride’s mother who prepares the mursik, serves the drink to the couple (who share a cup), her husband (the bride’s
72 Mursik is the Kalenjin traditional yoghurt that is brewed in a gourd. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 296 father), the groom’s parents, the couple’s grandparents, the couple’s other relatives, the couples’ parents’ set of neighbours, and the officiator.
As they share mursik, the conditions for the couple’s success are discussed. The groom’s parents’ neighbour-friend (usually the groom’s father’s age-set mate), on behalf of the groom’s family, thank the bride’s family for their hospitality and for their daughter. The groom’s family, to summarize, promises to care for and offer support to their new daughter as she navigates through marriage and the rest of her adult life. The bride’s family responds to the comments made by the groom’s family and adds a list of their own expectations and conditions. The bride’s aunts on behalf of the bride’s mother, and the bride’s uncles on behalf of the bride’s father start by raising any issues or concerns. For example, if they learn that one or both of the groom’s parents is/are rarely home for one reason or another, the bride’s family will want to know who will take care and support their daughter in the next stage of her life. The groom’s parents attempt to assuage the brides’ parents’ fears by making promises of practical changes intended to be made to address the concerns raised by the brides’ family. I attended and observed the house negotiations during a koito ceremony. One of the issues of contention had to do with the fact that the new parents (the bride’s in-laws) no longer lived together due to conflicts that had been recorded between the two. The bride’s family had been informed of this arrangement. They were concerned about their daughter and worried that she would not have the support she needs in her new home, especially from a mother figure since her future mother-in-law no longer lived in her matrimonial home. Her uncles brought up this issue and asked the in-laws about how they planned to ensure that their daughter had a mother figure in her new home. The in-laws, both present at the koito house negotiations were asked to come up with a plan to ensure that the issue was resolved. The in-laws asked to speak in private. They were granted time by themselves. The CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 297 whole group representing the groom at the ceremony went outside to discuss the matter. They were out for approximately an hour. When they came back to the house, they had come to resolution. They agreed that, for the sake of their new bride, the mother and father would seek out mediation to settle their differences immediately after the koito. The mother-in-law to be promised to move back to her matrimonial home before the bride was brought to their new home. This shows how the koito ceremony can be used as an avenue through which other relationships can be mended. Once all concerns have been raised, final details are discussed regarding next steps, whether the bride and the groom can now leave together, or whether the bride’s family expects a wedding.
Once the house discussions are complete, those convened in the house shake hands and the women in the house summon other women from outside to join them in song and dance while they escort the couple and the best man and best maid to the ceremonial tent. In celebration, women sing and dance beside the couple as they make their way to the ceremonial tent while the other guests join in the celebration from their respective tents. Once the couple is settled in their tent, the song and dance will subside. Lunch will be served to those that were inside the house. Shortly after, families will be asked to introduce each other. The bride’s family, as host, go first in listing their relations starting with the bride’s (i) immediate family, parents, siblings, nieces and nephews, followed by (ii) her extended family, grandparents, uncles and aunts, cousins, (iii) the members of her clan, and (iv) neighbours. The groom’s family follows the same pattern when introducing their family members, relatives, neighbours, and friends.
Introductions precede speeches given by selected relational representatives from each family typically including the bride’s and groom’s eldest paternal uncles, their eldest maternal uncles CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 298 and aunts, the bride’s and groom’s parents’ neighbour-set (often headed by the fathers’ age-set mates), and in some cases their maternal and paternal grandparents.
The most anticipated part of the event follows the speeches, the gift exchange celebration. The gift exchange celebration is a moment of sharing, bonding, and establishing connections between the two families. The two families, starting with the bride’s family, take turns exchanging gifts while singing and dancing. The first to receive gifts is the couple. The bride’s mother, sisters, aunts, female friends, relatives, and neighbours will perform a mock- dressing ceremony where they will adorn the couple, the best man, and the bride’s closest friend in special outfits picked out by the groom’s female relations. The next to receive gifts is the bride’s list of key relations (parents, siblings, maternal and paternal aunts and uncles, and grandparents). The bride’s female relations will do the same for the bride’s family’s list of key relations. The gifts exchanged will typically be in the form of blankets, bedsheets, lessos and shangas (lessos and shangas are African print shawls and scarfs), and cups and gourds for drinking mursik, Tugen yoghurt. The gifts are, also, often varied and diverse and the gift exchange serves as a moment for creativity where individuals may attempt to outshine each other in the types of gifts they will share with each other.
The gleeful atmosphere of the gift exchange song and dance ceremony is followed by the mini-ritual of the cutting, sharing, and serving of cake. The cake ritual is typically led by the bride’s eldest paternal aunt who solicits the help of the groom’s eldest paternal aunt and involves a short speech about food preparation and the role of women in food preparation followed by the gifting of cakes by the couple to the couples’ parents, and finalized, with the help of the couple’s cousins and friends, with the serving of pieces of cake to guests seated in their respective tents.
Tea is typically served to guests by a group of helpers selected among the bride’s cousins, CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 299 relatives, neighbors, and friends, at the same time the pieces of cake are being passed around.
Once the tea and cake are served the master of ceremony invites someone representing the bride’s family, mainly the bride’s paternal uncle to give a vote of thanks after which he officially announces the end of the ceremony and calls a pastor to offer prayers of thanks, and prayers of safe journeys as guests travel back to their homes.
The Roles of Key Tilia (Relations) in the Marriage Festival.
At this point, it is important to look at the activities and roles of specific relations (i.e., parents, siblings, uncles, and aunts) in ensuring that the marriage process, from courtship, to the vetting, to the family luncheon, and finally the koito, is a success. The first responsibility falls with the couple who have to make their intentions known to the families. The couple’s families, using their network of relations, engage in the task of vetting each other’s families. The task of vetting is often initiated by the couple’s parents who question their son/daughter about the ancestry and family history of their chosen one. Typically, though not always the case, it is expected that the couple will have done their due diligence and at the point when they raise the issue of the show-up luncheon would already know about their fiancé’s ancestry and family history, mostly their clan and their totem.
The couple’s parents in conjunction with the couple’s uncles and aunts conduct vetting investigations of their son’s/daughter’s fiancé. If either set of parents discover that their son/daughter is about to go into marriage with someone with whom there is no ginda breast, the family will utilize their son’s/daughter’s peer mentors, and to some degree their age-set mates, to stop them (either one or both of the couple) from making a mistake. The parents, uncles, and aunts will ask the couple’s peers and peer mentors to intervene in preventing their son/daughter from entering a life of pain and misery typically associated with the consequences of breaking CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 300 cultural taboos and forbidden group rules regarding marriage. The couple’s peers thus engage in behind-the-scene discursive interventions aiming to ensure that their peers enter into marriages with potential for success, not failure. Sometimes, the peers are successful in stopping the koito to the delight of either or both of the couple’s parents and by extension the delight of the rest of their extended family. This vetting is often viewed in positive terms by members of the community. As a 40-50-year-old female interviewee noted,
keayephis (vetting) is a must for those who are getting married. If there was no vetting, I
don’t know what would happen to Tugen families. Vetting helps ensure that there is
ginda (breast). Without ginda, couples would be giving birth to children that are not
good; children that are sickly, children that have bad luck in life. So, it is good that there
is vetting.
In addition to helping the couple’s parents in the initial vetting process, the couple’s maternal and paternal aunts and uncles are instrumental in the negotiation process. They act as the representatives and the spokespeople for the couple’s parents. During the show-up and koito ceremonies, the couple’s parents are culturally expected to enjoy the events of the ceremonies with no worry while the couple’s aunts and uncles are expected to take over the parental duties of the day on behalf of them [the couple’s parents]. The couple’s other family members including grandparents, cousins, nieces, nephews, neighbours, and friends join the family as a support system for the koito to help with miscellaneous tasks for example, packing away the couple’s koito gifts, cleaning up at the end of the ceremony, volunteering to drive people in need of transportation back to their homes, and so on.
The Thanksgiving Ceremony and the Reassertion of Tiliandi (Reciprocal Relationships)
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 301
As already noted, the Tugen love their ceremonies and festivities. The nuclear and extended family units serve as avenues for meeting member basic (food, shelter, clothing, and shelter), and the psychological needs for bonding and autonomy. The kokwet (community at large) on the other hand, helps in celebrating and reasserting relational communal bonds. In reasserting relational bonds and celebrating reciprocal relationships, the kokwet serves as an avenue for fulfilling the psychological need for belonging. The ceremonies that fall under the jurisdiction of the kokwet are those that involve members of families, clans, age-mates, and friends drawn from the community. These kokwet ceremonies are not restricted to members of one’s tiliet system but are rather open to members of the community who have been invited by the relations of those who have organized these events. The kokwet ceremonies fall under two categories, those aimed at supporting a community member and those aimed at celebrating a community member. The ceremonies aimed at supporting a community member include fund raising for weddings, funerals, hospital bills, and school fees. The ceremonies aimed at celebrating each other include thanksgiving, graduations, and the welcoming of new brides to their husband’s home ceremonies.
I attended a thanksgiving ceremony that was aimed at appreciating a key relation by the organizer of the event. In addition to welcoming family members and friends, the event was open to members of the community who could attend. The thanksgiving event was organized by a member, 50-60-year-old female, of the Chamgaa (lovers of home) women’s group to celebrate and give thanks to her mother-in-law. Below is a transcript from my observation notes.
The Chamgaa Thanksgiving ceremony.
The date for the Chamgaa (lovers of home) event was approaching. The ceremony entailed one of its members visiting her mother-in-law, an important relative. The Chamgaa event the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 302 women were preparing for was a visit for a show of gratitude, a show of respect, and a show of reverence to her mother-in-law just by virtue of the relationship they shared, that of tiliandi and konyit. During the last meeting they had, Juliet informed the group that she wished to go visit her mother-in-law. She requested group members to sindikiza (accompany) her. Juliet’s mother-in- law is a Kimoi. Her stepmother-in-law is from the Toyoi clan. Juliet is married to the Kabon clan, that is, her husband, her father-in-law, and her children belong to the Kabon clan. Juliet belongs to the Talai clan.
To prepare for the visit, Juliet enlisted the help of her sisters-in-law in purchasing foodstuff and other necessities, and new pieces of clothing that her mother-in-law would adorn that day.
The new pieces of clothing bought were not just for her mother-in-law but for her step-mother- in-law and her father-in-law. The pieces of clothing bought for the mothers were similar given the same form of relation that they represent, that of mothers. Buying matching outfits for the mothers is a common occurrence among the Tugen as it helps in ensuring equitable treatment based on the amount of money spent on each. Juliet had to be sure that the budget was equal for both mothers to avoid accusations of favouritism. The equal treatment of the mothers is part of the Tugen practice of not discriminating against another. Juliet had also set aside money for new pieces of clothing for her father-in-law. Since the event was to recognize the mother-in-law, it was obvious that her husband would be present at the event. To avoid accusations of not caring for mzee (the old man), Juliet had to ensure that he, too, had new pieces of clothing, and he, too, looked good during the event.
In addition to seeking help from her sisters-in-law in selecting and buying clothing, Juliet also asked her sisters-in-law and friends for assistance helping with tasks that they needed to complete on the day of the event from food handling, preparation and serving. Juliet also enlisted CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 303 the help of her brothers-in-law to help with landscaping to ensure that the compound looked well kempt on the day of the event. Her brothers-in-law also assisted in bringing several tents for use by guests who they estimated would be around 50 people drawn from the family, neighbours, and friends. In such communal events, communal members often show up to enjoy the festivities with the family that is receiving thanksgiving guests.
On the day of the event, preparations began at 10 am with the men pitching up tents and the women preparing food for the guests. The division of food tasks was done meticulously. On this particular occasion, Juliet enlisted the services of a caterer who helped make decisions about food preparation and handling while the other women followed the instructions of the caterer who decided how the tasks were distributed. By 2:30 pm, lunch was ready. The guests started arriving one by one. Before serving any meals, the local pastor who had been invited as a special guest was asked to lead the group in prayer as they sat to enjoy the meal. After prayer, the servers served an array of foods ranging from rice, pilau, chapati, ugali, beef stew, chicken stew, vegetables, mursik, and soft drinks. To serve food, Juliet enlisted the help of her daughters, her nieces, and some of her nephews. Guests sat outside by the tents and enjoyed the meal while discussing how tasty the meal was in comparison to meals served at other events they had attended. These discussions are basically comparative; a comparison between the event they are attending and other previous events that they had attended.
After lunch, when everyone way fed, the ceremony began. The women from the Chamgaa group went and changed into matching outfits made from a similar kitenge, cloth pattern and colour in order to begin the thanksgiving portion of the event. Before the women took over, the men were given a chance to participate in the event. The master of ceremony, in these events, is always selected from a pool of men (from the husband’s side), who represent a form of relation, CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 304 either son, uncle, or father. For this particular event Juliet’s brother-in-law Justus was given the role of master of ceremony.
The master of ceremony then began the proceedings by calling on the key relations present at the ceremony. Since the event was taking place at Juliet’s parents-in-law home, they (Juliet’s father-in-law and his wives) were the first to be asked to step to the front for introductions. At the front, Juliet’s brother in law introduced them as the heads of the family. The next group to be called were Juliet’s sisters-in law and brothers-in law, that is the children of that household together with their significant others. Each one was introduced by name, from the eldest to the youngest. The grandchildren of that household together with their significant others and their children were then called and were asked to stand next to their parents. These were introduced as the children or grandchildren of that household. Again, they were asked to stand in a straight line from the eldest to the youngest for each family. The next key relations they called were the sengosiek (aunts of the family), that is all the daughters that belonged to the clan that the patriarch of the family came from, Kabon. All Kabon women present at the event came forward for brief introductions by name and the house they came from. The master of ceremony then called on mamaisiek (uncles), that is all the men present that belonged to the Kimoi clan, Juliet’s mother-in- law’s relatives. These are referred to as Kap Mama, that is the House of Mama. These were also introduced briefly by name and the house they came from. The master of ceremony then called on phig ab ore (the people of the clan), that is the men that belonged to Juliet’s father-in-law’s clan. These were called upon to acknowledge the members of the clan sharing kinship with the head of the household where the event was taking place. These were asked to stand and wave to the crowd. The significance of introducing these people is reiterated during these communal events. As a master of ceremony noted during a graduation ceremony “It is CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 305 important to introduce everyone so that we know each other…so that in future when we meet, we will remember each other, and we can help each other.” Another master of ceremony during a marriage ceremony stated the importance of introducing each, “so that we can know each other and so that we can know if there is ginda between each other. Knowing if there is ginda will prevent future heartache when a girl brings a boy home with whom there is no shared ginda.”
The importance of these introductions is thus recognized by communal members as significant in ensuring that communal members are acquainted with each other in the event that communal members will need to help each other and for future marriage prospects.
After the introductions, the pastor was given a chance to speak. The pastor’s speech was not long but it reinforced the ideas that informed the coming together for the event of the day. The speech touched on matters of taking care of parents. They pastor also spoke of the importance of chomiet (love) in the families where children were implored to continue with the traditions of remembering, thanking, and caring for parents as a duty that comes with being a Tugen individual. The pastor also drew examples from the bible. On this particular day, the pastor referenced Ephesians 6: 2-3 (New International Version) saying “Honor your father and mother, which is the first commandment with a promise so that it may go well with you and that you may enjoy long life on the earth.”
After the pastor’s speech, the women took on the stage for the main event of the day, the thanksgiving portion. The women started singing, dancing, and clapping while Juliet went and held the hand of Kimoi and brought her to the front and gave her a seat. Next to her seat was a big table on which they would place the gifts she would receive on that day. Once settled at the front, the women brought to the front all the gifts they had brought for Kimoi. These ranged from bails of dry foodstuff, baskets of fresh vegetables and fruits, toiletries and other household items, CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 306 pieces of clothing including blankets, sheets, dresses, suits, and shoes, and money. Individuals attending these kinds of events are always at liberty to bring whatever gifts they deem fit as there is no requirement for them to bring specific items. As they sang, the women, one by one, helped
Juliet transfer the gifts to Kimoi by hugging and shaking her hand and then handing them over to her. One of Kimoi’s grandchildren was helping with the receiving of gifts as she stood next to
Kimoi placing the gifts on a table next to where Kimoi was now standing in joyful celebration.
For the money, the women that accompanied Juliet came out one by one to sindikiza
(accompany) their friend by bringing money. Whoever brought money would announce how much they brought while identifying themselves to the group. “Mama Changwony, giving 500 shillings!”73 “Mama Job, giving 200 shillings!” “Mama Ezra, giving 700 shillings!” … and so forth. There is usually no minimum, or maximum amount of shillings to give; individuals are often free to give as they please. There were some who wanted to be at the event but could not make it for some legitimate reason. Those who did not make it sent their sindikiza money with
Juliet and/or one of the women in their group to be presented to Kimoi in front of the crowd.
As the women engaged in singing, those who had been delegated with tea preparation duties started serving tea and snacks to the visitors. As the women are often preoccupied with the singing and gift giving, the men are the ones who sit by the tents enjoying a cup of tea and tea snacks. In this case, the male significant others would have supported their wives by giving the money directly to them to be presented on behalf of the wife’s family. The women, thus, represented their husbands and households in the sharing of gifts. The women took centre stage.
73 One Canadian dollar is equal to 80 Kenyan shillings. 500 shillings equals 6.25 CAN dollars. 500 shillings is a large sum in comparison to 6.25 CAN dollars due to the low standard of living in Kenya. With 500 shillings, one can purchase 10 loaves of bread. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 307
The singing went on till evening approached and as the sun set, guests started departing one- by-one. As guests departed, the men started packing away the chairs they used for the event.
Young women and men started collecting the utensils they had used for the evening and started bringing them to the kitchen. Kimoi’s granddaughters started bringing the gifts into Kimoi’s house. Hastily, young women at the event started cleaning and putting away the dishes. The aim was to ensure that no dirty dishes were left in the household. Those who brought food containers to take away some left-over food were gladly apportioned food that was left from the event.
Others had brought containers for scrap food for their dogs. They found plenty of leftovers for their dogs.
By 7 pm as the sun had set, there were only a few people left reminiscing about how successful the event was. They talked about how people were well fed and how much they enjoyed the sambusas served with the tea. They talked about the turnout which was high thus making the event successful. They debated about the most interesting portions of the ceremony.
By 8 pm all the guests had left with Juliet happy about the success of the event she had put together as a show of gratitude to her mother in law.
Rituals as Vehicles for Strengthening Peaceful Bonds
The eating, drinking, and sharing together that characterizes Tugen rituals point to the relational component of these rituals. In this section, I have highlighted the ritual of drinking mursik (Tugen yoghurt) from the same gourd to seal an agreement of marriage between two families, the thanksgiving rituals, and the koito rituals characterized by making merry, eating, drinking, and sharing in joyful celebrations. These rituals reassert relational bonds and strengthens tiliandi (reciprocal relationships) amongst members of the community. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 308
Scholars (classics in the subject of rituals) who initially looked at rituals viewed them as liminal processes that allow societies and groups to move from one status to another (Turner,
1969). It is within a liminal space that new rules and norms are adopted paving way for activities associated with the ritual to occur (Turner, 1969). A new status is achieved with the exit from the liminal space (Turner, 1969). Van Gennep (1960) identified three phases that form part of a ritual; separation, transition, and incorporation. In the separation phase, participants exit the normal world and enter the ritual world. In transition – the liminal character of the ritual – the participants move from one status to another (Van Gennep, 1960). In incorporation, participants exit the liminal phase, and specifically the ritual, to re-enter the normal social world (Van
Gennep, 1960).
The rituals of marriage and thanksgiving, in totality, help to strengthen communal relational bonds. During these ceremonies we see activities being conducted to signal the beginning (separation), the middle (initiation), and the end (incorporation) of these ceremonies.
Since rituals entail the movement from one status to another, we see that these rituals lead to deeper and stronger bonds between members that already have strong tiliandi (reciprocal relations). For the (koito) marriage ceremony, the beginning is marked when the bride’s and groom’s relatives and friends gather at the bride’s home. Specifically, the koito process starts when negotiations begin in the house with the bride’s and groom’s list of important relations.
This marks the separation phase. The initiation phase entails the bringing of the bride and groom together and leading them through the keilda (anointing) ceremony. This is the step that sees the new couple gain a new status, that of husband and wife. During the incorporation phase, the newly wedded couple join the rest of the community in a new status, that of newlyweds. For the thanksgiving ceremony, we can say that the separation phase begins at the start of the ceremony CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 309 when participants gather for the ceremony and specifically during introductions when those attending the ceremony are introduced to each other. The initiation phase is the center of the ceremony where thanksgiving activities of giving and sharing gifts occurs. The incorporation phase marks the end of the ceremony where the sharing of tea and snacks occurs while visitors leave at their own pleasure.
The two rituals (koito and thanksgiving) involve lots of singing, dancing, eating together, drinking, and sharing in symbolic acts that strengthen identities, reaffirm worldviews and the socio-cultural values of the group, and reasserts relational bonds. These ceremonies can thus be categorized as peacebuilding activities where togetherness and camaraderie inform the content and character of these rituals. During these rituals, individuals in the group find the things that they have in common and showcase the values that bind the group together thus building and promoting peace.
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Chapter Eight: Discussion
The dissertation, based on research conducted among the Tugen of Kisanana location,
Baringo County in Kenya, sought to answer three research questions; first, how the integral elements of culture shape the group’s pathways toward peace; second, how culture influences the group’s experiences of conflict and the group’s conflict response mechanisms; and third, how the fulfillment of human needs leads to sustained peace among members of the community in day- to-day life. The overall purpose of the research was to explore and understand how the group is able to maintain sustained peace amongst members of the community in day-to-day life. To answer these questions, it became imperative to explore the culture of the Tugen starting with its traditional mandate as defined by community members’ perception of the purpose for which they organize as a group as held within its worldview, that is the group’s views of the universe, of human nature, and of the natural and supernatural worlds. For the purpose for which they organize, a common thread emerged in the research data, that of ensuring the continuance of silangwe, translated to mean the genetic root. In ensuring the continuance of silangwe, the group is assured of eventual cultural survival amidst the forces of nature which are deemed unpredictable.
Essential Findings
The aspects of culture that shape the pathways toward peace include ideological culture intersecting with material culture, and social culture. Of importance to note here is that culture is not homogenous and is not unformly distributed amongst members of a group (Avruch, 1998;
Lederach, 1995). From this view, culture is used as a heuristic device and is seen as a container for knowledge, customs, traditions, preferences, actions, and other social facts that combine to produce a complex whole upon which individuals experience life. From this approach, culture is CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 311 also seen as a psychological tool through which individuals, in their multiple groups seek to fulfill their needs. The psychological definition of culture is taken from Malinowski (1960).
Lastly, in using culture as a heuristic device, we refer to Clark’s (2000) conceptualization of three aspects of culture, the ideological, social, and material aspects.
On to the research questions informing this study. First, the ideological aspects of culture inform how the Tugen approach sins (tengek) associated with material resources provided for by
Asis (Supreme Deity). The intersection of ideological culture and material culture sees to it that crimes and sins related to material culture are prevented within the community. The Tugen belief in curses (ng’ogi) that follow sinners who commit crimes of theft and burying the livestock of others deters individuals from engaging in these crimes. Stories are told and retold about individuals, families, and groups who have, in the past, committed acts of sin related to material resources. These stories entail the consequences of sins (ng’ogi) that befall those individuals, families, and groups who have committed these acts. The ideological mechanisms – laced in stories, myths, and legends – are in place to deter individuals from committing these acts of crime. This is one of the ways that culture (ideological) shapes the pathways towards peace, by preventing conflict over material resources.
In terms of social culture, the principles of tiliandi and konyiten inform how the members of the group engage and interact with each other. The principle of tiliandi (reciprocity) is important for the Tugen and serves to ensure that members of the community, that is, those sharing relationships based on age-set ties, clan ties, and friendship are well cared for and nurtured. Mutual caring and nurturance are achieved when individuals in the community rally around one another to support each other in ensuring that their basic needs and their psychological needs for bonding (belonging) are met. Additionally, tiliandi is an important factor CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 312 to consider during marriage. For families without a history of intermarriage, marriage serves as an avenue for building tiliandi thus broadening families’ sets of tilia relations. The broadening of relations is important as families will in future have expanded networks that can be called upon during times of need especially in a dangerous and an unpredictable world. For families (and clans) that have a history of intermarriage, the principle of tiliandi is strengthened and reasserted as these families have a history of rallying around each other and supporting each other.
Strengthened relationships in this case, is a pathway through which peace is maintained. For families (and clans) who have grievances against each other for example if there is a history of theft, or a history of burying livestock, marriage serves as an opportunity to straighten stringent relationships and thus restore tiliandi.
Konyit (respect) is another important principle that serves as a pathway towards peace among the Tugen. Konyit (respect) informs the character of interaction between individuals of different ages. Younger individuals show respect to older individuals as they allow them to guide greetings, conversations, and goodbyes. Younger individuals are expected to listen to older individuals since older individuals are viewed as wiser. This show of respect helps prevent what is known as kesir-sir gei (criss-crossing each other) that is, friction between individuals of different ages. Younger individuals are also not to question older individuals and are expected to follow their counsel and advice especially seen during conflict situations where younger ones take on the advice of the elderly who mediate conflict. For example, sisters who are in conflict will listen to the counsel of their paternal aunts when they make a decision on the outcome of a conflict. The same is seen when there is conflict between a mother and her daughter(s); a daughter will listen to the counsel and follow the advice of her grandaunt when she is a conflict with her mother even if the resolution of the conflict is not in her favor. When it comes to CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 313 individuals of the same age, respect is demanded. An individual is expected to stand up for herself/himself when engaging with others of the same age. The character of the interactions between members of the same age is that of competition and joking kinship.
There are three ways to sum up the answer to the first research question, that is, how the aspects of culture shape the pathways towards peace: (i) the ideological mechanisms laced in the stories, myths, and legends told and retold in Tugen society, serve as a deterrence to crime and acts of wrongdoing that can cause friction between members of the community. These ideological mechanisms work because the people of Tugen society ascribe to the spiritual belief that sin (tengek) always has consequences seen as curses (ng’ogi) that befall the family and the children of the wrongdoers. To ensure that there is continued cultural survival (continuance of silangwe) Tugen individuals stay clear of acts that might bring about ill fortune to their descendants. The ideological mechanisms that serve to deter individuals from engaging in acts of wrongdoing that might cause friction in the community is one way in which culture (ideological culture) shapes the pathways towards peace. (ii) Social culture shapes the pathway towards peace through the principle of tiliandi determining the character of relationships between members of the Tugen community. Individuals sharing tiliandi are known to respect and value each other especially since interdependence is paramount in a precarious and dangerous world. To ensure survival, the Tugen establish networks of mutual nurturance and care. In their sets of tilia relations, Tugens are deterred from discriminating against each other and mistreating one another. In cases of discrimination and mistreatment there are clear mechanisms of resolve within the community. Further, in cases of kesir-sir gei (disagreement) there are clear mechanisms put in place to ensure that these relationships are restored and maintained. Through the principle of tiliandi, thus, Tugen social culture shapes the pathway toward peace (iii) social CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 314 culture also shapes the pathways toward peace through the principle of konyit (respect). Through the principle of respect, the Tugen demarcate spaces of interaction and shape how individuals of different ages will engage when they enter into one relational space. The younger ones listen to the older ones while individuals of the same age share joking relationships. Even in these joking relationships, they are guided by the principle of tiliandi where they are to engage with each other with mutual caring and nurturance. Thus, social culture, through the principle of konyit, shapes the pathway towards peace in Tugen society.
Now to the second research question, that is, how culture influences the groups’s experiences of conflict and the group’s conflict response mechanisms. From research data, it emerged that there are several conceptualizations of conflict among the Tugen. When it comes to perceptions of conflict as a struggle whose aim is to injure or annihilate rivals (Coser, 1956) the
Tugen refer to porie (war) with outsiders for the purposes of territorial advancements and the acquisition of wealth. Porie occurred in earlier Tugen society when the Tugens would go raid livestock from neighbouring communities and when the Tugens sought to secure the safety of their neighborhoods from adversaries. When referring to struggles in which the aims are to make opponents “abandon or modify their goals” (Mitchell, 1981, p. 29) the Tugen speak of kepirgei
(to fight). Fighting occurs within spaces occupied by adjacent age-set (the warrior set and the youth) groups. Fighting occurs over scarce status and power especially because the warrior set is legitimately accorded power and prestige to control the affairs of the land, and in earlier times, were given access to all the brides to the disappointment of the youth set who often felt unduly prevented, by the warrior group, from rising to the position of power. The struggles over scarce status and power occurring between adjacent age-sets is not viewed as outright conflict by the
Tugen but as fights categorized under what study participants referred to as competitive tangoi CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 315
(play) where individuals seek to showcase their bravery and prowess. The showcasing of prowess is encouraged in the community especially as the group seeks to identify individuals, families, and eventually clans that can be depended on by the community during unpredictable times and moments that might in any way threaten the continuance of silangwe.
There are instances of misdeeds (wrongdoing) rendered against individuals sharing tiliandi and konyiten. These instances of wrongdoing are conceptualized as kesas kei (discrimination) and keus kei (mistreatment). These instances of wrongdoing are viewed in terms of relational hostility. Discrimination (kesas kei) is perceived when individuals sharing a similar relational status are accorded unequal treatment; the individual who perceives that they have been discriminated against is said to have had their right to feelings of belongingness infringed upon.
Mistreatment (keus kei) occurs when an individual is neglected by their reciprocal and/or respectful tilia (relation), particularly in their quest to satisfy their basic physiological and safety needs. A family that neglects to feed or provide shelter, clothing, and safety to its young ones is deemed to be mistreating said young ones and thus going against the group’s mores. Cases of mistreatment and discrimination are recorded within spaces occupied by tilia sets of relations, specifically within the family and the clans.
There are also instances of disagreement (kesir-sir gei) recorded among a broader demographic, members of the community. Disagreements that spill over to the members of the community including those associated with land. If a father disinherits his children, one of his children, or one set (from one wife) of his children, the conflict spills over to the community since the dispute involves adult male siblings. In such cases, the dispute is said to spill over to the community since the cultural modes of resolve involve calling on neighborhood deliberators/arbitrators gathered from a pool of elders espousing wisdom, courage, and integrity. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 316
Another kind of dispute involving land has to do with that of a husband disinheriting his wives or one of his wives. In such cases, the conflict spills over to become conflict between two clans since the wife and husband represent two different clans and since a wrong rendered on an individual is taken as a collective offence against a group among the Tugen.
As culture influences the group’s perceptions and experiences of conflict, so does culture influence the group’s conflict response mechanisms. The conflict response mechanisms in place differ based on the individuals involved in conflict and based on the kind of dispute. When it comes to discrimination and mistreatment occurring in the household and involving children
(specifically when younger children and mistreated by older children), the women in the family are in charge of making things right and in preventing these instances of mistreatment. The women are charged with the responsibility of providing a tranquil environment for growth and learning for children, an environment free of mistreatment.
When it comes to the discrimination of children in the household rendered by fathers, the mothers and the women in the family serve as moral compasses who remain vigilant to ensure that fathers are treating all their children equally and are according them equal privileges. When women’s vigilance does not work in ensuring the equal treatment of children, and when there emerges conflict between adult male children because of a father’s and/or parents’ mistreatment, the kokwet kiruogik (neighborhood deliberators/arbitrators) are called to help resolve the dispute.
The resolution of the dispute aims at reaching a fair and just judgement based on the values of fairness and equal treatment. The judgement entails identifying who is on the wrong and is aimed at kesagan ng’alek (making things right).
Disputes occurring between a mother and her daughters and disputes between sisters are handled by elderly women in the family and often involve the calling for caucuses to speak to the CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 317 disputing parties and to offer counsel on how individuals should interact and relate with each other. Often the counsel of the older women is taken and adhered to by disputing parties.
Mistreatment occurring in households and involving a husband and wife are first handled by the women in the family in conjunction with the man’s age-set mates. The aim of the first go at resolution is to prevent the escalation of the dispute to the clan level. A wife, if she feels that her husband is not changing his ways and continues mistreating her will have no choice but to go back to her paternal home. Once she leaves, the husband’s family and clan have to go to the bride’s family to seek out a resolution to the dispute and to make amends and offer reparations.
At this stage, the negotiations will involve two clans and will entail clear spoken out and agreed upon rules of engagement on what will be done to mitigate future conflicts of a similar nature.
Fear of being labelled as a family that mistreats its wives will often lead to a quick resolution of the conflict with the husband accepting wrongdoing and promising to do better in future.
Criss-crossing that leads to conflict in the community involving land between a father and his son(s) and a man and his wife or wives are handled at the communal level. For these kind of disputes, family elders and elders picked out from the community serve as arbitrators. The arbitrators picked aim to get to the truth and use the Tugen cultural norms regarding inheritance and the Tugen cultural values of fairness and equal treatment to render a judgement on the outcome of a case. The rendered judgement is usually adhered to by the disputing parties especially because the judgements are aimed at restoring balance, equality, and restoring relationships.
Conflicts arising from stealing are also handled by neighbourhood deliberators together with representatives drawn from both sides of the conflict. The cases of stealing are also aimed at reaching conclusions about the truth and seeking to restore balance by kesagan ng’alek (making CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 318 things right). Individuals who have been accused of stealing and have confessed their crime of stealing are often required to make amends by giving back stolen property. The purpose of payment is not aimed at making profit but is aimed at restoring things to the way they were before the theft occurred. If individuals who have been accused of stealing do not confess to their sins, then the Tugen leave the matter to fate. The Tugen belief in curses that will follow those who commit the crime of theft makes it easy for them to let go should an individual fail to confess to their crime. The fear of passing a wrong judgement, thus inviting the consequences of passing the judgement in future, is strong enough to deter the arbitrators from making judgements in cases where there is no confession. Usually, the Tugen believe that the crime of theft will be revealed in the future as curses that follow the accused until he/she confesses to his/her sins. Summatively, Tugen culture influences and determines how the group perceives and experiences conflict and the response mechanisms put in place to address these conflicts.
Now to the third research question: how the fulfillment of human needs helps secure sustained peace among members of the Tugen community in day to day life. The first way that the group ensures that peace is achieved at the immediate and extended family level is in the working of social cohesive units towards the fulfillment of group needs. In their different statuses, different teams based on age and gender work within their status roles to avoid role strains as individuals traverse different domains in caring for each other. The successful complementarity of social cohesive units working in different domains for the benefit of the family at large and by extension the community leads to peace.
Secondly, the group is able to ensure peace by working to fulfill the group’s needs for belonging through the group’s frequent festivities and ceremonies, tumwek. In their tumwek, communal members seek to recognize key relations and thus ensure that accusations of CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 319 discrimination are avoided. Tumwek remain an important component of social inclusion and celebration that builds relationships and reasserts the importance of tiliandi and konyiten and the obligations of duties for care where group members are expected to ensure mutual well-being.
Summatively, to ensure peacefulness the Tugen, thus, (i) through the family works to ensure the fulfillment of member basic needs, (ii) through age strata and gender teams structurally functions cohesively to assure the fulfillment of family needs, and (iii) through frequent tumwek, celebrate and recognize each other by ensuring member social inclusion in these festivities.
Important Deductions from Research Findings
From the findings of this research a few important deductions can be made regarding worldviews, culture, conflict, and peace. One deduction is that worldviews are important in shaping a people’s perceptions of themselves and others in terms of human nature, perceptions about the nature of the universe, and perceptions about the natural and supernatural worlds. Of significance to conflict and peace are a people’s perceptions of themselves and of others, and perceptions about the universe. As Clark (2002) notes, worldviews shape “perceptions about ourselves” and “theories about ourselves” (p.1). In shaping our self-perceptions, worldviews also shape how we perceive others (Clark, 2002). From the findings, we see that the Tugen are in- group oriented and view themselves as a decent people defined by ideals of goodness based on ideas of generosity, mutual caring, and respect towards each other. Outsiders are viewed as potential punik (enemies) given the mistrust of others who are not part of the in-group. This informs Tugen initial avoidance of strangers until they are accepted into the in-group either through marriage and/or friendship ties.
In shaping views about the nature of the universe, worldviews inform how groups approach the world and relationships with others. Groups that view the world as dangerous, by CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 320 extension view strangers in similar terms, as potential dangers. This is exemplified among the
Tugen who view outsiders and strangers as potential punik (enemies) who, if let in, might threaten the safety of the group either by harming members of the in-group and/or stealing from the group.
A second deduction emerging from the findings is that a group’s worldview is shaped by its historical and environmental conditions. An example of the Semai Senoi of Malaysia is provided by Robarchek (1997) who explains that a history of displacement by more technologically advanced groups has led to the Semai view of the world as dangerous with immutable dangers. Additionally, Cook (1997) explains that the Margariteno of Venezuela view the world as dangerous given the historical hardships entailing the exploitation of the group by others as a result of continued male absence. The Semai Senoi of Malaysia and the Margariteno of Venezuela view the world as a dangerous place given their historical and environmental conditions. In a similar sense, the Tugen of Kisanana view the world as a dangerous place with dangers that threaten group survival as a result of a history of migration and the constant historical threats to human and livestock survival. In viewing the world as a dangerous place, the
Tugen, like the Semai Senoi and the Margariteno of Venezuela, have remained cautious when it comes to their interactions with others especially if said interactions are suspected to be potentially harmful to the group.
A third deduction drawn from the findings is that worldviews determine how a group orientates itself in terms of relationships amongst members of the group. Two opposite gestalts, which Clark (2002) introduces to contrast how worldviews inform people’s perceptions of relationships, are the “Billiard Ball” gestalt and “Indra’s Net” gestalt. For Clark (2002), the
“Billiard Ball” gestalt, is the “Western worldview” and views “all entities in the universe” as CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 321
“isolated, discrete objects that have distinct boundaries, much like we imagine atoms to be”
(p.6). According to Clark (2002)
the Billiard Ball Gestalt of the universe depicts isolated objects moving independently
and colliding randomly with each other. It models the cause-and-effect, linear events of
an atomistic or individualistic world view. The ‘Self’ is discrete and separate from the
whole. (p.7)
“Indra’s Net” gestalt on the other hand, comes from a Mahayan Buddhist tradition and is a
metaphor for a world of connectedness, of interacting and interdependent entities…
Within each entity, the parts are likewise interdependent, and it is their reciprocal
interactions that keep the whole universe functioning. Indeed, each part, each entity
contains the whole, is the whole, and nothing can survive apart from the whole. No entity
is unconnected to, unaffected by, all the others. There are no discrete billiard balls.
(Clark, 2002, p.9)
The two contrasted gestalts introduced by Clark (2002) echo Johan Galtung’s (1997) discussion of the knot and net metaphor, borrowed from Raimon Pannikar (1982), when discussing worldviews. For Pannikar (1982), knots are representative of individual units while the net is representative of collective wellbeing. Knots on their own cannot function, but knots are held together by the net which assures the wellbeing of knots (individual units). From Clark’s (2002) and Pannikar’s (1982) distinction of gestalts, we see that societies either orientate themselves towards individualism where the individual is perceived as being able to survive on his/her own or collectivism where the individual is only able to survive within the collective. For the Tugen relationships are important in ensuring individual survival. This derives from the community’s CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 322 orientation of itself towards collectivism and the realization of subsequent mutual wellbeing, that is, the individual cannot survive without the collective.
A fourth deduction is about culture, that is, that culture, which derives from a group’s worldview and entails the material, social, and ideological components, is constantly being revised to cater to the needs of human groups as they interact with and within their physical environment. As Clark (2002) notes, the ideological system of culture “must accommodate both the limitations of the physical world and the social environment and the psychic needs of human nature for bonding and autonomy…” (p. 184). Culture in this sense is viewed as serving a psychological function and falls under a psychological definition, that is, a definition of culture that views it as a tool for meeting member’s needs as they adapt to their physical environment.
As Malinowski (1960) notes, culture is a large
apparatus partly material, partly human, and partly spiritual by which man is able to cope
with the concrete, specific problems that face him. These problems arise out of the fact
that man has a body object to various organic needs, and that he lives in an environment
which is his best friend, in that it provides the raw material of man’s handiwork, and also
its dangerous enemy, in that it harbors many hostile forces. (p. 36)
In this sense, we see that Tugen culture is able to meet the biological and psychological needs of group members by providing an avenue through which individual basic needs (food, shelter, and safety) and psychological needs (bonding and autonomy) are met. Within the context of the family, basic and autonomy needs of members are met. Within the family and communal contexts, the individual’s psychological needs for bonding are met through activities of recognition and social inclusion. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 323
A fifth deduction drawn from the study’s findings is that culture influences the way a group defines conflict. For the Tugen, the gestalt that informs reality is founded on the ideals of relational connectedness and mutual caring. Additionally, the differences that occur between tilia set of relations are referred to in terms of relational hostility. These terms are discrimination and mistreatment and have to do with the concepts of the psychological need for belonging and basic needs, respectively. Individuals who are discriminated against within tilia, reciprocal relational spaces are said, among the Tugen, to being denied their needs for belonging. Additionally, individuals sharing relational spaces are said to being mistreated should their kin, age-mate affiliates and/or friends fail to provide for the basic needs.
A sixth deduction drawn from the study’s findings has to do with the influence of culture on how groups perceive conflict with in-group members. The influence of culture on conflict has been viewed on scales that distinguish how different cultures approach conflict with members of the ingroup. These scales include the high-context versus low-context communication styles
(Augsburger, 1992), independent versus interdependent selves (Markus & Kitayama, 1991), ideocentric versus allocentric tendencies (Triandis, 1989), and agency versus communion
(Bakan, 1966) attributes. The mutually exclusive scales have been found to be problematic since they are unidimensional when looking at how groups approach conflict especially since it is found that they are multifaced with more than a couple of measuring components (Heine,
Lehman, Peng, & Greenholtz, 2002). The problem arises when one looks at variance within a culture-sharing group where individuals might be prone towards one continuum of the scale in one instance and towards another in another instance. In using the typologies already present in the literature to identify the influence of culture on conflict behavior, I found that the data on the
Tugen produced mixed results when looking at the individualism and collectivism scale. Within CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 324 different spaces of interaction, I found that individuals were motivated with collective – over individual – interests in one space yet acting in favor of individual interests in another. As we already know, the Tugen are competitive and advance group interests – over those of the individual – when interacting with punik (enemies) and strangers during times of war. The actions taken by individuals who are at war for the group often ascribe to the rules of engaging with war to deter individuals from breaking group spiritual laws of cause and effect that forbid unwarranted cruelty towards other humans. Unwarranted cruelty against those injured in war, children, women, and other vulnerable groups is frowned upon and is viewed as unnatural and therefore going against Tugen spiritual laws of bad omen which when broken, will negatively impact the group’s chances of genetic and cultural survival for future generations. A Tugen individual, thus, cannot act independently on their own without seeking the counsel of war leaders and authorities during times of war. All decision making once in the arena of war is often deferred to the leaders with the legitimate authority to make decisions on behalf of the group.
Legitimate authority is often conferred based on seniority in terms of age and experience and on the portrayal of decent attributes including wisdom, courage, and integrity.
The individualism versus collectivism scale on its own as a unidimensional scale does not apply for the Tugen. While the Tugen individual follows the counsel of selected senior and experienced leaders, a group of Tugen age-mates can act on their own accord as independent agents that may choose not to confine their actions to the direction that is expected of them by those that are senior and superior to them. In such cases, the Tugen individual refers to members of one’s age-set as a group united in the promise to stand with one’s mates in matters of competition between one’s set and that of other age-sets. The age-set then becomes one variable that shows the multifaceted aspect of the individualism versus collectivism scale particularly as CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 325 older sets seek to maintain legitimate authority while the younger sets seek to eventually topple the older sets from their (older set) position of power despite resistance. In this case, the age-set becomes an important reference group that has individuals acting collectively for the good of the age-set in competition with members of other age-sets.
Another set of deductions drawn from the research findings has to do with the characteristics of third intervention processes found in Indigenous societies around the world.
Some of the deductions include (i) the utilization of mediators drawn from a specific demographic in society, (ii) the utilization of mediators that are known to espouse certain valued characteristics, (iii) the importance of truth-telling during third intervention processes, (iv) the restoration of relationships as the main aim of third party intervention processes, (v) and the importance of rituals in the processes of building peace in society.
On the selection of individuals of a certain demographic group to act as mediators during third party intervention processes, we find that most indigenous societies around the world rely on elders drawn from the community. Some Indigenous communities around the world that are known to utilize elders as mediators of disputes include the Indigenous peoples of the Northern and Southern Philippines (Barnes & Magdalena, 2018), Indigenous populations in the Himalayas
(Paneru, 2016), populations in the Middle East utilizing the sulha mediation process (Irani), the
Luo community of Kenya (Osamba, 2016), and the Oromo of Ethiopia (Tuso, 2016). The utilization of elders by Indigenous communities in third party intervention processes is a phenomenon that is highlighted by Tuso (2016b). Tuso (2016b) notes that the institution of eldership has been instrumental in the resolution of disputes in case studies about Indigenous conflict resolution. In these case studies, elders are known to rise to the occasion to resolve any kind of dispute, whether interpersonal or intergroup. Additionally, elders are said to be equipped CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 326 with the knowledge and expertise to help quell rising tensions between individuals and groups.
The utilization of elders in conflict resolution is also common in Tugen society. In Tugen society, elders drawn from the kokwet (neighbourhood) and those representing the parties in a conflict are often called upon to help settle disputes. Specifically, disputes between adult male siblings, between a father and his sons, and disputes over land, stealing, and the burying of another’s livestock are all handled by selected communal and family elders. Communal and family elders are trusted for their wisdom and their level headedness in solving disputes that are most times emotionally charged.
In addition to utilizing elders in conflict resolution, the Tugen also utilize other demographic groups in the community depending on the parties that are in conflict. The other demographic groups utilized include a man’s age-set mates and women in the family. In cases of domestic conflict between a husband and a wife, women in the family act as go-betweens between the couple and provide refuge for a woman during times of conflict. Additionally, the women in the family, that is the mother-in-law and sisters-in-law will solicit the help of the man’s age-set mates in working out a resolution to a domestic dispute. A family and an age-set are often weary of a woman’s attempt and/or temptation to go back to her paternal parents since this action might invite shame not only to the matrimonial family but also to the husband’s age- set mates. It is therefore in their (matrimonial family and husband’s age-set mates) best interests that a domestic dispute is settled before it escalates beyond the confines of the matrimonial home. In cases of disputes occurring in the family emanating from wrongdoing associated with discrimination and mistreatment, the women in the family act as moral compasses and remain vigilant in ensuring that these disputes do not occur and/or that these disputes are mitigated.
Disputes between women in the family are also handled by other women in the family. For CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 327 instance, disputes between a mother and her daughter(s) and between sisters are resolved by elderly women in the family. Specific groups of people that are called on to resolve disputes between women in the family include grandaunts and paternal aunts. These groups of women are selected in order to guard against accusations of discrimination based on the judgement they reach regarding who is wrong and right in a conflict situation.
The utilization of different demographic groups in the community in conflict resolution is not novel of the Tugen. Stobbe (2016) speaks of an elaborate “conflict resolution spectrum” (p.
36) in Laos where different demographic groups are utilized at different levels during a conflict process. The spectrum that Stobbe (2016) references includes the parties in conflict, “parents, relatives, elders, village leaders, village mediation committee, village court, district court, provincial court” and “supreme court” (p. 36). The spectrum, according to Stobbe (2016) is incremental meaning that the dispute resolution process moves from one step to the next if the previous step is not successful in reaching a resolution. From the Tugen and the Laos examples, we see that some societies utilize different demographic groups in their third intervention processes. The utilization of different demographic groups is, however, structured differently for both groups. For the Tugen, the utilization of different demographic groups is determined by the parties in conflict. For the communities in Laos, the utilization of different demographic groups is incremental based on the success of previous processes.
Another important deduction has to do with the characteristics of individuals drawn to partake in the conflict process as mediators. Each society reviewed that utilizes interested third parties in the resolution of dispute looks at individuals with certain valuable characteristics. For the Tugen, these characteristics include those of courage, wisdom, and integrity. The ararraa CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 328 conflict resolution process in Oromo society entails the selection of a mediation committee from a pool of elders with
through knowledge of both sera (the law) and adda (custom of the society); the ability to
grasp issues and interpret them according to the sera and adda; the ability and skills to
[manage] group dynamics including verbal and non-verbal communication; absolute
integrity of character; commitment to the Oromo ideology relative to the cause of
honesty, justice, and total reconciliation; and earned trust from his peers and the
community. (Tuso, 2016, p. 87)
Al Jawhari (2012) in her discussion of the sulha mediation process identified the required characteristics of mediators called to mediate disputes. These are “wisdom, honesty, patience, communication skills, eloquence, and extensive knowledge about the custom” (Al Jawhari, 2012, p. 94). From the above examples we see that there are required characteristics for individuals to be called as mediators. The common characteristics amongst the three groups include wisdom, integrity, expertise, and the knowledge of the cultural process. These seem paramount in ensuring that dispute resolution processes are fair and accepted by members of the community.
I have written about mediators, who they are, and the values they are supposed to espouse for them to be selected to serve in conflict resolution processes in Indigenous societies. Now I would like to focus on the character of conflict resolution processes amongst some Indigenous societies that I have reviewed that share similarities with the Tugen conflict resolution system. A theme that emerges when looking at Indigenous societies is the search for truth by mediators during the conflict resolution process. The gacaca conflict resolution process of Rwanda is instituted on the search for truth in order to promote reconciliation once confessions of wrongdoing are made. These confessions serve as the benchmark for processes aimed at CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 329 restoring justice to victims of injustice. The ararraa process of Oromo is another Indigenous conflict resolution process that aims to reach at the truth before any judgements are made regarding the resolution outcome. The ararraa process involves the calling on victims, perpetrators, and the public by the jarsa biya (wise men) to the mediation council where they question, discuss at length, and deliberate on the details of a conflict case. These long discussions are aimed at exploring all the sides of the conflict in order to uncover the hidden truths in the conflict case. Uncovering the truth is central to realizing justice for victims in a conflict situation.
Another Indigenous process that aims at uncovering the truth in conflict is the mapo oput of the
Acholi of Northern Uganda. The mapo oput ritual entails the calling on the offender to confess of their crimes and/or wrongdoing. The acknowledgement of a wrong committed is of importance to the process. The acknowledgement of wrongdoing is part of the process of unsealing the truth which paves the way for reconciliation and the realization of justice for victims. The above examples are similar to Tugen conflict resolution processes. The arbitrators, in Tugen society, always aim at uncovering the truth. This truth is often found in wrongdoer confessions. This is why Tugen arbitrators cannot deliver a judgement on who is on the wrong if there is no confession and admission of wrongdoing. The fear of rendering a judgement without knowledge of the whole truth deters arbitrators from making judgements; only when there is a confession will there be a judgement. The point of getting to the truth in Tugen society is so that a just and fair judgement is made thus paving way for justice to be realized and most importantly for reconciliation to ensue.
Conflict resolution in Indigenous societies, much like the Tugen society, also focus on the restoration of relationships. This explains the importance of truth telling; once the truth is told, a wrong is acknowledged and forgiveness is granted thus leading to reconciliation between CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 330 disputing parties. In the gacaca process of Rwanda, the mapo oput ritual of Northern Uganda, the ararraa process of Oromo, and the sulha process of the Middle East, reconciling the parties to a conflict is paramount especially since the restoration of relationships remain the main goals of conflict resolution processes. Among the Tugen, restoring relationships is also the sole aim of conflict resolution processes. The restoration of relationships (tiliandi) in Tugen society is of great importance especially since the maintenance of tiliandi assures group cultural survival in a precarious environment. In a conflict resolution process, the act of truth telling paves way for individuals to trust that socio-cultural norms of conflict resolution are functional in securing justice for victims during conflict and in restoring balance in the community. Once balance is restored, there is room for forgiveness and reconciliation which paves the way for the restoration of relationships (or as the Tugen call it, making things right).
In a previous section, I highlighted the rituals of peacebuilding utilized by different
Indigenous communities including the Acholi of Northern Uganda, the societies in the Middle-
East, the Oromo of Ethiopia, and the Luo of Kenya. These rituals are an important parcel of conflict resolution processes that serve to restore relationships between disputing parties. The eating, drinking, and sharing together that characterizes these rituals point to the relational component of these rituals.
I have also highlighted some rituals utilized by the Tugen community. Some of these rituals include (i) the post-war ritual to cleanse returning warriors, (ii) the ritual of drinking mursik (Tugen yoghurt) from the same gourd (a) to seal agreement following a dispute resolution process, and (b) to seal an agreement of marriage between two families. I have also written about the tumdo (initiation) rituals, the thanksgiving rituals, and the koito rituals characterized by making merry, eating, drinking, and sharing in joyful celebrations. These rituals serve different CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 331 purposes but, in the end, strengthens tiliandi (reciprocal relationships) amongst members of the community.
In terms of peacebuilding, Lisa Schirch in her book Ritual and symbol in peacebuilding
(2005) provides an analysis of how symbolic acts associated with ritualized activities are the cornerstones through which worldviews, identities, and relationships are transformed during deep rooted conflicts. According to Schirch (2005) the liminality of ritual allows parties in a dispute to engage with each other in a space where conflict has no power over the interaction. As an example, the drinking of mursik from the same gourd, the sharing of a meal, or the sharing of a drink together, allows individuals to see each other in another light; where conflict is not central to their interaction and where the longevity of the relationship takes centre stage. After the completion of the ritual, where parties enter the normal space of interaction, a new status will have been achieved, that of peace. This new status achieved will not be controlled by conflict but will be based on reconciliation where parties will have restored and even strengthened their relationship.
In Tugen, there are rituals of marriage, thanksgiving, and tumdo (initiation). Since rituals entail the movement from one status to another, we see that these rituals lead to deeper and stronger bonds between members that already have strong tiliandi (reciprocal relations). The ritual of tumdo is the longest one. The separation phase occurs on the first night of the tumdo ritual where the initiates bid farewell to their friends and relatives as they head out to their menjo
(temporary dwelling) where the circumcision takes place. The initiation phase goes on for several weeks (at least four weeks) starting with circumcision night and ending when the initiates go to take a bath at a river, which signals an end of the initiation rites. The incorporation stage is called ‘a graduation’ where the initiates re-enter society with a new status, that of adults and CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 332 warriors. The three rituals (koito, thanksgiving, and tumdo) involve lots of singing, dancing, eating, drinking, and sharing in symbolic acts that strengthen identities, reaffirm worldviews and the socio-cultural values of the group, and reasserts relational bonds. These ceremonies can thus be categorized as peacebuilding activities where togetherness and camaraderie inform the content and character of these rituals. During these rituals individuals in the group find the things that they have in common and showcase the values that binds the group together thus building and promoting peace.
The Tugen, a peaceful culture
So far, I have touched on the deductions from the research findings relating to the subjects of worldviews, culture, the influence of culture on conflict, and the nature of third party intervention processes found in Indigenous societies. The aspect that remains relates to the topic of peacefulness. The Tugen is regarded as a peaceful culture based on existing literature
(including Cook, 1997; Fry, 2004; Gardner, 2004; Howard, 2004; Sather, 2004). A common concept that helps to assure peace amongst the Tugen is that of tiliandi, relationships that are deemed reciprocal. Individuals sharing tiliandi are guided by specific mores that determine how they will treat each other in their encounters. In these encounters, there are rules that guide how these individuals (those sharing tiliandi) will treat each other in different scenarios including during greetings, conversations, goodbyes, family visits, and during festivities. In daily interactions, individuals sharing tiliandi are expected to ensure the mutual caring and well-being of others as defined by an individual’s status role based on their age and gender team. Adult women, for example, are expected to ensure that the needs of younger ones are met. Younger ones on the other hand are expected to accord respect as guided by norms guiding greetings, conversations, and goodbyes. A similar concept of a norm guiding interactions between a set of CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 333 relations is found among the Sama Dilaut of Southeast Asia. A concept similar to the Tugen principle of tiliandi among the Sama Dilaut is the addat. According to Sather (2004), among the
Sama Dilaut, “each individual, in order to live in peace with other community members, must act according to the specific provisions of addat, as these relate, in different situations, to himself and others” (p. 134). The principle of addat also calls on members of the Sama Dilaut to strive towards harmony and conciliation in the eventuality of dissension. The Sama Dilaut define addat as “socially binding rules, canons of behavior, and sanctions” (Sather, 2004, p. 134). Individuals who are resistant to efforts of conciliation are said to attract misfortune. As Sather (2004) notes,
“those who repeatedly breach the rules of addat, or refuse to submit to conciliation, are thought to endanger the social fabric and are believed to invite calamity (busung), both upon themselves and others…” in terms of “health and physical wellbeing” (p. 134). The belief in the attraction of calamity should the rules of addat be broken among the Sama Dilaut is similar the Tugen belief in ng’ogi (curses) that follow individuals should they fail to contribute to peace for example in the assuring of the human needs of one’s set of tilia relations by, for example, mistreating them.
The principles of addat and tiliandi speak to the relational values that promote peace amongst societies that orientate themselves towards peacefulness.
In ensuring that members’ basic needs are met, the Tugen principle of tiliandi ensures that there are relations in which individuals have an obligated duty for care drawn from paternal and maternal kinship ties, age-set affiliation ties, and established friendship ties. The concept of obligated duties for care is replicated in Margariteno society where “sociocentric networks” are established to ensure that “resources are passed among members according to need” (Cook,
1997, p. 71). According to Cook (1997), in Margariteno society, “individuals … incorporated in sociocentric networks through social ties of adoption, friendship, and ritualized kinship … are CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 334 treated with equal status” and are “expected to participate in an economic system that requires generosity, cooperation, and exchange” (p. 71). The incorporation of individuals into the networks of care in Margariteno is expected to guard members against poverty and to ensure that members’ basic needs are met and more specifically, to ensure that “no one will go without food or other essential resources” (Cook, 1997, p. 71). Within Margariteno “sociocentric networks”
(Cook, 1997, p. 71) are also values guiding how individuals will treat each other just as there are values determining how the Tugen networks of tilia relations are expected to relate to one another. Among the Tugen are values of konyiten (respect) and tiliandi (reciprocity) that guide individual behavior based on the status occupied by individuals in reference to others within the network. In Margariteno society, “to insure mutual cooperation and sharing, members of sociocentric networks are expected to abide by values of moral authority including respect
(respeto), decency (sano), and nonviolence (tranquilo)” (Cook, 1997, p. 72).
Just as Tugen society allows room for competitive behavior, so does Margariteno society in the arrangement of its sociocentric system, which leaves room open for interpersonal conflict despite the peaceful nature of the society. The circumstances that lead to conflict in Margariteno society emerge from competing individual and group motivations (Cook, 1997). In Margariteno society, individuals seek to maximize the benefits they receive from the group through different tactics aimed at alienating others for example “shifting blame from one’s self to others in conflict situations, and attacking and damaging one’s enemies” while at the same time seeking to maintain group harmony by ascribing to “group standards” through maintaining “a fair and even distribution of resources,” identifying “cheaters,” the “maintenance of peaceful and harmonious relationships,” and “the minimization of conflict and disruption” (Cook, 1997, p. 72). This contradiction that occurs when individual and group motivations meet allows for both CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 335 competitive behavior and peace to exist in tandem with each other in Margariteno society – a similar occurrence as with the case of the Tugen, except for the Tugen there are age-set motivations that occur in tandem with group motivations.
As noted in Chapter Three, cultures that are deemed peaceful have certain characteristics.
I have already touched on tiliandi and the recurring theme of interdependence and the practice of establishing bonds of care necessitated by the need for each other. There are additional characteristics of peaceful cultures as found in the literature regarding peaceful societies. One, peaceful societies emphasize socialization practices that promote modelling and teaching for nonviolence and peaceful coexistence with others (Fry, 2004). Among the La “Paz” Zapotec of
Mexico, a peaceful society, are socialization practices that promote respect and nonviolence by teaching through modelling in a tranquil and safe environment. Among the La “Paz”, children are taught through positive reinforcement techniques as corporal punishment is shunned. As such, children grow up in a safe environment that results in individuals who are tranquil and who show respect to others. Similar occurrences of modeling for nonviolence and respect are found among the Tugen for children under the age of 14 years old. Youth ranging in age from 15-20 years in earlier Tugen, were however, disciplined by the warrior set through caning to guard against behavior that went against social norms. The disciplining of youth ended sometime in the
1970s with the introduction of education and when matters of social control were left to each family. In current Tugen society, children are no longer caned. In the spaces they occupy, children are protected from harsh punishment as they are taught about proper ways of being through telling and warning of consequences of bad behavior using the word of caution, kigirei!, it is forbidden! In being told kigirei!, children know that they are not to ask any further about the consequences of said behavior as it might result in unwanted circumstances. In sum, the Tugen CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 336 value socialization practices characterized by talking, telling, and modelling for good behavior in a safe environment free from harsh punishment thus making the Tugen a peaceful society. The move from disciplining, through caning, to talking, telling, and modelling since the 1970s speaks to the dynamic nature of societies.
Peaceful societies, also, have a set of values that inform interactions one of which is the respect of others and the avoidance of disrespect (Gardner, 2004). An example of a community that has similarities with the Tugen in terms of the valuing of respect for others is the Paliyans of
South India. For the Paliyans of South India, respect is of importance in interactions with all persons who, by virtue of their humanity, occupy a similar stratum. A four-year old-girl is respected by a seventy-year-old man and vice versa given the belief in the symmetry of relations between all individuals in the community. The virtue of egalitarianism actuated in all interactional spaces ensuring that all persons, including strangers, are placed in equal status ensures the shunning of asymmetrical relations and eventually assures the avoidance of disrespect. For the Tugen konyit (respect) is of utmost importance to relationships as it is through respect that conflict – or as is referred to by the Tugen, kesir-sir gei (the criss-crossing of each other) – is avoided. While respect is achieved through the value of egalitarianism and symmetrical relations for the Paliyans, for the Tugen asymmetrical relations determine how respect is accorded. For the Tugen an individual categorizes others as either their seniors, their juniors, or their peers. The value of respect is actuated within age stratas where older individuals are accorded respect in terms of giving them the authority to determine how social interactions will proceed and conclude. Young ones accord those senior to them the authority to determine how greetings, conversations, and goodbyes will occur. Peers in their spaces engage in joking relations with each other. In these spaces, the value of respect is demanded based on competitive CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 337 joking kinships. The value of respect, though different in form between the Paliyans and the
Tugen goes to show that the Tugen is a peaceful culture since it places konyit (respect) at the centre of social interactions.
Peaceful cultures, in preventing conflict, also ascribe to spiritual beliefs that prevent violent acts (Howard, 2004). The Rotumans of the South Pacific, like the Tugen, have a set of spiritual beliefs that prevent individuals from engaging in violence. The Rotumans believe in the spirits that ensure that justice prevails and in spirits that seek revenge against those who commit violent acts that infringe on others (Howard, 2004). Like the Tugen, the Rotumans believe that wrongdoers suffer ill fortune while those who do good prosper. The Rotumans call on ancestors for justice in the form of curses that will follow wrongdoers (Howard, 2004). The Tugen, on the other hand, believe that Asis (the Supreme Deity) is just in ensuring that the laws of cause and effect translated into tengek and ng’ogi (sins and curses) will follow wrongdoers into their future and will manifest as ill fortune suffered by one’s descendants. The belief in spiritual causes for curses should one do wrong to another prevent the Rotumans and the Tugen from engaging in acts of wrongdoing thus rendering both societies as peaceable.
Another characteristic of peaceful societies is that they utilize interested third parties in their response mechanisms to cases of conflict. Among the Semai Senoi of Malaysia, the becharaa’ process entails the calling on related kin to contribute to conciliation efforts in the event of disputes occurring within the community (Robarchek, 1997). The overlapping kinships based on bilateral descent see to it that disputants will often find cause for common ground during disputes. Disputants are thus compelled to reach mutually agreeable solutions to prevent the straining of relations with overlapping kinships that if not safeguarded will lead to strains with a wide net of relations and thus risk the threat to individual survival (Robarchek, 1997). The CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 338 overlapping kinships found among the Semai Senoi of Malaysia is similar to the overlapping tilia relations found with members in one’s clan, one’s age-set, and one’s set of friends among the
Tugen. If an individual experiences discrimination and/or mistreatment, said individual will seek support from their’s and the aggressor’s set of tilia reciprocal relations. The aim of seeking support is aimed at urging the aggressor through peer pressure from their kin and related others to make amends lest they bring shame to their set of tilia relations. The members of the aggressor’s age-set may compel the aggressor to change their ways lest their age-set get a bad name in the community. Additionally, the aggressor’s family may compel the aggressor to make amends and make promises of amending their behavior lest the family gets a bad name that will be detrimental to the future survival of the family during future marriage prospects. If a family has a reputation of treating its members badly, then they may not be able to secure future wives and/or husbands. The utilization of interested third parties is a characteristic of peaceful cultures as found in literature. The Tugen, like the Semai Senoi of Malaysia, can be thus be categorized as a peaceful culture.
I would also like to mention the conflict resolution processes that have been put in place by Tugen society to handle disputes thus ensuring the constructive outcomes of conflicts. Kemp
(2004) in discussing cultures of peace argues that a culture of peace is one that has orientated itself towards peace and has identified mechanisms and techniques for addressing conflicts so as to prevent them from being destructive. For the Tugen, the cultural techniques for peace that are in place for resolving disputes are emically known as kirwogik, that is deliberations or arbitration. Age-sets who are in conflict with one another over power are often called for deliberation/arbitration facilitated by the chief and a group of selected elders. Conflicts over land between a father and his sons and domestic disputes between male siblings are deliberated on by CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 339 a pool of impartial (from the community) and partial (from the family) elders. Conflicts between a man and his wife are deliberated on by representatives from the man’s and wife’s clans. These deliberations are aimed at truth finding and are aimed at restoring balance through the pursuit of justice. When applying the kirwoge (deliberation/arbitration) concept to known concepts in peace and conflict studies, we may refer to it (kirwoge) as arbitration – the process of allowing third parties officiate a conflict resolution process and deliver a verdict on the process. The arbitration, in this case, is not uniform as was found in Bangladesh by Mian and Hossain (2013). For the
Tugen, the arbitration/deliberation (kirwoge) process may result in a verdict delivered by the deliberators or may result in no verdict at all. A no verdict occurs when the truth has not been uncovered in a conflict situation and/or when an offender has not confessed to the crime that he/she is being accused of. In such cases, Tugen deliberators/arbitrators leave the matter to fate lest they deliver a judgement that is not just thus risking inviting curses into their own lives in future.
In discussing cultures of peace, it is vital to underscore that states of violence may exist in peaceful societies as is the case with Tugen and specifically among Tugen age-sets. As
Boulding (2000) notes, peaceful societies may not exist in a pure form and as Davis-
Vengoechea (2004) argues, peace is a dynamic concept that occurs on a continuum with peace on one side and violence on the other side. A society that is peaceful, may thus, at different points in time engage in violence. The difference is in how violence is handled in peaceful societies. While violence may persist in violent societies for long periods of time, peace is a long-lasting dynamic in peaceful societies. Peace in this case is achieved with cultural mechanisms for handling the eruption of violence as is the case with peacekeeping missions that aim at halting violence, peacemaking efforts such as mediation and arbitration aimed at CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 340 addressing the behavioral components and the accompanying emotions of conflict, and peacebuilding efforts aimed at addressing the structural basis of conflict. In Tugen society, we can say that while violence has been recorded in Tugen society amongst age-sets competing for power, this violence has been mitigated by the chief and chosen elders to ensure that power easily transitions from one age-set to the next. Additionally, the pre-existing rule allowing for each age-set to hold power for a period of not more than 12 years makes it possible that the transfer of power is inevitable between the 10th and 12th years of an age-set’s reign.
I would also like to mention that despite recorded instances of violence between age-sets and when warriors go out to war, this violence occurs outside the safe spaces that are set aside from a large demographic of the community including women, children, workers, parents, grandparents, and retired grandparents. The safe spaces occupied by these individuals are known as orit (inside spaces) while those in which violence occurs is referred to as sang (outside). The family (by and large) is safe from the violence that occurs in sang. This is why the violence occurs when the age-sets are competing over the transfer of power from one age-set to the next, specifically actuated during the singing competitions that occur between the age-sets during the tumdo (rite of passage) ritual. Additionally, the violence that is recorded amongst age-sets where individuals are hurt – with steel weapons – is as a result of individuals acting out their own autonomy and taking matters into their own hands. Usually during these competitions for power, age-set leaders often decide not to use steel weapons against each other, but some individuals go against these rules and decide to use steel weapons against each other. These nuances speak to the dynamic concept of violence, and conversely of peace, thus showcasing the dynamism of human socieites and at a macro level, the dynamism of peace especially within complex socio- cultural settings. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 341
In referencing Galtung’s (1990) triadic notion of violence, we find that the Tugen cultural system, including its material, social, and ideological components is one that is peaceful.
Galtung’s (1990) triadic notion of violence entails direct violence, structural violence, and cultural violence. For the Tugen, these aspects of violence are prevented and mitigated as they appear within the community. Direct violence is prevented within the interactional safety spaces of society reserved for communal well-being where instances of mistreatment and discrimination are mitigated within the family and community through established modes of resolution. Cultural violence is also prevented within the community where the socio-cultural system ensures that the principles of tiliandi and konyiten assure individuals will be well cared for given the duties for care that are found in these relations. In these relations and the subsequent duties for care, there is no room for justified discrimination and/or mistreatment of others. Structural violence is prevented at the communal level where families in their clusters work together to provide for the basic needs of each family unit and household. We find that families in their clusters will support each other, for example in ensuring that young families have access to the basic necessities needed for survival.
A last point I would like to make regarding peace is that theTugen socio-relational system of tiliandi guided by the principles of reciprocity and respect is important in safeguarding peace amongst members of the community. Tiliandi (reciprocal relationships) are important, first because they ensure individual survival in a precarious environment. Tugen views of relationships is that they are important in ensuring individual and eventual group survival.
Further, the principle of reciprocity is one that assures that relationships are strengthened and called upon during future interactions especially during times when one seeks the help of others to meet any future needs for example in paying hospital bills, paying for the education of CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 342 children, and paying for weddings and funerals. Additionally, the principle of konyiten (respect) informs how relationships and interactions proceed. The principle of konyiten is of most importance in ensuring that individuals do not criss-cross each other. This explains why it is rare for a younger individual to be in conflict with an older individual within the interactional spaces of the family and community (with the exception of fights found in age-set spaces that occur in outside spaces). The prevention of conflict between younger and older societal individuals sees to it that there is constant reverence of each other, first because of age differences and secondly because of shared relations of reciprocity.
Strengths and Limitations of the Study
One limitation of the study relates to the case study method which does not allow for the generalization of findings and data to other settings. The Tugen of Kenya occupy different regions in North and South Baringo. This study was limited to the Tugen of Kisanana sub- location in South Baringo. The findings from this study, though possibly having similarities with other Tugen communities in different sub-locations of South Baringo, and the rest of Baringo county, cannot be generalized due to the geographical peculiarities of the people of Kisanana sub-location. A multi-case study approach would have allowed for the study of different Tugen communities in Baringo to see how the findings might have differed and/or converged given different geographic peculiarities. One geographical peculiarity that comes to mind when thinking about how groups are able to maintain peace is the constant threat of raiding that continues to present day in North Baringo; the Tugen of North Baringo are constantly raided
(their livestock) by the neighbouring Pokot community. Whether the Tugen of North Baringo maintain peace can be revealed by looking at the impact of constant raids on the community’s CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 343 ability toward peacefulness. The use of the single case study method did not allow for this kind of comparison.
There is also a limitation on the generalizability of the findings of this research to a wider population, specifically populations in cities. People living in cities can be said to be existing in loose cultures where there are lots of people occupying a smaller space thus creating room for ambiguity and contradiction that allows people to challenge cultural norms and group consensus
(Triandis, 2010). Relationships of reciprocity and respect found in Tugen society exist because of the cultural elements of clan and age-set membership. Since these arrangements do not exist in cities, it would not work to apply these principles to other wider populations, specifically in cities.
Another limitation of the study has to do with access issues to facts related to instances of fighting (kepirgei), mistreatment (keus kei), discrimination (kesas kei), and disagreements (kesir sir kei) in the community. I was able to observe an instance of discrimination (as was the case with the sister who let her sister do all the household work during her mother’s women’s meeting). I also observed instances of fighting (competition) between children who competed for toys. I was also able to observe instances of disagreements between mothers and their daughters over a variety of things including dress code, and what was perceived as unsavoury behavior on the part of daughters. While I was able to observe competition between children and disagreements between women in the family, I was not able to observe other conflicts for example between a father and his sons or between a man and his wife/wives. These conflicts were kept out of my eye especially because of the demarcations of spaces in Tugen society based on age and gender teams. I was also not able to observe a conflict resolution process since these processes were kept to only a few who were involved in the conflict and the arbitrators selected CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 344 to participate in deliberations. Since I did not observe most of these cases, I relied on participant accounts on the sources of conflict, the character of conflicts, and the subsequent conflict response mechanisms.
A limitation that has to do with my positionality is that of reporting some facts and leaving some facts out of the dissertation report. Leaving out some facts is related to the principle of ensuring that I present the community in positive light and save them from potential embarrassing exposure. Some facts that I left out include the conflicts recorded between individuals, families, and clans ascribing to the traditional circumscision ceremony versus individuals, families, and clans ascribing to the church circumscision ceremony. I also left out information regarding conflicts in the home where men are the victims and women are the offenders. These are facts that respondents specifically asked me not to report on. There are other facts that if revealed might put the community at risk with the laws of the country. The implication of leaving these facts out is that a complete portrait of the community might not have been presented. The leaving out of these facts may have peripherally nuanced conclusions that I drew from the data. However, it does not alter the main conclusion, that the Tugen, within the spectrum of peaceful and violent, lean toward being a a peaceful society.
One strength of the study emerges from my positionality and the ease with which I was able to gain social access into the community, that is access into the socio-relational and cultural information that was pertinent to the study. The information shared with me by study participants and the opening of their homes and their lives to me gave a glimpse into an authentic picture about life among the Tugen of Kisanana. The authentic stories shared, and the authentic lives recorded from my observations provided rich data that was useful in coming up with an accurate and authentic portrayal of the community. The understanding I garnered from the field about CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 345 conflict and conflict resolution is elicitive in that it emerged from local understandings of conflict and conflict resolution (Lederach, 1995). The elicitive approach to conflict and conflict resolution is based on several key ideas; (i) that the people on the ground are key resources that need to be utilized in seeking to understand conflict and conflict resolution, (ii) that Indigenous knowledge is essential for learning, (iii) that the reliance on local knowledge is best in seeking to ensure suitable knowledge creation, and (iv) that the seeking of indigenous knowledge leads to empowerment that promotes participation among people in the grassroots (Lederach, 1995).
Another strength of the study emerges from a methodological standpoint, that is the methodology and the fieldwork techniques I used for the study. The case study approach allowed for the use of different techniques for the collection of data in order to allow for the triangulation of said data. The ethnographic fieldwork method entailed the use of different data collection techniques including participant observation, interviews, and focus groups. I also included group interviews. The use of different data collection techniques was important in the triangulation of data and in the accumulation of vast and rich data gathered in different ways and from different sources thus providing an opportunity for double-checking data for reliability.
Another strength of the study has to do with its contribution to knowledge on cultures of peace. Specifically, it contributes to knowledge about the influence of culture in conflict. It also contributes to knowledge about conflict response mechanisms specifically third party intervention processes as found in Indigenous societies around the world. The contribution to the knowledge of Indigenous peacebuilding is vast because it shows among other things, the influence of rituals in building peace, the importance of restoring relationships and balance after conflict situations. Perhaps novel to this study is the contribution of the study to the area of human needs, culture, and peace. This study sheds light on how the fulfillment of human needs CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 346 contributes to the securing of sustainable peace in a society. Sustainable peace, in this sense, is achieved through the cultural arrangements that promote equality and the values of fairness.
These cultural/institutional arrangements make it possible for the fulfillment of group basic needs and the psychological needs for bonding and autonomy.
Implications of the Study
If we think of culture as a tool for meeting a group’s member’s basic needs and as a tool that allows a group to adjust and adapt to its physical environment, then the human race is faced with a choice to change its culture. As previously noted, culture according to Malinowski (1960) is an
apparatus partly material, partly human, and partly spiritual by which man is able to cope
with the concrete, specific problems that face him. These problems arise out of the fact
that man has a body object to various organic needs, and that he lives in an environment
which is his best friend, in that it provides the raw material of man’s handiwork, and also
its dangerous enemy, in that it harbors many hostile forces. (p. 36)
The challenges (hostile forces) facing our globe today include but are certainly not limited to environmental degradation, global insecurity, and poverty. If we, as a human race, fail to adapt by adjusting our global culture to ensure that it (our culture) continues to cater to our basic needs, then we risk extinction. Specifically, if we fail to close the gap between the rich and the poor and continue to advance ideals of individualism rooted in capitalist expansion in cultures then it will reach a point where there will be an imbalance in our society that breeds violence thus jeopardizing the potentials for future generations. Conversely, there needs to be advancements made to ensure social and economic rights for all groups in society, which will require a restructuring not only in socio-political and economic systems but will also require a change in CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 347 perception on the priorities that societies set out for themselves, whether that of capitalist expansion at all costs or moral and sustainable economic ideals. As Clark (2002) notes, change, will eventually occur… “the question is, will it be a change that human beings have worked out for themselves, or will it be a change they are subjected to and feel helpless to direct?” (p. 36).
Clark (2002) proposes a way through which we can adjust our culture to ensure that the hostile forces facing our globe today do not render our extinction inevitable. First, is the acknowledgement that human nature is not by nature aggressive and violent. Rather, Clark
(2002) notes that human nature is wired for love and cooperation. This is different from the
Tugen view of human nature. The Tugen, as noted in Chapter Five, do not ascribe to deterministic approaches to human development, rather, they are environmentalists who view individuals as a product of their environment. Essentially, individuals are socialized to be what they are. The implication of the Tugen view is that, to change our global culture, from one that tolerates environmental destruction, inequality, and insecurity, to one that promotes protection, equity, and security, we have to start with socialization practices that promote these values in children to ensure slow alterations in our global culture for current and future changes. Of course, socialization will not be enough to transform structures to promote these values in our societies. There have to be committed efforts to change the structures currently in existence in societies where structural violence exists, that is societies where inequality is the norm.
Specifically, efforts have to be made to advance food security for vulnerable populations, affordable housing, and the provision of affordable healthcare.
Another implication of this Tugen study has to do with creating an environment that assures equity and that the needs of societal members’ basic needs are met. This requires the creation of social systems that ensure that individuals are free from poverty by providing avenues CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 348 through which individuals access some form of economic revenue. This economic revenue can be provided through families, the same way families in Tugen society function. For individuals who do not have families, then a plan has to be made to ensure that there is social welfare provided to them. This would require some form of registration with some government social agencies and/or services. In Development as Freedom, Sen (1999) proposes ways in which individuals can be protected from abject poverty. Sen’s (1999) main argument is that development is more than just increasing income, and poverty is more than just a lack of basic income. For Sen (1999) poverty relates to several unfreedoms. Sen (1999) lists several unfreedoms including the lack of political freedom, the lack of opportunity, and the lack of economic protection. To merge Sen’s (1999) ideas with the ideas borrowed from Tugen culture, ensuring that individuals are protected from poverty means that they are awarded political freedom, opportunities for growth, and access to some revenue. In this way individuals will be content in knowing that their basic needs are being met within society, and in this way, society will be serving its function, that of working to meet individual members’ needs.
Areas of Future Research and Exploration
There are several areas of future exploration that this study has paved a way for. Of critical importance is a methodological example for conducting comparative research with other ethnic groups, for example Bantu and Cushite groups with the aim of determining how peace can be achieved between different ethnicities in Kenyan contemporary society. Kenya is a politically vibrant society with deep ethnic divisions driving political discussions and shaping the political landscape of the country. In worst case scenarios we have seen Kenyan ethnic relations degenerate to violence over election disputes. Similar comparative studies focusing on relationships and the values that hold relationships together among different ethnic groups in CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 349
Kenya can shed light on areas of convergence that can be identified and built in order to explore ways in which peaceful relations can be achieved amongst different communities in Kenya. In comparatively looking at these communities, there might emerge ways in which cross-cultural ways of building and maintaining peace (i.e., third-party intervention processes including mediation, and other modes of building peace found in cultural rituals and activities) can be articulated and instituted in a society with deep ethnic divisions such as Kenya.
Additionally, this study is relevant in shedding light on a peaceful culture and provides a methodological example for similar studies. For example, similar studies could be replicated amongst other Kalenjin speaking groups in Kenya including the Nandi, Kipsigis, Sebei, Keiyo,
Marakwet, and Pokot. A study of other Kalenjin speaking people’s groups might shed light on if and how these groups converge in terms of worldviews, relationship-building, and the impact of worldviews and relationships on group experiences of conflict. It is important to look at different cultures of peace in order to compare and contrast them to find common themes.
The values that define relationships amongst members of one’s kin, one’s age-sets/peers, and one’s friends can be explored specifically among the Kikuyu, to find areas of convergence.
A similar study among the Kikuyu would be helpful since the Kikuyu and the Kalenjin, in the past (with the most recent being in 2007/2008), have engaged in conflicts that have degenerated to violence and displacement following disputed election results. A study of relational values that determine if and how the Kikuyu maintain peace amongst its members might provide a glimpse into areas in which Kalenjin worldviews and Kikuyu worldviews are similar. Areas of convergence might have implications on how systems of conflict prevention can be designed and instituted to ensure that future conflicts are prevented by finding ways to build relationships between the two groups. CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 350
Additionally, to contribute to the topic of peaceful cultures, this study can be replicated in other Tugen communities in Kisanana location and in other parts of Baringo county. Similar studies can also be conducted to see how other Kalenjin speaking groups, including the Nandi,
Kipsigis, Keiyo, Marakwet, Sebei, and Pokot, compare in terms of how they perceive conflict and if and how they maintain peace amongst its members.
An important segment of tumwek (festivities) in Tugen is women. Tugen women are in control of festivities that have recently been instituted in Tugen culture including thanksgiving ceremonies and those related to women’s groups. Additionally, during festivities, women are involved as they are the ones who engage in song and dance and plan the sharing of gifts during ceremonies. Boulding (2002) notes the importance of women’s cultures as avenues through which peace is achieved in societies. For this case, future research on women’s cultures and the roles that women play in securing peace in societies would be of significance.
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 351
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Appendices
Appendix 1: Glossary of terms
Am emoo: Literally translates to ‘to eat stories’ / to share stories Asis: God (Tugen) Askari: Guard Atepto: Behavior Baraza: Deliberation/arbitration (Swahili) Chebyosoik: Women Chepkulie: Ant Chesue: The ones in the middle Chitab kokwet: Neighbour Chitab ore: Clanmate Chongin: The eldest Giil: To be aware of right and wrong Ginda: Breast Ing’weny: Earth Isagek: Bitter wild vegetable Isochik: Wild vegetable Kaa: Home Kame: Mother Kap: Place of / house of Kap mama: House of mama Kap Tien: Place of song Kass: Listen Kwanda: Father Kepirgei: To fight Kesas kei: To discriminate against each other Kesagan ng’alek: To straighten things out Kesir-sir gei: To criss-cross each other or to disagree with each other Ketup tuga: To bury livestock or to conceal someone’s livestock Keus kei: To mistreat one another Kigirei!: It is forbidden! Kiporpori ma: To start a fire Kirwoge: Deliberation/arbitration (Tugen) Kirwoginde: Deliberator/arbitrator Kirwoch: To deliberate (Tugen) Kochek: Rashes Koito: Giving away of the bride ceremony / marriage Kokwet: Neighbourhood Konyit: Respect Konyiten: Respectful relation CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 372
Kogo: Grandmother Kogoisiek: Grandmothers Kugo: Grandfather Kugoisiek: Grandfathers Laak: Children Lakwe: Child Mamae: Maternal uncle Mbarnot: The youngest Mboga: Vegetables (Swahili) Menjo: Temporary dwelling for initiates Metegelen: Petty Mi breast: There is a breast Moita: Calf Momi ginda: There is no breast Motirenik: Initiates’ mentors Mungu: God (Swahili) Murenik: Warriors Mursik: Tugen yoghurt Mzungu: White person Ndasimee: Prayer Nigararan: Good Ng’ogi: Curse Ng’om: Wise or clever Ng’wan: Painful Nyigan: Brave or couragenous Ore: Clan Orit: Inside Paguleita: Age-set mate Phik: People Phik ab kaa: People of home Poisiek: Workers Porie: War Pororosiek: Sections of land controlled by family clusters Punik: Enemies Punyon: Enemy Sang: Outside Senge: Paternal aunt Sere: Bless us Sie: Co-wife Silangwe: Cultural root Soe: Girls’ youth to adulthood rite of passage Sogonwonik: Sticks Tangoi: Play Tengek: Sin Teta: Cow Tilia: Reciprocal relation CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 373
Tiliandi: Reciprocal relationship Tiliet: Reciprocal relation Tilil: Clean person / a person of integrity Torusiek: Initiates Tuga: Cattle Tumdo: Boys’ youth to adulthood rite of passage Tumwek: Celebrations (plural) Tupche: Sibling Wazungu: White people
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 374
Appendix 2: Study participant profiles and occupations
S/NO AGE / ID Sex Occupation
1 80 - 90a F Retired herbalist
2 80 - 90b F Livestock keeper
3 80 - 90c F Retired teacher
4 80 - 90d F Retired teacher
5 80 - 90e F Retired teacher
6 80-90a M Retired farmer
7 80-90b M Farmer
Retired livestock 8 80 - 90c M keeper
9 80 - 90d M Livestock keeper
Farmer & Livestock 10 70-80a F keeper
11 70-80b F Livestock keeper
12 70 - 80a M Retired teacher
13 60-70a F Nurse
14 60 - 70b F Retired teacher CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 375
Farmer & Livestock 15 60 - 70c F keeper
16 60 - 70a M Retired chief
17 50 - 60a F Teacher
18 50 - 60b F Teacher
19 50 - 60c F Business woman
20 50-60a M Military veteran
Farmer & Livestock 21 50 - 60b M keeper
22 50- 60c M Business man
23 50 - 60d M Business man
24 50 - 60e M Priest
Farmer & Livestock 25 50 - 60f M keeper
26 50 - 60g M Business man
27 40 - 50a F Unemployed
28 40-50a M Mechanic
29 30-40a F Unemployed
30 30 - 40b F Teacher CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 376
31 30-40a M Herder
32 30-40b M Motorbike operator
33 30 – 40c M Herder
34 20-30a F Student
35 20 - 30b F Nurse
36 20 -30c F Unemployed
37 20 - 30d F Student
38 20-30a M Student
39 20 - 30b M Herder
40 20 - 30c M Student
41 20 - 30d M Student
42 20 - 30e M Student
43 7-12a F Student
44 7 -12b F Student
45 7-12a M Student CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 377
46 7-12b M Student
47 13 -17a F Student
48 13-17b F Student
49 13-17c F Student
50 13-17d F Student
51 13-17e F Student
52 13-17a M Student
53 13-17b M Student
54 13-17c M Student
55 13-17d M Student
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 378
Appendix 3: Research legs, timeline, names of households and number of days spent in each household during the duration of research
Research leg Timeline Household No. of days
Leg 1 Dec. 23 – 30 Kap Ng’eny Joshua 8
Dec. 31 – Jan 15 Kap Ng’etich Samuel 16
Jan. 16 – Jan 28 Regrouping 13
Leg 2 Jan. 29 – Feb. 5 Kap Ng’etich Samuel 8
Feb. 6 – Feb. 13 Kap Arusei Samson 8
Feb. 14 – Feb 23 Kap Rengeleyo Ezra 10
Feb 24 – Mar. 10 Regrouping 16
Leg 3 Mar. 11 – Mar. 20 Kap Belion Job 10
Mar. 21 – Mar. 30 Kap Arusei Samson 10
Mar. 31 – Apr. 15 Regrouping 16
Leg 4 Apr. 16 – Apr. 25 Kap Ng’eny Joshua 10
Apr. 26 – Apr. 28 Kap Ng’etich Samuel 3
Apr. 29 – May. 5 Kap Rengeleyo Ezra 7
May. 6 – May. 7 Kap Arusei Samson 2
May. 8 – May. 14 Kap Belion Job 7
Leg 5 May. 15 – May. 17 Kap Arusei Samson 3
May. 18 – May. 20 Kap Rengeleyo Ezra 3
May. 21 – May. 23 Kap Ng’eny Joshua 3 CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 379
May. 24 – May. 27 Kap Ng’etich Samuel 4
Total number of days 157
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 380
Appendix 4: Observation Protocol
Observations (Notes) Follow-up questions/ clarifications
Reflective notes / reflections
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 381
Appendix 5: Guiding Interview and Focus Group Questions
Appendix 5A. Guiding Interview Questions - Adults
On Tugen Culture and Conflict
1. What can you tell someone who is not from Tugen about Tugen culture?
2. What does it mean to be a Tugen?
3. What can you say about Tugen values?
4. How and when did you learn about how to be a Tugen?
5. In your opinion, what are the main sources of conflict among the Tugen?
6. How do the Tugen generally handle conflict?
7. How do they teach young members about conflict and conflict resolution?
8. In your opinion, how do different groups of people (e.g. women, children etc.) behave
when in in conflict with others?
a. Does their behavior change when in conflict with different people (e.g. neighbors,
parents, grandparents)?
b. If there are differences, what would you say determines these differences?
On cross-sectional differences
1. What would you say are some similarities between your generation and other
generations?
2. In general, what kind of disagreements do you have with your children/ husband/wife/
grandparents/grandchildren/ friends/ other relatives/ neighbors?
3. How often do you have these disagreements?
4. How do you handle these disagreements?
5. How do you resolve these differences? CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 382
6. In general, what do you do, say, and think in a conflict situation with your
children/husband/wife/ grandparents/grandchildren/ friends/ other relatives/ neighbors?
7. Do behave differently when in a conflict with different types of people for example with
do you behave differently when in conflict with a friend versus a family member? Why?
8. When and how did you learn how to respond to conflict?
9. Who or what would you say was most influential in determining your general behavior,
thoughts, and actions when in a conflict situation?
On generational subcultures
1. How would you describe your general outlook (or philosophy) on life?
2. Who would you say shares your general outlook on life?
3. What do you share in common with your children/ husband/wife/
grandparents/grandchildren/ friends/ other relatives/ neighbors?
4. In what ways do you think you are different from your children/
husband/wife/grandparents/grandchildren/ friends/ other relatives/ neighbors?
10. Who do you enjoy spending time with and why?
11. What are the most and least important things to you and why?
12. What are your most valued and least valued possessions and why?
On socio-economic, political and historical events.
1. What would you say are some important socio-cultural and economic processes that have
taken place in your lifetime?
2. How have these processes impacted the community?
3. In what ways have these processes influenced you? CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 383
4. What would you say are some important political and historical events that have taken
place in your lifetime?
5. How have these events impacted the community?
6. In what ways have these processes influenced you?
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 384
Appendix 5B. Guiding Interview Questions – Children (7-17 years old)
On conflict approaches
1. What is the first thing that comes to mind when you hear the word conflict?
2. Think of the most recent disagreement you had. What was the source of the
disagreement?
a. How would you describe behavior during the conflict?
3. There are usually five different ways/styles of responding to conflict: (i) compete like a
shark; (ii) avoid like a turtle; (iii) accommodate like a teddy bear; (iv) compromise like a
fox; and (v) collaborate like an owl. Which one would you say is your most common
style when you disagree with someone?
a. Do you use that style when you disagree with different people? For example, your
parents, teachers, siblings, friends?
b. What style do you tend to use when you are in disagreement with your parents/
teachers/ grandparents/grandchildren/ friends/ other relatives/ neighbors?
4. When and how did you learn how to respond to conflict?
CULTURAL PATHWAYS FOR SUSTAINED PEACE 385
Appendix 5C. Guiding Focus Group Questions – Adults
On Tugen Culture and Conflict
1. What can you tell someone who is not from Tugen about Tugen culture?
2. What does it mean to be a Tugen?
3. What can you say about Tugen values?
4. How and when did you learn about how to be a Tugen?
5. In your opinion, what are the main sources of conflict among the Tugen?
6. How do the Tugen generally handle conflict?
7. How do they teach young members about conflict and conflict resolution?
8. In your opinion, how do different groups of people (e.g. women, children etc.) behave
when in in conflict with others? Does their behavior change when in conflict with
different people (e.g. neighbors, parents, grandparents)?
a. If there are differences, what would you say determines these differences?
On socio-economic, political and historical events.
1. What would you say are some important socio-cultural and economic processes that have
taken place in your lifetime?
2. How have these processes impacted the community?
3. In what ways have these processes influenced you?
4. What would you say are some important political and historical events that have taken
place in your lifetime?
5. How have these events impacted the community?
6. In what ways have these processes influenced you?