Zionism, Demography and Democracy in Mandate Palestine
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People Who Count: Zionism, Demography and Democracy in Mandate Palestine By Nimrod Lin A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by Nimrod Lin 2018 People Who Count: Zionism, Demography and Democracy in Mandate Palestine Nimrod Lin Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto 2018 Abstract This dissertation examines the ways in which demographic knowledge shaped Zionist attitudes towards majority rule and minority rights in Mandate Palestine (1917-1948). In 1917, Jews comprised 10% of Palestine’s population; by 1947, their share of the population rose to 30%, almost entirely due to immigration from Europe. The Zionist Organization was aware of this trend and articulated its political demands in accordance with not only the current number of Jews living in Palestine, but also statistical projections of the number of Jews who would enter the country in the future. I argue that from a demographic-political point of view, the Mandate years should be divided into two periods. Between 1917 and 1937, the Zionist leadership successfully prevented the establishment of majoritarian self-governing institutions, and espoused the principle of mutual non-domination, which dictated that Jews would not rule over Arabs and vice versa. In practice, the Zionists advocated the creation of two separate autonomous national communities under British federal rule, or complete parity between Jews and Arabs in Palestine’s self-governing institutions. Although the British and the Arabs rejected both proposals, the Zionist leadership was able to prevent the creation of a joint political structure in which the Arabs would enjoy a clear majority. ii The second period began when the Zionist Organization tentatively accepted the 1937 British proposal to establish a Jewish state in part of Palestine, a decision that radically changed Zionist political discourse. Given the demographic makeup of Palestine, according to the partition proposal almost half of the future Jewish state’s inhabitants would have been Arab. This meant that the Zionist leadership had to jettison the principle of mutual non-domination and think seriously about the rights of the Arab minority in the Jewish state to be. The issue of mass transfer of Arabs out of the Jewish state now became an inextricable part of Zionist political discourse, since it was seen by most Zionist leaders as a measure that would consolidate the Jewish character of the state. This discourse, which revolves around the management of the Arab minority’s size and rights, has persisted in Israeli politics to this day. iii Acknowledgments Many people have helped me complete this dissertation. First and foremost, I would like to thank Derek Penslar, whose sage advice and patience made the whole process a relative breeze. I would also like to thank Doris Bergen and Jens Hanssen for asking tough questions about the place of my research in broader fields of knowledge. Jessica Radin has read the whole text carefully and made sure my English was not too incomprehensible. Evan Dokos and Tom Frydel engaged me in endless entertaining conversations, both academic and lay. Gil Rubin, Eli Osheroff, Arie Dubnov, Aldea Mulhern, Anthea Darychuk, Nimrod Reitman, Ariel Schwartz, Assaf Gilad, Itay Tokatly, Omri Sheffer Raviv, Annie Perez, Rafi Stern, Daniel Monterescu, Yaniv Feller, Orit Rozin, Anat Leibler, Matan Boord, Dan Rosenthal, Dan Deutsch, and Ari Barell have all contributed in their own way to my work and wellbeing. Finally, I would like to thank my family – Rachel, Michael, Yotam, Ella, Nadav and Hadas – for supporting me, emotionally and materially, throughout this long process. iv Table of Contents Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 1 1. Zionism and the Idea of a Joint Legislature I, 1918-1924 ................................ 25 2. Time between Suns: Zionism and the Idea of a Joint Legislature, 1925- 1929 .............................................................................................................................................. 58 3. The Nobleman and the Bear: Zionism and the Joint Legislature III, 1929- 1936 ............................................................................................................................................ 101 4. From Parity to Partition: Zionist Reactions to the Arab Revolt, April 1936- August 1937 ............................................................................................................................ 164 5. The Arithmetic of Rights: Zionist Intellectuals Imagining the Arab Minority January 1937-July 1938 .................................................................................. 218 6. A Tale of Two Committees: Zionist Demographic Thought During the Second World War, 1942-1946 ...................................................................................... 263 7. Absentees: The Arab Minority and the Making of Israeli Democracy, November 1947-January 1949 ........................................................................................ 303 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 332 Bibliography ........................................................................................................................... 337 v Introduction The present dissertation seeks to understand how the desire to create a Jewish majority in Palestine, and the demographic knowledge it produced, shaped Zionist thought regarding democratic rule, minority rights, and minority-majority relations during the years of British rule in Palestine (1917-1948). By studying the link between demographic and democratic thought, I attempt to address a significant lacuna in the history of Israel\Palestine. Since the early 1990s students of Israel have debated the scope, merit, and, indeed, the very existence of Israeli democracy.1 This debate, conducted mainly among political scientists, almost uniformly begins from the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, as if the state had sprung, Athena-like, from the forehead of Zeus, with a Jewish majority in tow. What is missing from these studies is an account of the Zionist struggle to create a Jewish majority in Palestine – the sine qua non of Israeli democracy – before 1948. Nevertheless, studies of Zionist politics prior to 1948 have treated the formation of Zionist democratic practices as an exclusively intra-Jewish affair. For example, the editors of a recent volume on the history of Israeli democracy, Ba-derekh ha-demokratit (on the democratic way), make the claim that the origins of Israeli democracy go all the way back to the First Temple period and conclude that Israeli democracy is, ultimately, a 1 See, for example: Sami Smooha, “Minority Status in an Ethnic Democracy: The Status of the Arab Minority in Israel”, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 13, No. 3 (1990), pp. 389-413; As’ad Ghanem, Nadim Rouhana and Oren Yiftachel, “Questioning ‘Ethnic Democracy”: A Response to Sammy Smooha”, Israel Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2 (1998), pp. 253-267; Gershon Shafir and Yoav Peled, “Citizenship and Stratification in an Ethnic Democracy”, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 21, No. 3 (1998), pp. 408-427; Alan Dowty, “Is Israel Democratic? Substance and Semantics in the ‘Ethnic Democracy’ Debate”, Israel Studies, Vol. 4, No. 2 (1999), pp. 1-15; Ruth Gavison, “Jewish and Democratic? A Rejoinder to the ‘Ethnic Democracy’ Debate”, Israel Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1 (1999), pp. 44-72; Oren Ben-Dor, “Debating Israeli Ethnocracy and the Challenges of Secular Democracy: I. A Critique of Oren Yiftachel”, Holy Land Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2 (2007), pp. 177-195. 1 2 “natural link” in the great chain of Jewish history.2 Many of the volume’s chapters deal with pre-1948 Zionism, but none of them examine the Zionist-Arab conflict in any substantial way. This approach is shared by many scholars of the Yishuv – the pre-1948 Jewish community in Palestine – who tend to study its political institutions in isolation from their Arab counterparts, usually making the case that Jewish politics were broadly democratic while Arab politics were not. The isolationist approach was given a forceful articulation in a seminal work by sociologists Moshe Lissak and Dan Horowitz, who describe Mandatory Palestine as a dual society in which two separate national communities existed with very “limited mutual relations” between them.3 The dual society hypothesis allowed Lissak and Horowitz to make an all-too-neat distinction between the Yishuv, which “established elected representative institutions” and the Arab community, which did not.4 The dichotomy between the democratic Zionist movement and the oligarchic Arab national movement, however, cannot explain why the Zionist leaders opposed the establishment of a joint parliament in Palestine in the 1930s, while the Arab leaders supported it. Interestingly, more critical studies of the Yishuv share Horowitz and Lissak’s tendency to study Zionist democracy in a vacuum. In the late 1970s, sociologist Yonathan Shapiro published two studies on the formation of Israeli democracy, both of which deal extensively with the Mandate period, with almost no reference to the Zionist-Arab conflict.5 More recent studies, such as Ze’ev Sternhall’s examination of Labor Zionist 2 Allon Gal, Gershon Bacon,