MUNICIPALISM IN SPAIN

ROSA From Barcelona to Madrid, and Beyond LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE By Vicente Rubio-Pueyo Table of Contents

A Sea Change in the Politics of Spain (and Beyond). By the Editors...... 1

Municipalism in Spain

From Barcelona to Madrid, and Beyond...... 2

By Vicente Rubio-Pueyo

Historical Antecedents...... 4 The Municipalist Method and Guanyem Barcelona...... 6 Municipalist Confluences Across Spain...... 8 Between Urgency and Transformation...... 9 Overflow and Electoral Success...... 11 The Feminization of Politics...... 13 Debt, Recovery of Social Rights, and Re-municipalization...... 14 Towards a New Urban Model...... 15 A Democratic City: Participation and Governance...... 17 “Culture Wars”...... 17 International and National Networks...... 18 The Shape of a Left to Come?...... 19 Power in Experimentation...... 21

Published by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York Office, December 2017.

City Series, #4

Editors: Stefanie Ehmsen and Albert Scharenberg Address: 275 Madison Avenue, Suite 2114, New York, NY 10016 Email: [email protected]; Phone: +1 (917) 409-1040

With support from the German Foreign Office.

The Rosa Luxemburg Foundation is an internationally operating, progressive non-profit institution for civic education. In cooperation with many organizations around the globe, it works on democratic and social participation, empowerment of disadvantaged groups, alternatives for economic and social development, and peaceful conflict resolution.

The New York Office serves two major tasks: to work around issues concerning the United Nations and to engage in dialogue with North American progressives in universities, unions, social movements, and politics. www.rosalux-nyc.org A Sea Change in the Politics of Spain (and Beyond)

In Spain’s municipal elections of May 2015, a constellation of new political forces emerged. For the first time in almost 40 years of Spanish democracy, the country’s major cities would no longer be ruled by either the Partido Popular (PP) or the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), or any of the other long established political forces, but by new “Municipalist Confluences” such as Ahora Madrid, Barcelona en Comú, and Cadiz Si Se Puede, to name just a few.

While each of these Municipalist Confluences is the product of specific local contexts, with their own languages, traditions, and cultures, together they represent the possibility of a sea change in the pol- itics of Spain and beyond. Especially in light of the existence of a strong, post-Francoist right, which has committed itself to the “culture war” of Spanish nationalism, these confluences point toward the possibility of creating a new political subject capable of breaking the impasse that has characterized so much of national politics in the age of austerity.

Bringing together political parties new and old, nationwide movements and hyper-local social ini- tiatives, as well as a mass of disaffected voters with long-organized neighborhood groups, these confluences are a sort of radical experiment conducted at the municipal level. They have not only restructured established political processes and practices, but also shifted notions of power in order to grant traditionally underrepresented groups, including women, access to the political domain. The election of Ada Colau is a case in point. As the first woman to hold the office of Mayor of Barce- lona, Colau’s political work highlights the connections between gender equality and other forms of social, political, and economic justice.

Author Vicente Rubio-Pueyo is a professor at Fordham University. He has written extensively, both in academic contexts and in the press, on the current social and political conjuncture in Spain, and on political forces including Podemos and the Municipalist Confluences. A Spaniard living in the US for more than ten years now, Vicente has also been active in building connections and mutual under- standing between these forces and their counterparts in North America.

In this excellent study—the forth piece of our office’s “City Series”—he analyzes the Municipalist Confluences, how they came to be, and where they can take politics in Spain and beyond. Drawing on a deep knowledge of history, combined with astute theoretical and political analysis, Rubio-Pueyo provides an international audience with everything it needs to know about municipalism in Spain. His work brings us up to the minute, and is sure to have value for years to come.

Stefanie Ehmsen and Albert Scharenberg Co-Directors of New York Office, December 2017

1 Municipalism in Spain From Barcelona to Madrid, and Beyond

By Vicente Rubio-Pueyo

The 2017 Catalan independence referendum Despite much international noise about the has been called “undemocratic,” a “power grab,” worst constitutional crisis in Spain’s post-Fran- and even a “coup d’état” in international media. coist history, the historical relevance of the No matter the specific terminology, the referen- Municipalist Confluences predates the most dum as well as the dispute over its democratic recent events in Catalonia. The tensions be- legitimacy indicate that Spanish political culture tween parallel nationalist projects in Spain, is undergoing a deep transformation. with their particular articulation as territorial conflicts, can be traced back to the 1970s. Ever However, the timing of Catalonia’s move to- since, the debate over nationalism versus in- ward secession from Spain was not coinciden- dependence has structured Spanish political tal. Two years earlier, during the May 2015 mu- discourse, thus effectively foreclosing other nicipal elections, a series of new political forces important conversations concerning economic had emerged that were aligned with neither of and social justice. Stuck between the options of the two major parties in Spain. For the first nationalism or secession, it became clear that time in the almost forty years of Spanish de- a third position—in support of Catalonia’s right mocracy, the major cities in the country were to self-determination albeit not under the form no longer going to be ruled by either the Parti- of the current referendum—was much need- do Popular (PP) or the Partido Socialista Obre- ed, but that it could not be achieved through ro Español (PSOE), or any of the other long es- popular mobilization in the streets alone. tablished political forces, but by “Municipalist Confluences” such as Ahora Madrid, Barcelona Like the rise of Podemos, the emergence of en Comú, and Cádiz Sí Se Puede, to name just the Municipalist Confluences is very much re- a few. lated to popular street protests and the po- litical climate of 2011 with its anti-austerity Located outside the basic bipartisan structure movements, most importantly Movimiento of the Spanish political system, the appearance 15M, also known as Movimiento de los Indig- of the Municipalist Confluences represents nados (Indignant Movement). While Podemos an alternative in a political landscape that is may be considered the most powerful initia- marked by a long-standing tension between tive of the time, it does not exist in isolation. the centralist Spanish state on the one hand Indeed, in some cases, such as in Barcelona, and a number of nationalist or “independen- the discussions towards building a munici- tist” projects on the other. The confluences are palist force started well before Podemos was the products of specific local contexts, with launched. Yet, both Podemos and munici- their own languages, traditions, and cultures, palism should be considered translations of and their composition is the result of a highly the 2011 popular movements into the insti- dynamic geometry of different political forces tutional political domain, with each initiative and elements. following its own particular strategy. One of

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Image 1: Map of Municipalist Confluences, as of February 2015. Source: Diagonal. the most important differences between the mobilization in the streets. As a result, not two political forces is that Podemos, for var- only activist circles but also a majority of the ious reasons—including lack of energy and less politically active population began to feel resources for developing local party candida- disenchanted. Despite the massive sympathy cies—focused its energy overwhelmingly on towards the 15M movement and its demands the national and regional levels. But Podemos (which received the support of around 80% was also aware that processes “of confluence” of the Spanish population, according to polls were already in place at the local level, and in at the time), and after having witnessed the many cases later sought to join them. most intense mobilizations in decades, the street protests had been unable to stop the The process of “confluence” took off at the end austerity measures of the People’s Party’s of 2013, at a moment when many of the par- government. It was then that many activists ticipants in the movements of 2011 were ex- and political networks began to talk about the periencing a generalized sense of exhaustion. possibility of an “institutional assault.” An increase in police repression and prose- cution—manifested, for example, in the “Gag This “institutional assault” relied on three dis- Law,” which heavily penalized non-permitted tinct approaches. In chronological order, the demonstrations and other forms of public ac- first one was the techno-political approach tivism—underlined the obstacles in achieving favored by Red Ciudadana / Partido X (Cit- meaningful political change through popular izen Network / X-Party), which was an initial

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attempt to translate the open methods and ilar technical innovations), which were later post-ideological elements of the internet cul- incorporated by the other new political forc- ture into principles for political organization. es. The second one was the municipalist ap- Although not very successful politically—it proach discussed here, which was first devel- gained only 100,000 votes in the European oped in Barcelona, where it took the form of elections, in which Podemos surged—and citizen manifestos. The last approach was the now revamped as a citizen’s rights and anti- populist hypothesis of Podemos, launched corruption network, Red Ciudadana / Partido in January 2014, which has now become the X served as a sort of laboratory for the devel- third political force in the country alongside opment of online participatory tools (and sim- the PP and PSOE.

Historical Antecedents

If municipalism in Spain seems to have ap- the crisis and the austerity measures that have peared for the first time in the specific con- swept the country since 2008. It calls for fast juncture emerging from 15M, and as only one solutions to the crises in housing, public health- among several political possibilities, its concep- care, and public education in the short term. En tual and historical roots reach far deeper. común, referencing the now widely known con- cept of the commons, stands for a much broad- Conceptually speaking, Bookchin’s “Libertarian er political imaginary based on a recovery of a Municipalism,” Lefebvre’s “Right to the City,” or basic sense of politics in the long term. Politics en Harvey’s “Rebel Cities” are frequently invoked común is an activity not separated from the peo- when describing municipalism’s theoretical ple, but one where citizens’ participation consti- framework. However, even if these concepts tutes the cornerstone of the political process. are part of a widely shared political vocabu- lary among many movement participants, they Historically speaking, local and municipal pol- cannot be applied mechanically but need to be itics have always occupied an essential place adapted to specific political situations and col- within Spanish political structure. Throughout lective visions. Indeed, to pretend that these the 19th and early 20th centuries, municipal- concepts served as some sort of ready-made ism—to varying degrees in combination with formula would be a case of idealism. On the anarchist and federalist traditions—has shaped contrary, it is precisely under the light of a spe- many social and political initiatives. As a radical cific political situation that certain concepts, tra- democratic project that has attempted to rede- ditions, languages and methods acquire a new fine the structure of the state, it has pushed a and fruitful sense. bottom-up federalist model with the munici- pality as its basic political unit. As such, munic- Ahora en Común (Now In Common) have been ipalism poses a challenge not only to centralist the keywords that gave name to the new polit- tendencies, but because of its focus on econom- ical formations of municipalism. They express ic questions, democracy, and its appeal to the both a sense of urgency and a long-term polit- working classes, it also remains distinct from ical vision. Ahora refers to the immediate need the often bourgeois-driven nationalist projects for the recovery of basic social rights affected by that have emerged, for example, in Catalonia

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and the Basque Country in the late 19th centu- periences over the past few decades. This is es- ry. Municipalism represents a real alternative to pecially true in Catalonia, where the density of what Ortega once called Spain’s perpetual “in- municipalism’s social fabric, associative texture, vertebrate” condition—one rooted in democrat- and cultural identity brought about multiple lo- ic and egalitarian concerns rather than merely cal candidacies. While many of these have been territorial ones. active since the Seventies, they have also proven capable of adapting to new waves of mobiliza- While local politics condensed many of the lines tion and influences. Taking the form of candi- of conflict that traversed the country—monar- daturas de unidad popular (popular unity can- chy vs. republic, centralism vs. federalism, bour- didacies),3 these initiatives gave birth to the left geoisie vs. proletariat, and formal democracy independentist party of the same name (CUP), vs. radical democracy1—municipalism offered which played a crucial role in the discussions other options. surrounding the referendum in Catalonia.

During the so-called Transition (ca. 1973 to Aside from these historical references, the 1982), local, self-organized initiatives sprang up emergence of municipalism in Spain is also everywhere, fighting for access to basic social linked to other, more immediate problems, rights and services like housing, sewage, health- which Spanish cities have been facing recently. care, and education at the neighborhood and According to authors like Isidro López and Em- community level. They were the more practical, manuel Rodriguez, much has to do with the ef- locally anchored counterparts to the broader fects of globalization. After Spain had joined the anti-Francoist movement. This network of orga- European Economic Community in 1986, and nizations and initiatives undoubtedly played an later the European Union, the Spanish Econom- important role in the first municipal elections of ic Model became inscribed into the international the new Spanish democracy in 1979, in which the labor market, so that the Spanish economy now left—that is, a coalition of PSOE and the Commu- depended mainly on the real estate, construc- nist Party of Spain—won the major cities of the tion, and tourism sectors, which gave primacy to country. Ultimately, this electoral success proved finance capital and the banks. to be bittersweet, however, because it marked the beginning of a process of cooptation of the This, alongside the need of cities to establish movement and an increasing deactivation of its their place within the flow of international cap- initiatives. In addition, the achievements of some ital, had a massive impact on urban develop- of the movements’ demands as well as reforms ment. Investing heavily in infrastructure and real in the local administration, alongside the profes- estate, an urban model emerged based on the sionalization of many of the movement’s cadres, construction of spectacular architecture, often soon gave way to a more technocratic approach in response to large-scale events, such as inter- to neighborhood concerns and demands.2 national exhibitions or conventions. The trans- formation of Barcelona in the lead-up to the As a specific strategy towards local electoral Olympic Games of 1992 is probably the most politics, municipalism has gathered many ex- famous case, and in a way it became the mod- el for other cities in Spain that pursued a glo- 1 Observatorio Metropolitano de Madrid. 2014. La apues- balized, cosmopolitan, and neoliberal model of ta municipalista. La democracia empieza en lo cercano. Madrid: Traficantes de Sueños. 2 Manuel Castells’ classic The City and the Grassroots. A 3 Gema Ubasart. 2012. “Municipalismo alternativo y pop- Cross-cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements de- ular. ¿Hacia una consolidación de las tesis del nuevo votes one of its chapters to Madrid’s neighborhood localismo y la politización del mundo local?” Revista de movement. Estudios Políticos 157: 135-162.

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urban design: The steel from the navy yards of different levels of administration (local, region- once-industrial Bilbao was forged into the shiny al, and national), combined with the pressure curves of the Guggenheim Museum in 1997; Va- exerted by the financial interests in real estate, lencia opened a costly City for the Arts and Sci- led to systemic corruption. This was visible ences in 1998; Zaragoza built new bridges and mostly through the establishment of what be- pavilions for an International Exhibition in 2008; came known as “growth machines”—“virtuous” and many other cities opened their own muse- circles created out of city dependency on rezon- ums, convention centers, or sports stadiums. ing as a main source of direct income, in which These are only the most visible signs of a more financial interests align with local political and profound urban transformation that involved economic elites under the pretext of growth as the turn to a service economy, the exploitation the ultimate goal. In a way, the growth machines of migrant labor, the distribution of specialized can be considered a postmodern version of the economic functions across different parts of the Spanish caciquismo, a form of local oligarchic city, and, relatedly, the segregation of city neigh- control that is both economic and political in borhoods according to economic criteria. nature. The results were generalized corruption and ecological damage as well as a dispropor- At the same time, the increasing privatization tionate growth of some parts of the city versus of public programs and services continued. Ma- others.4 These developments found their institu- drid and Valencia, for example, turned into labo- tional rationale in New Public Management dog- ratories of a certain Spanish-style neoliberalism mas: outsourcing and privatization of services; during long-term conservative governments. If individualized outreach to citizens through a the Spanish administrative structure grants, at customer service approach; stimulation of pub- least formally, a significant degree of autonomy lic-private partnerships; corporate governance; to the municipal administration, the overlap of and other tenets of market ideology.

The Municipalist Method and Guanyem Barcelona

Rebel Cities, the Right to the City, the Commons, into political proposals and strategies, these and the rejection of neoliberal policies toward urban similar initiatives have provided much of the crit- growth—all these, as well as many other ideas ical analysis and technical knowledge later incor- and practices, were important ingredients in the porated into the Municipalist Confluences. formation of the municipalist method. Based on these frameworks, a number of research initia- While the diversity of local contexts and differ- tives—such as the Observatorio DESC (Economic, ent forces that are active in each city can make Social and Cultural Rights Observatory) or activist it difficult to summarize and synthesize the var- research collectives like the Observatorio Metro- ious processes that have led to the formation of politano, but also alternative publishing houses the vocabulary and elements of practice exist.5 such as Traficantes de Sueños or self-education 4 For a more detailed account on Spanish economy and programs like Nociones Comunes—were key to the impact of the 2008 crisis, see López and Rodriguez. processing and elaborating these theoretical ref- “The Spanish Model.” New Left ReviewReview 69,69, May-JuneMay-June 2011.2011. erences. Integrating them with more immediate 5 A good summary can be found in the document How to Win Back the City En Comú, published by Barcelona en concerns on the ground and translating them Comú’s International Relations office, March 2016.

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These revolve around the key concepts of conflu- por la Hipoteca (Platform for People Affected by ence, new leaderships, and overflow (desborde). Mortgages, or PAH), first attempted to answer this question on the night of the “Guanyem Bar- Two main purposes animated the use of the con- celona” citizen platform launch in September fluence method. On the one hand, there was the 2014 by asking back: “¿Qui Som?” (Who are we?) intention to provide an organizational form that was able to remain open not only to parties and Colau’s question succinctly summarizes a whole organizations, but also to ordinary citizens. In set of intersecting social issues driving the ac- this sense, the confluence tries to move beyond tivities and demands of this Guanyem initiative: the logic of the usual electoral coalition, which women underrepresented in the political domain is based on the assumption that the sum of its but overrepresented in the invisible labor of care; parts is an immediate given and in which only neighbors fighting for the maintenance of basic pre-existing organized entities are represented. rights and services; struggling working-class and The political landscape opened up by the 15M unemployed people taking public transportation movement deeply questioned this assumption. to precarious jobs or reduced social services of- If the situation in Spain can be considered a cri- fices; educators and nurses defending basic el- sis of both shared political narratives and tradi- ements of social welfare; migrants in search for tional political identities, the logic of the conflu- a more hospitable city without repression and ence provides the possibility of producing new, detention centers; experienced municipal public unexpected realignments that are no longer servants demanding a fair and transparent use structured strictly along a left-right axis. of public institutions and an acknowledgment of their capacities; diverse familial groupings On the other hand, the confluences were also denouncing the criminalization of the personal proposed more specifically as an alternative to choices they made when building their relation- a more traditional “left front” strategy, which ships; children with specific needs, desires, and could have driven the new forces back into the imagination; elderly people and retirees hop- traditional framework. This indicates the pro- ing for an assurance of their well-being and the found novelty of the confluences as political ini- recognition of their experiences. Bringing these tiatives and a big part of their appeal was pre- diverse realities and subjectivities together, the cisely that they went beyond established polit- initial Guanyem Manifesto was aimed at the cre- ical identities and limits. Without the emerging ation of a “citizen platform” to “rescue democra- political culture of the 15M movement, these cy” and to create “new instruments of social ar- processes would likely have followed more tra- ticulation and political intervention where both ditional itineraries, without achieving such im- people already organized and those who are portant electoral successes. beginning to mobilize can meet.”

The logic of the confluence also required a re- In terms of new forms of leadership, the im- thinking of political leadership. Given that the pulse behind the manifesto was “a confluence demarcation of the political terrain is an attri- candidacy, with a clear winning, majoritarian, bute of power—and that power has the ability purpose. A candidacy capable of inspiring, and not only to name reality, but also to structure of being present in neighborhoods, workplaces, the field and terms of the political debate— cultural milieu, and which can allow us to trans- when confronted with a new emergent social form institution for the people’s own good.”6 force, power’s first instinct is to ask: “Who are you, and where do you come from?” Ada Colau, 6 The complete manifesto can be read in Spanish and Cat- former speaker of the Plataforma de Afectados alan at barcelonaencomu.cat.

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For this reason, Guanyem’s initial proposal ex- Given that the composition of every confluence cluded political parties and organizations, but candidacy is determined by specific local forces not the participation of individual party mem- and actors, Ada Colau immediately became a bers. Later, however, political groupings such leading figure in Barcelona due to her previous as Podemos, Iniciativa Per Catalunya Verds (Ini- experience in the PAH, which lent her candidacy tiative for Catalonia Greens), Esquerra Unida I both legitimacy and popularity. Alternativa (Catalonia’s United Left), and Procés Constituent (a grassroots assembly movement More significantly, however, this localized ap- for a new constitution and the right of Catalo- proach gave independent figures and the more nia to self-determination) became parts of the activist social movement sectors of the conflu- confluence. Meanwhile, due to unexpectedcir- ence a certain if largely symbolic hegemony of cumstances, the name of the platform had to the project, which the parties nevertheless ac- be changed to Barcelona en Comú.7 cepted without question.

Municipalist Confluences Across Spain

This also meant, however, that the political map intense internal crisis, Madrid’s United Left de- was different in other places, where the conflu- cided not to join, although most of the young- ences took on different forms. In Madrid, for ex- er members of its leadership left the party and ample, an activist told me, “We don’t have an Ada, joined the platform, which by then had been and that makes things more difficult.” It meant renamed Ahora Madrid. that social center activists, together with par- ticipants in the Madrid PAH and neighborhood The formation of other confluences followed associations that were loosely attached to previ- similar patterns: the gathering of different forc- ous initiatives like Movimiento por la Democracia es, parties, and activist groups; the development had to figure out how to carry the intensity of the of a common framework of principles, norms, 15M mobilization cycle into a new phase. and procedures; the holding of internal prima- ries to elect candidates; and, after the consen- On June 21, 2014, around 300 activists gathered sual emergence of leading figures, voting in at the Reina Sofia Museum for a meeting con- open primaries. Each participating element in vened under the slogan: “Democracy Begins a particular confluence had varying degrees of Close to You. New Political Architectures for influence over the confluence as a whole. For the Citizens of Madrid.” It was at this point that example, in Zaragoza most of the in-person as- Ganemos Madrid was created. Its first political semblies were dominated by the United Left, interlocutor was Podemos, while other forces which was the biggest force in numerical terms. such as Equo (Green Party) joined later. After an The participation mechanisms and the whole online infrastructure, however, were generated 7 In August 2014, when promoters of Guanyem Barcelona and maintained by the more “movementist” side registered the party with the Spanish Interior Ministry, they were informed that a party with the same name had been of the confluence. This gave place to tensions, registered two weeks earlier. As they found out, this “ghost but also to a diversity of languages and practices party” was registered by three persons, and with impor- tant procedural irregularities pointing to an acquiescence, in different areas of activity as well as to distinct or even complicity, on the part of the Interior Ministry. relations with diverse audiences.

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The logic behind the confluences is, of course, an point for the first candidate on the ballot; one- organizing process, but it is not one that is un- half point for the second candidate; one-third for der the control of a single actor. While decisions the third, etc. The only condition to vote in the in- have to be made and paths needs to be followed, ternal primaries was to be a registered user on the confluences pay attention to the process it- the confluence’s website. As was the case with self, allowing them to stay open and in touch with Podemos until recently, there is no formal proce- their surroundings, so that ordinary citizens who dure to become a member of the organization. may want to join can do so at any time. It is about organizing and planning specific goals and out- From an organizational point of view, the conflu- comes just as much as it is about allowing for the ences represent a potential departure from the possibility of the unexpected—the overflow. traditional party system in Spain particularly and Europe more broadly, bringing them closer to the As is easy to imagine, these tensions between American version of party politics. In the United formal and informal decision-making processes States, where parties are not so much considered were also reflected in the process of the inter- predefined units with established political identi- nal primaries for the election of candidates. One ties that are in accordance with rigid party lines, of the main debates centered on the counting the party can comprise a cluster of different (and method as well as specific voting procedures, at times even conflicting) interests and constitu- in particular the issue of whether voters should encies, which are represented by political figures choose among (open or closed) pre-established and currents that must cooperate and negotiate lists or among individual candidates. The first constantly to adapt to new contexts. option favored pre-existing formations while the second offered, at least in principle, a more open Seen this way, the party does not serve the approach; in practice, however, it also at times monolithic affirmation of an identity. Rather, appeared to favor more famous individuals. as a broad space that is traversed by diverse communities and languages, the party takes on In general, most of the confluences used open a sort of “monstrous” form, where old and new lists, which were considered a compromise and practices and structures meld together into a a method that allowed for more internal diversi- new formation. Of course, the pressures of the ty. As for the counting method, “Dowdall” was the media and the need to manage expectations of- preferred choice. According to the Dowdall meth- ten constrain these more experimental dimen- od, the vote is broken down proportionally be- sions of political initiatives, but they indicate the tween the candidates in order of preference: one potential for new developments.8

Between Urgency and Transformation

Still, how do we meld together this diversity of ing the democratization of public services, the actors and ingredients? In most confluences, the need for listening to citizens’ demands and for initial step was the participatory elaboration of accountability (along the lines of the Zapatista a code of ethics, which later had to be signed by 8 For example, see Fernando Sabín, Ana Méndez, and all the actors involved. This code encompassed Pablo Bartolomé. “Reflexiones municipalistas: comuni- a number of principles and practices concern- dades, institución y gobierno.” Diagonal. July 23, 2016.

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motto to mandar obedeciendo, or “rule by obey- and services, such as access to healthcare and ing”), and a call for measures of financial trans- education; access to water and energy (and to parency and against corruption.9 fight against “energy poverty”); a total halt to evictions; food subsidies for schools; programs This participatory ethos was deepened through- for the creation of sustainable jobs; proposals out the process of elaborating the electoral for an audit and restructuring of cities’ public program. It centered on the confluences’ need debt; reopening the access of migrants to the to urgently address the most pressing issues, city registry and healthcare. In some cases, in particular the effects of austerity measures, such measures are accompanied by a partial while also pushing for new models of city gover- or full re-municipalization of services, in par- nance that offered a sustainable political vision ticular water and energy companies, funeral on transparency and citizen participation. In services, and cultural resources. In this sense, other words, the key was to identify a pragmat- municipalist programs seek to recover certain ic way out of austerity in the short term while aspects of the welfare state by reinforcing the beginning to put in place the building blocks for public sphere, which has come under massive a new urban model, in direct opposition to the attack due to neoliberal privatizations, which neoliberal one, for the long term. are both ubiquitous and acute since the eco- nomic boom of the 1990s and 2000s in Spain. Despite their local specificities, the programs of This also includes a decided support for the so- the confluences usually share two main char- cial economy by providing public advisory and acteristics. The first is a visionary and antago- financial resources for the foundation of new nistic, or non-reformist, reformism. This was social and cooperative initiatives. a conscious attempt of avoiding the thematic divisions of the existing administrative struc- The second important characteristic of the ture and the established council offices. Thus, municipalist programs is that, far from pro- instead of operating within the framework of posing a naive wish list or an abstract pack of conventional spheres such as the economy, empty promises, each program includes de- public services, social programs, etc., we find tailed plans of action that define goals, lines of categories such as “A City for Life,” “A City in intervention, and concrete steps and practices Common,” or “New City Model,” which highlight towards accomplishment. This aspect stressed connections between social issues, ecology, and the feasibility and practicality of the program, gender justice. Indeed, if “every bylaw is politi- and also speaks to the depth of technical and cal,” as many people in municipalist circles say, professional knowledge involved. the confluences’ programs have also proposed to introduce social, economic, environmental, The method for elaborating the program’s and gender justice criteria into the bid specifi- content also followed similar lines across all cations for any public contract. This approach confluences. The definition of thematic areas to a city’s problems raises new possibilities by and working groups usually took place in open drawing links between otherwise disparate con- assemblies, which were attended mostly by cerns with all the attached implications for pol- activists, in meetings with civil society orga- icy making. nizations and technical experts, or in public Generally speaking, the programs tend to meetings in specific neighborhoods. In Ma- stress the need to recover basic social rights drid, for example, four main thematic lines were defined first: City and Urban Ecology, Economy and Debt, Social Rights, and Open 9 An English translation of the Guanyem Barcelona code of ethics can be found at guanyembarcelona.cat. Government. These thematic focal areas were

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then discussed further in several “transversal Another important shared methodological forums” intended to uncover possible con- dimension of the municipalist projects is the nections and overlaps between themes. The attention devoted to the transformation of ad- discussions resulted in open formulations for ministrative structures, citizen participation, programmatic proposals,10 which were further and openness and transparency in city gov- defined and developed in order to underline ernment through expansion of participatory their feasibility, incorporating specific plans of budgeting programs and public accountability action for each one. meetings with elected officials. There were also proposals for decentralizing a city’s administra- The final draft proposals were then thoroughly tive structures as well as strengthening deci- discussed both in open neighborhood assem- sion-making power of neighborhoods and dis- blies and via online platforms, which followed tricts by instituting local councils or similar or- a characteristically cooperative open-source gans. In line with these administrative shifts are logic.11 Here, any citizen could propose further experimentations with public-commons forms measures and ideas as well as vote among a list of use. Going beyond the logic of the usual pub- of top proposals in order to rank them accord- lic-private partnerships, this is a move towards ing to priority. Programs were usually divided shared ownership and management of public into sections, which were listed according to spaces and resources, for example by ceding the urgency and specificity of the proposals, public buildings to occupied social centers and beginning with the most urgent and general collectives or transferring the management of proposals and ending with the most concrete civic centers to neighborhood and community and detailed ones. organizations, among other measures.

Overflow and Electoral Success

Following a participatory, transparent approach, for “alternative” or “radical” candidates, which the election of candidates for the confluences were usually identified with Podemos. Ironically, took place in open primaries. The candidates among the different currents within Ahora Ma- typically reflected the internal diversity of the drid, Podemos was probably the strongest pro- confluences, and many provided an indepen- ponent of Carmena. Her candidacy was consid- dent appeal, thus breaking with traditional elec- ered part of an electoral strategy—later proven toral frameworks. In Madrid, for example, Man- successful—which was conducive to weakening uela Carmena, a 71-year old progressive judge traditional Socialist Party voting blocs. Pedro and former member of the Supreme Court with Santisteve, in Zaragoza, and Xulio Ferreiro, in A a long experience in labor rights and longtime Coruña, were mostly unknown to the average ties to the Socialist Party milieu, offered a kind voter of the city, but both also had long trajecto- of respectability that reached many voters, who ries as lawyers defending social and civil rights. might otherwise have been reluctant to vote Having consciously avoided bank loans, munici- 10 A visual map of these thematic areas and sub-areas, as well palist electoral campaigns were very humble in as more information on the Ganemos Madrid Program means. Ahora Madrid’s campaign, for example, Working Group, can be found at ganemosmadrid.info. had a budget of 150,000 euros, which had been 11 The online platform was initially created by Zaragoza en Común and later adopted by other confluences. collected mainly through crowd-funding tools.

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Since the confluences were new political orga- themselves in spontaneous initiatives. Indeed, a nizations without big staff resources, the bulk defining characteristic of the mobilizations since of the campaign work was done by volunteers. the 15M movement has been their ability to tran- This turned out not to be an obstacle, howev- scend the usual channels and spaces utilized by er, but an opportunity for conveying a political established social and political interlocutors (par- message that was coherent with the proposals ties, unions, etc.). The actions of the 15M—the of the Municipalist Confluences. Campaign cars occupations of public spaces and, later, the pro- were substituted for small bicycle carts, pa- tests of the PAH and the mareas (tides) in defense per waste for leaflets and posters was severely of public education and healthcare rights—were limited, and asking for citizens’ active participa- based in forms of self-organization and carried tion thus became only logical. In line with this by anonymous yet personal contributions. approach, many campaign events consisted of assembly-style meetings in outdoor neighbor- Desborde then describes a collective, happily hood squares where candidates’ speeches were unpredictable logic that is exemplified in a va- followed by long open discussions. In this way, riety of practices—from the making of person- citizens became active participants instead of al signs and banners to the self-summoning of simply passive receivers of campaign messages. masses to stop an eviction; or from organizing a “sleep-in” at a school to a spontaneous protest Against the backdrop of this organizational ap- at a hospital. The logic of the overflow does not proach, an interesting phenomenon termed des- only apply to informal mobilizations, however, borde (overflow) began to emerge in Spanish pol- but can also be found in more institutional ini- itics in 2011. The term refers to people organizing tiatives. When Podemos was first launched, it

Image 2: Campaign posters of Ada Colau (left, author: unknown) and Manuela Carmena (right, author: @javitxuela) designed by members of MLG Barcelona and MLG Madrid.

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was the popular support expressed in the form Instagram, and Tumblr to discuss ideas as well of thousands of online signatures that finally as to share and distribute images.Started in convinced promoters to run for the European Barcelona and Madrid, the Movimientos de Lib- elections. Immediately, circles of sympathizers eración Gráfica were soon replicated in other sprang up all over the country. cities. The use of social media alongside multi- ple informal (often word-of-mouth) and famil- Unlike Podemos, however, the municipalist iar channels (for example, in the workplace), campaigns explicitly sought this desborde by rapidly gave the campaigns a viral character. asking citizens to get involved in one way or another. “You are our best campaign,” stated This proves not only that it is possible to break one Ahora Madrid initiative, encouraging pop- through the deliberate opacity of mainstream ular support in the form of sharing social me- media, but also gives us a sense of the class dia posts, talking and discussing the campaign composition of many Municipalist Confluenc- with family and friends, or hanging posters es. Having made their first appearance as a from balconies and in apartment windows. political subject in Spain during the 15M move- ment, the confluences consisted mainly of a In addition, many people begun to self-organize young, urban and precarious “cognitariat,” with spontaneously. Probably the most original and professional skills linked to the production and famous initiative was the Movimientos de Lib- dissemination of knowledge, language, visual eración Gráfica (Movements for Graphic Libera- arts, journalism, etc. While this was, of course, tion), a network of graphic artists, designers, and not the only social sector to which the Munici- sketch artists, who extended the visual imagina- palist Confluences appealed, it certainly played tion of the campaigns beyond the official design a central role in shaping the movements’ lan- elements. Most of them used Facebook groups, guage, ethos, and even aesthetics.

The Feminization of Politics

In addition to spontaneous self-organization, present a type of leadership that is collectively the open-ended dimension of the municipalist built, far away from the culture too often built campaigns also stems from a set of values and by macho political figures, and thus pointing attitudes that broadly aligns with the “femini- toward the possibility of rethinking not only zation of politics,” as authors and confluence leadership, per se, but also political represen- participants like Kate Shea Baird and Laura tation. The notion of the leader as a repre- Roth formulate it. While these values are often sentative of voters then gives way to that of a embodied by the confluences’ candidates, and shared symbol. This figure of the leader, which in particular by the female leadership of Ada functions like a screen onto which collective Colau and Manuela Carmena, the notion goes values and desires can be projected, can and far beyond the election of individual female should be appropriated by voters.12 leaders. In other words, the appeal and charis- ma of candidates like Colau and Carmena does 12 An interesting treatment of the debates around lead- not reside in the fact that they are women, but ership both in Podemos and the Municipalism Con- fluences can be found was written by Marco Deseriis. in their insistence on ideas of dialogue, toler- “Podemos’ dilemma and why leadership still matters.” ance, empathy, and capacity for listening. They Opendemocracy.net. July 13, 2015.

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While some leftists consider this form of poli- ropolitan centers, the confluences emerged tics a rejection of antagonism or confrontation, as indispensable political actors even without the contrary is true: The feminization of poli- having won or accessed power, challenging the tics does not reject confrontation, but rather traditional parties to adopt more progressive stresses the centrality of the political subject positions. In deindustrialized, working class, to be built—including its capacities, knowl- and commuter towns—places like Ciempozue- edge, and constructive potential. It opens up los, Badalona, Ripollet, and Hospitalet—growing space for active self-definition rather than re- support for existing confluences as well as the ducing the definition of political subjects to a emergence of new initiatives hinted at the possi- reactive “anti”-framework that has been set bility of a re-composition of former “red belts.”14 out by one’s political enemies.13 Yet, nobody said it was going to be easy and It is the night of May 24, 2015. The new con- the Municipalist Confluences have, maybe not fluences, with their diverse names, have won surprisingly, encountered many obstacles once in Barcelona, and they have become the sec- they entered the institutions. Two and a half ond-strongest forces (after the Partido Popular) years after the elections, and more than half- in Madrid, Zaragoza, Valencia, and A Coruña. way into the confluences’ first term in office, it The lessons to be drawn are clear: Not only are is possible to make a cursory assessment of the confluences going to rule in these cities, but municipalism’s achievements and shortcom- given the usual antipathy of Partido Popular ings. There seems to be a sense of the limita- toward alliance politics, the results have also tions of local politics, and an awareness for forced the Socialist Party as well as other pro- the human costs—the wear and tear—expe- gressive regional forces to support the nomina- rienced by those who entered the institutions tion of the confluence candidates for mayor. In as council members or in advisory roles. While Madrid and Valencia this meant an end to al- some of these obstacles are due to the internal most 25 years of the PP’s rule, as well as a break logic of the institutions—their slow rhythms with the two-party system, which had been in of decision-making and compliance with pro- place for the past 40 years at the national, re- cedures—there also exists a general hostility gional, and local levels. In other smaller cities, toward the confluences from local media and as well as in the areas surrounding major met economic interests.

Debt, Recovery of Social Rights, and Re-municipalization

The main obstacle, however, came in the form Law” (for the Tax Revenue Minister, Cristobal of an initiative introduced by the central govern- Montoro, who proposed it), severely curtails the ment. Disguised as an austerity measure, the spending capacities of local administrations in Law for Rationalization and Sustainability of Lo- hiring new staff, attending to basic social needs, cal Administrations is specifically aimed at limit- and re-municipalizing programs and services. ing the capacity for action of local governments. This law, otherwise known as the “Montoro 14 This is just one possibility, while the reality is much more complex, given that in these same commuter towns sur- rounding Barcelona, the presence of Ciudadanos—a right 13 Kate Shea Baird and Laura Roth. “Left Populism and the wing force that has been present in Catalonia for more Feminization of Politics.” Roar Magazine, Issue 6. January than 10 years, but whose representation on the national 13, 2017. level is new—has proven equally strong in other elections.

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Surprisingly, despite these limitations, the cit- example, more than 4,000 new housing units ies ruled by Municipalist Confluences have pro- were created, 500 of them taken, after pressure duced spectacular reductions of debt, totaling and negotiation, from the banks’ empty housing 2.3 billion euros altogether. Madrid, which is pool. Meanwhile, the city of Zaragoza opened a the most prominent case, has been project- Municipal Housing Office dedicated to relocat- ed to reduce its skyrocketing 5.6 billion-euro ing people affected by evictions to public hous- debt by almost half by the end of the current ing units. A Coruña and Santiago also started a term. Similar debt reductions are expected Municipal Social Income program, which offers in Barcelona (from 974 to 422 million euros), subsidies of up to 250 euros per month to fam- Zaragoza (from 834 to 450 million euros), Cádiz ilies in need. Indeed, the conflict is now clearly (from 275 to 134 million euros), and Santiago out in the open, since these spectacular debt re- (from 42 to 7 million euros). These numbers ductions have not avoided central government are politically significant in that they debunk interference—in what is a clear political move, the established neoliberal dictum of “efficient although disguised as mere technical “supervi- management,” which is supposedly possible sion”—in the management of Madrid’s city bud- only under right-wing or centrist governments. get, in November 2017. Moreover, they open up an important dimen- sion of institutional conflict by indicating that Of course, these achievements are far from the cities—although handcuffed by budgetary sufficient and have undergone sometimes constraints—can serve as a symbolic count- tense scrutiny, particularly from the PAH. They er-power to the central government. nonetheless serve to show that a series of ini- tiatives is underway and, at the very least, that Even though the main consequence of the important issues concerning social rights have heavy debt reduction has been the impossi- been brought out into the public sphere, where bility of implementing many proposed pro- they are debated or in a process of negotiation. grams,15 such as the planned re-municipaliza- In Barcelona, for example, city council plans tion of public services and infrastructures, the to open a public energy company in the fall of “Cities for Change” initiative has been able to 2018, and other cities are currently discussing introduce some urgent measures and expand the possibility of public management of sports expenses for social rights. First among these centers, park, gardens, and services such as is a significant, albeit not total, decrease in garbage collection.16 As of now, 100% of the en- eviction rates accompanied by important im- ergy used in Barcelona, Madrid, Zaragoza, and provements in social housing. In Barcelona, for Cádiz is produced by renewable sources.

Towards a New Urban Model

The environmental dimension is crucial to the Madrid, for example, city hall introduced a bill activities of many municipalist initiatives. In limiting private traffic on alternate days of the week, later adding another measure to block

15 Fidel Oliván’s “Los ayuntamientos del cambio, a la mane- ra de Caravaggio,” is a very useful and informed overview 16 Yeray Iborra. “Barcelona fometará el autoconsumo en- of the first two years of the muncipalist governments, ergético bajo el amparo de una comercializadora munic- available at Contexto y Acción, Número 125, July 15, 2017. ipal.” El Diario. July 17, 2016.

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the entire city center for private traffic. While ing. Under the slogan “Ciudad de los Cuidados" both measures were eventually welcomed by (Caring City), Zaragoza, Madrid, and Barcelo- a majority of citizens, the campaign behind na have started ambitious programs focused them went beyond merely environmentalist, on expanding the notion of “economies of or “ecologist,” demands. Questioning the neo- care” in the city, sparking changes across dif- liberal city model itself, the proposed mea- ferent levels of action. On the administrative sures sparked a debate on public health in the level, this involved the creation of gender pol- city and on the centrality of the car in urban icy offices, or councillorships, that function in culture and life more generally. a transversal way. Not confined to a predeter- mined area of city government, these “techni- This debate also opened up potential path- cal offices for gender transversalization” are ways for other, similar demands and devel- responsible for elaborating an “Equality Plan,” opments. Along these lines, tourism and gen- whose goal is to integrate a gender perspec- trification have emerged as two of the main tive into all city council policy. This plan im- battlefields. Barcelona, for example, has put a plies, for example, that “gender clauses” are stop to new licenses for touristic businesses included in public contracts with companies, and has begun regulating the rental market but it also outlines the production of educa- (mostly dominated by Airbnb). It also came tional materials for primary and secondary up with a neighborhood plan, which outlines schools; support for the creation of domestic investments in building renovation and infra- worker networks; workshops for local police structure—including libraries, sports centers, and other municipal services and bodies; and and spaces for community life—that serve to collaboration with neighborhood and parents grow the neighborhood’s fabric.17 If the mea- school associations.19 sures related to tourism were initially received with hostility by many business owners, the Although limited, these kinds of developments debate helped raise awareness of the dramat- constitute important building blocks for an al- ic impact that tourism has had on a city like ternative urban model. Yet, many participants Barcelona, where an unquestioned growth in the municipal governments express the model has remained in place since the trans- challenge of conveying such a model to the formation of the city for the Olympic Games electorate in an effective way. After decades of 1992. Today, Barcelona is considered a mu- of neoliberal shaping of cities through big in- nicipal start-up incubator devoted specifically vestments, spectacular events, and world- to projects in the social economy, which aim class architecture, it is difficult to transmit to stimulate women-led initiatives, communi- the message that city governments are doing ty-based proximity businesses, and coopera- things for the public—even if they do not cut tives for social innovation in mobility, cultural ribbons on new buildings or are avoiding ur- activities, and sustainable tourism.18 ban projects (such as malls, sports stadiums, convention centers, etc.) that appeal to a tradi- Among the initiatives centered on gender poli- tional developmentalist imaginary of govern- tics, one in particular is worth highlight ment action.

17 Barcelona pone en marcha un plan para el vecindario y con- tra gentrificación.” El Periódico – Barcelona. March 3, 2017. 19 Interview with Arantza Gracia, council member of 18 Barcelona Activa’s mission and lines of action can be Zaragoza and delegate council member for Education found at barcelonactiva.cat. and Inclusion, August 2016.

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A Democratic City: Participation and Governance

More visible advances have been made in the participatory budgeting is, of course, not free areas of administrative decentralization and of contradictions and misuses, the initiative has democratic participation. In terms of admin- significantly increased the power of participatory istrative changes, new organs like the foros mechanisms and processes.20 In particular, it has locales (local forums) that were established in assigned a binding character to decisions that Madrid are worth mentioning. Operating at the had been voted on; it has led to a larger budget city district level, the existence of local forums allocation; and it has enable the direct channel- alters the established communication between ing of voted decisions to Council Strategic Plans. different districts and the city as a whole, which had traditionally been mediated by the political Not only Madrid, but other “Cities for Change” parties present at the district level, which could have also demonstrated great potential when it each send up to six proposals to the general comes to innovations in participatory technol- city plenary. The local forums, which comprise ogies and data use. Under the notion of “smart working groups and citizens commissions, can cities,” metropolitan areas like Barcelona, for formulate three proposals each. example, have turned away from the neoliberal understanding of the city as a grid of data flows Concerning the push toward participatory de- to be extracted by private entrepreneurships mocracy, one particularly well known initiative, and apps. Instead, they understand technology which was established in Madrid as well, is the as an ecosystem of networks and data that pub- creation of a participatory budgeting mecha- lic institutions can use to localize needs, improve nism. Using a web portal (decide.madrid.es), services, and support cooperative projects for citizens can vote on and prioritize existing bud- self-management and citizen initiatives. The un- get proposals, including how to spend pre-allo- derlying principles of this technological ecosys- cated funds. In addition, they can submit new tem are openness, democratic participation, and proposals that are regularly voted on and, when public ownership of data. Both Madrid and Bar- selected, are provided with public counseling celona have adopted the use of open data and and incorporated into the city’s budget. While open source software for all of their operations.21

“Culture Wars”

While it is easy to dismiss some of these achieve- ical imagination, whose tangible effects on peo- ments in decentralization and participation as ple’s life can only be proven by a subsequent merely symbolic, it is undeniable that they have electoral victory in 2019. had a deeper cultural impact: They foster chang- es in language, attitudes, and ways of approach- However, it is precisely on the cultural front ing social problems. The assemblies and events that hostilities have been more open, such that held by the confluences are usually well attended 20 Gianpaolo Baiocchi and Ernesto Ganuza. 2017. Popular and the discussions they spark draw the interest Democracy. The Paradox of Participation. Stanford: Stan- of a great number of citizens. As such, they lay ford University Press. 21 Paul Mason. 2015. “We can’t allow tech giants to rule groundwork for the formulation of a new polit- smart cities.” The Guardian, 25 October 2015.

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many observers describe the political and so- example, led to the judicial prosecution of city cial changes in Spain today as “culture wars” council members for statements published on (borrowing the term from the race, gender, and Twitter and to the arrest of two puppet artists class debates of the US in the 1980s and 1990s). for performing a satirical play in a public space Just as in the US, it is Spanish right-wing political sponsored by the city council. 23 figures and media outlets that use the trope of the “culture wars” to frame the public debate.22 Far from being exceptional cases, the “culture Although anecdotal and vastly unfounded, the war” is now not only a part of the everyday use of this trope has at times been able to in- political hustle but also reaches deep into the flict serious damage on the confluences. At the sphere of historical memory. In Madrid, for very least, its polemic use has contributed to example, where the city council has formed a a hostile climate surrounding the confluences’ municipal commission on historical memory, work in city councils across Spain and especially the cultural battle focuses on the renaming of in Madrid, where the financial interests behind streets in accordance with the Law for Histor- urban development plans soon perceived the ical Memory, which had been approved more confluence as a threat. than ten years earlier under the Socialist gov- ernment of José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero but Indeed, having been the ruling party in Madrid has never been put into action by Madrid’s con- for more than twenty years, the PP has fine- servative movements. This is why in Catalonia tuned a powerful machine that relies on media these “culture wars” are sometimes framed as outlets, the police, the judiciary, and ad hoc civil conflicts between those political groups wish- society organizations. However unfounded the ing to highlight the anti-Francoist struggles of polemic of the “culture war” rhetoric may be, Spain’s past rather than a broader Catalan cul- it has nurtured a hostile climate that has, for tural movement.

International and National Networks

If the political landscape within Spain has fre- la, but also joined by several European cities, quently looked hostile to the confluences, the among them Paris, Milan, Lesbos, and Lampe- international plane has been more welcoming dusa, which advocate alternatives to the dead- and interested in the municipalist experience. lock in EU migration policies. Other examples Barcelona en Comú in particular has estab- of the international presence of Barcelona en lished an active international presence, for ex- Comú include the group’s organization of the ample, by putting forward an initiative towards international Municipalist Summit Fearless Cit- a network of “Refuge Cities” in response to the ies in Barcelona in June 2017, as well as Ada Co- refugee crisis in the wake of the Syria conflict. lau’s intervention at the UN Habitat III Summit The initiative was not only supported by other in Quito, Ecuador, in October 2016. cities within Spain, such as Madrid, Zaragoza,

Cádiz, A Coruña, and Santiago de Composte- 23 Known as the “case of the puppeteers,” the artists’ im- prisonment in February 2016 sparked an international 22 Spanish Neocon by Carmona, García and Sánchez pro- campaign in defense of civil rights in Spain, drawing in- vides a history of the adaptation of the cultural language ternational support from public figures such as Noam wars to the Spanish context by the Popular Party and Chomsky, Tariq Ali, Silvia Federici, and Toni Negri, several conservative media outlets. among many others.

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In addition to growing international networks, with and work inside the institutions, and those the Municipalist Confluences also maintain which remain outside of them. their own channels of communication, mutual support, and collaboration on the national lev- A more fluid, consistent, and self-conscious el. Through regular meetings and public confer- mode of communication among the confluenc- ences, like Municilab (Barcelona, October 2017) es—but also between the confluences and the or the MAC meetings, they seek to counteract broader social movements that remain at their both their institutional isolation within the na- base—is therefore a crucial task for the devel- tional and regional administrations in Spain and opment of a shared political strategy for the fu- the pressure exerted by media and economic ture. In more concrete terms, it would be desir- powers. In this sense, maintaining national able to establish and consolidate formal spaces networks is in some ways more complicated of communication between those working on than growing an international presence due the inside and those who remain outside—that to internal differences within the confluences. is, spaces in which contradictions, expectations, In particular, we can observe a clear divide be- and disappointments could be channeled pro- tween those confluences which directly engage ductively through honest, fraternal debate.

The Shape of a Left to Come?

A year and a half before the next local elec- Of course, this positive summary pertains tions, what future awaits the Municipalist Con- mainly to the confluences’ short-term initia- fluences, and what are the long-term conse- tives. The realization of other, more long-term quences of their work? Given the novelty and transformations, such as the restructuring complex internal structure of the confluences, of the entire city model, will need more time. it is difficult to assess how they will approach Re-election is thus crucial to the sustainability the 2019 elections—which organization- of many initiatives, but there are several chal- al changes, if any, they may undertake, and lenges related to conveying to the broader cit- which candidates they will nominate. There izenry about the need to support and vote for is, among both participants and supporters these confluences in 2019. of the confluences, a strong sense of exhaus- tion. Two and a half years of constant attacks The main obstacle is probably the perceived by other parties, economic forces, and main- lack of a tangible narrative that would allow stream media have led to a feeling of isolation the confluences to integrate their past achieve- that can obscure the successes and highlight ments, present diagnoses, and future projects the failures of the confluences’ political work. into a compelling account. While the elements In fact, however, an assessment of their ac- for such a narrative undoubtedly exist, they lack complishments shows reasonably good re- a format and framework that is immediately sults given that the confluences have—de- accessible to the broader public. The issue, of spite the aforementioned difficulties, contra- course, is how to sustain this arduous ideologi- dictions, and limitations—managed to fulfill cal struggle against decades of management by significant parts of their electoral programs the neoliberal hegemony of political expecta- and promises. tions, ideas, and the collective imagination.

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“Democracy begins where you live” has been the interface of the broader formation for change motto used by the Municipalist Confluences to that emerged in 2011. convey the importance of local administration as well as direct, everyday experience in the expan- Let us not forget that beyond the urgent de- sion and transformation of institutions towards a mands against austerity measures, many of the more democratic and just society. Notwithstand- aspirations and hopes of the 15M movement ing the truth of this powerful message, the var- were oriented towards a “real democracy.” In the ious levels of political mediation never function Spanish case, this meant a profound question- separately. This is especially true for the symbolic ing of the political, economic, social, and cultural plane, considering that the cities we live in belong consensus that had structured the Spanish mo- to a state and are always connected to other lo- narchic parliamentarian regime since the transi- cal, regional, and national entities. It also applies tion period of the 1970s. Recent events like the to the concrete plane of policymaking, where the crisis in Catalonia show both the consolidation of policies stemming from other administrative lev- a new political space and the urgent need for a els, as well as the economic and social forces of convergence of political counter-forces capable globalization, have real impact on the life of cities of articulating an alternative vision for the entire and their residents. This is why political struggles country. For this to happen, a cooperation be- at the local level always need to establish connec- tween municipalist approaches (such as those of tions and alliances at other levels. Barcelona en Comú) and populist ones like Po- demos, with its insistence on the pluri-national There has been a discussion for some time character of Spain, will prove crucial. The possi- now in Spain around the possibility to articulate bility for such cooperation is very real given that what Gramsci called a “historical bloc.” This bloc both populist and municipalist initiatives share a would form around Podemos, the Municipalist number of characteristics, including their reliance Confluences, and other national as well as re- on experimental and open-ended strategies. gional left and progressive forces. If there were moments when Podemos and the Municipalist The emergence of new political forces and Confluences seemed to have been competing spaces in Spain cannot be explained solely as for the same political space, there is now a bet- product of political voluntarism or the audaci- ter shared understanding of the need for coop- ty of certain political figures and groups. Their eration. One issue, however, is whether this bloc existence rather points to a renewal of past would consist of a mere pragmatic coalition at political traditions, which are now being recon- the electoral plane, or whether it could actually figured using new languages. In this sense, left honor the Gramscian idea of the historical bloc neo-populism and municipalism can be seen as by becoming a strong social and cultural force. provisional answers to a situation marked by Despite all their differences, Podemos and the the everlasting effects of an economic crisis that confluences—both heirs of the 15M move- is still ongoing—first and foremost the degrada- ment—appeal to roughly the same political uni- tion of democratic structures, but also changes verse. A bloc involving both Podemos and the in the country’s social composition, including the Municipalist Confluences as well as other forces emergence of new political subjectivities such should therefore look more like an ecosystem. as a “precariat.” As in other places, these trans- This is to say that the different political groups formations affect especially younger people, within a large, diverse bloc would maintain their visible for example in the notable generational respective domains of action while also func- gap in electoral results. This gap also suggests tioning collectively as counter-powers. As such, that left neo-populism and municipalism are far the bloc would be able to operate as a political from yet being coherent political projects.

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Power in Experimentation

Left neo-populism and municipalism are far Take the notion of “the commons.” Social from yet being coherent political projects. movements as well as the Municipalist Conflu- Ultimately, however, this is not a weakness ences in Spain have used the commons (and but a profound strength. In a way, both mu- other related terms) to varying degrees of con- nicipalism and populism can be understood cretion and complexity. The conceptual flexi- as transitional, experimental forms and lan- bility and diversity of understandings of the guages. As such, they carry the marks of the term offers the hegemonic potential of serving social, political, and ideological context from as a cornerstone for a political project that, on which they emerged. In other words, while the one hand, rejects neoliberal privatization, these new movements are oriented towards a and, on the other, refuses to fall back into the post-neoliberal world order, the prefix “post-“ kind of monolithic understandings of the pub- in “post-neoliberal” refers not so much to an lic/the state that has characterized many left overcoming of neoliberalism as it signifies the traditions. Indeed, the fact that pro-capitalist dependency of these movements on a previ- initiatives are increasingly exploring forms ous system that still has ideological and polit- of cooperation and rehearsing a discourse of ical weight. “common goods” should force the left not to abandon or dismiss those concepts, but to ac- If neoliberalism is an unavoidable historical tually engage in an ideological struggle regard- fact, what political vision can be formulated ing their definition. outside of the historical conditions of its emer- gence? Municipalism points to the possibility From this point of view, what is at stake is of turning existing ideological elements, such not the creation of self-sustained communi- as the commons, governance, or citizenship, ties that form around “pure” commons, but into building blocks for a new political articu- the opening of a political struggle oriented lation—one that is capable of using prevailing towards a “commoning” of the public sphere. elements to shape new relations, implications, This implies that public institutions—their and meanings.24 More specifically, municipal- functioning, structures, and uses—would be ism’s potential as a new political strategy lies rethought according to their relation to com- in the growing role of cities and metropoli- mon interests and the reproduction of society, tan areas as economic and political actors on thus turning institutions into infrastructures a global scale. To name just a few battles to for the common good. In an urban context, be fought in the years to come, municipalism this means, for example, a conscious fostering will open up important fields of action when it of social and solidarity economy; the transfer comes to the flow of global capital into and out of land, buildings, and spaces to community of cities; the ecological consequences of over- organizations; processes of co-management population; and the growing social, economic, of services; or the much needed re-municipal- and ideological divide between urban, subur- ization of crucial services and sectors. Other- ban, and rural areas (as seen, for example, in wise put, it means a transfer of power from the last US election). state to society and, more importantly, the 24 The work of radical scholars such as Paolo Gerbaudo, production of social counter-forces. The com- who speaks of a “new citizenism” that would character- mons, in other words, is not so much a pre- ize the movements of the squares and most of their in- defined entity as it is a way of doing things—a stitutional-political outcomes, offers very useful discus- sions in this respect. form of social action.

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In a similar vein, neoliberal capitalism has de- ludes to an active political subject in forma- veloped a concept of governance as ad hoc ar- tion. This is an expanded and dynamic notion rangements between states and global corpo- of citizenship, which is able to encompass rations, as well as between different levels of any inhabitant of the city regardless of origin administrations across national borders. The and legal status. Even if citizens are interpel- related goal, at worst, is to push forward an lated as individuals—after all, any future po- agenda based on the primacy of the private litical project needs to start from the broadly sector or, at best, of an abstract “civil soci- shared, neoliberal universe of social relations ety” that mirrors the private sector. Despite that is based on the individual—they are neoliberal dominance, real experimentation called upon to participate in a political process in forms of governance, increasing social that involves displacing that individualized complexity, emergence of new political sub- standpoint. While the historical uses and im- jectivities, the intersectionality of struggles, plications of the notion of the “individual” or and the improved capacities for participation the “citizen” are certainly not innocent, future provided by technological tools point to the political projects should focus on how to re- possibility of imagining new forms of distrib- tain the concept’s political potential as a rad- uted democracy or even of “governance from ical democratic aggregation tool rather than below.” The demand for “real democracy” was, dismissing it altogether. after all, a constant across the movements of 2011. Indeed, if big corporations develop tools Of course, these potential lines of action for for participation (as has been the case with the Municipalist Confluences are not enough, the recent “political turn” in Silicon Valley) or and following them does not guarantee future even political intervention (as demonstrated successes. This is why I have not presented by Mark Zuckerberg), leftists and progressives them as solutions or recipes, but rather as po- should think not only about how to counteract tential battlegrounds or areas of ongoing in- these advances, but also work on proposing tervention. The outcome of this struggle will concrete alternatives. be determined by many other factors, but in the meantime these and other issues can help One last important ideological element that us to see what looms below the desert of bleak the Municipalist Confluences can and should prospects that we currently face. If this politi- reappropriate is the conception of “citizens” or cal landscape seems to suggest that we must “the citizenry.” Rather than defining “the citi- remain in a reactive and defensive position, I zen” as an enclosed legal status—in the sense would like us to take a closer look and recog- of a naive, empty, or abstract “citizenism”— nize the hidden possibilities for transforma- municipalism’s reference to the citizenry al- tion that we currently have at hand.

Acknowledgements: To Ana Méndez and Guillermo Zapata (Ahora Madrid), Laura Roth (Barcelona en Comú), and Pau Faus for sharing their thoughts, experiences, work, and insights with me. To Nociones Comunes Zaragoza (Guillermo Valenzuela, Pato Pérez, Elena Pilcher, and Raúl Royo Fraguas), Beatriz García, and David Gámez (Traficantes de Sueños) for so many past, future, and ongoing conversations. To Pablo La Parra for so many shared discussions. To my friends and comrades from Common Notions/Nociones Comunes NYC (Pablo Benson, Marisa Anne Day, Malav Kanuga, and Susana Draper) for thinking about how political hypotheses (municipalist and otherwise) can be made possible, also on this side of the Atlantic.

www.rosalux-nyc.org