Report on Term-Limits Part I - Presidents
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Presidential Terms and Tenure: Perspectives and Proposals for Change
Presidential Terms and Tenure: Perspectives and Proposals for Change Thomas H. Neale Specialist in American National Government October 19, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40864 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Presidential Terms and Tenure: Perspectives and Proposals for Change Summary The terms of the President and Vice President are set at four years by Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution. The 20th Amendment, ratified in 1933, sets the expiration date of these terms at noon on January 20 of each year following a presidential election. From 1789 to 1940, chief executives adhered to a self-imposed limit of two terms, although only 7 of the 31 Presidents from 1789 through 1933 actually served two consecutive terms in office. The precedent was exceeded only once, by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who was elected to four terms, and served from 1933 through 1945. The 22nd Amendment, proposed and ratified following the Franklin Roosevelt presidency, provides that “No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice.” It also specifies that Vice Presidents who succeed to the presidency may be elected to two full terms as President if they have served less than two years of their predecessor’s term, for a theoretical total of 10 years’ service as President. If, however, they have served more than two years of their predecessor’s term, they can be elected to only one additional term, for a total of between four and eight years of service, depending on when the Vice President succeeded to the presidency. -
On the Threshold of the Holocaust: Anti-Jewish Riots and Pogroms In
Geschichte - Erinnerung – Politik 11 11 Geschichte - Erinnerung – Politik 11 Tomasz Szarota Tomasz Szarota Tomasz Szarota Szarota Tomasz On the Threshold of the Holocaust In the early months of the German occu- volume describes various characters On the Threshold pation during WWII, many of Europe’s and their stories, revealing some striking major cities witnessed anti-Jewish riots, similarities and telling differences, while anti-Semitic incidents, and even pogroms raising tantalising questions. of the Holocaust carried out by the local population. Who took part in these excesses, and what was their attitude towards the Germans? The Author Anti-Jewish Riots and Pogroms Were they guided or spontaneous? What Tomasz Szarota is Professor at the Insti- part did the Germans play in these events tute of History of the Polish Academy in Occupied Europe and how did they manipulate them for of Sciences and serves on the Advisory their own benefit? Delving into the source Board of the Museum of the Second Warsaw – Paris – The Hague – material for Warsaw, Paris, The Hague, World War in Gda´nsk. His special interest Amsterdam, Antwerp, and Kaunas, this comprises WWII, Nazi-occupied Poland, Amsterdam – Antwerp – Kaunas study is the first to take a comparative the resistance movement, and life in look at these questions. Looking closely Warsaw and other European cities under at events many would like to forget, the the German occupation. On the the Threshold of Holocaust ISBN 978-3-631-64048-7 GEP 11_264048_Szarota_AK_A5HC PLE edition new.indd 1 31.08.15 10:52 Geschichte - Erinnerung – Politik 11 11 Geschichte - Erinnerung – Politik 11 Tomasz Szarota Tomasz Szarota Tomasz Szarota Szarota Tomasz On the Threshold of the Holocaust In the early months of the German occu- volume describes various characters On the Threshold pation during WWII, many of Europe’s and their stories, revealing some striking major cities witnessed anti-Jewish riots, similarities and telling differences, while anti-Semitic incidents, and even pogroms raising tantalising questions. -
04-17-1961 Bay of Pigs.Indd
This Day in History… April 17, 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion On April 17, 1961, a group of Cuban exiles launched an operation in Cuba known as the Bay of Pigs Invasion. It was an important event in the Cold War, and led to major changes between the US, Cuba, and the Soviet Union. The US and Cuba have long had a close relationship. Following the Spanish-American War, the US established a military government there from 1898 to 1902. Cuba’s 1901 constitution included a provision called the Platt Amendment, which allowed the US to intervene in Cuban affairs and buy or lease naval bases there. After the Republic of Cuba was formed, American forces were called back in from 1906 to 1909 to quell a rebellion and again in 1917 to protect American-owned sugarcane plantations. In 1933, army sergeant Fulgencio Batista overthrew the government and pursued friendly relations with the US. In 1934, the US and Cuba signed a treaty ending the provisions of the Platt Amendment, except the permanent lease of Guantánamo Bay for use as a naval base. Batista ruled Cuba through figurehead presidents from 1936-1940. In 1940, Overprinted US Batista was elected president – but with a one-term limit. He moved to Florida stamp issued during after his term ended, but returned to Cuba in 1952 to run for president again. When American occupation it became clear he was going to lose, he overthrew the government again and of Cuba. established himself as dictator with the support of the US. Batista allied himself the American owners of the largest sugarcane plantations, revoking the right of Cubans to strike, and many other political liberties. -
Electoral Politics in South Korea
South Korea: Aurel Croissant Electoral Politics in South Korea Aurel Croissant Introduction In December 1997, South Korean democracy faced the fifteenth presidential elections since the Republic of Korea became independent in August 1948. For the first time in almost 50 years, elections led to a take-over of power by the opposition. Simultaneously, the election marked the tenth anniversary of Korean democracy, which successfully passed its first ‘turnover test’ (Huntington, 1991) when elected President Kim Dae-jung was inaugurated on 25 February 1998. For South Korea, which had had six constitutions in only five decades and in which no president had left office peacefully before democratization took place in 1987, the last 15 years have marked a period of unprecedented democratic continuity and political stability. Because of this, some observers already call South Korea ‘the most powerful democracy in East Asia after Japan’ (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). The victory of the opposition over the party in power and, above all, the turnover of the presidency in 1998 seem to indicate that Korean democracy is on the road to full consolidation (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 3). This chapter will focus on the role elections and the electoral system have played in the political development of South Korea since independence, and especially after democratization in 1987-88. Five questions structure the analysis: 1. How has the electoral system developed in South Korea since independence in 1948? 2. What functions have elections and electoral systems had in South Korea during the last five decades? 3. What have been the patterns of electoral politics and electoral reform in South Korea? 4. -
The Role of Shared Historical Memory in Israeli and Polish Education Systems. Issues and Trends
Zeszyty Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Humanitas. Pedagogika, ss. 273-293 Oryginalny artykuł naukowy Original article Data wpływu/Received: 16.02.2019 Data recenzji/Accepted: 26.04.2019 Data publikacji/Published: 10.06.2019 Źródła finansowania publikacji: Ariel University DOI: 10.5604/01.3001.0013.2311 Authors’ Contribution: (A) Study Design (projekt badania) (B) Data Collection (zbieranie danych) (C) Statistical Analysis (analiza statystyczna) (D) Data Interpretation (interpretacja danych) (E) Manuscript Preparation (redagowanie opracowania) (F) Literature Search (badania literaturowe) Nitza Davidovitch* Eyal Levin** THE ROLE OF SHARED HISTORICAL MEMORY IN ISRAELI AND POLISH EDUCATION SYSTEMS. ISSUES AND TRENDS INTRODUCTION n February 1, 2018, despite Israeli and American criticism, Poland’s Sen- Oate approved a highly controversial bill that bans any Holocaust accusations against Poles as well as descriptions of Nazi death camps as Polish. The law essentially bans accusations that some Poles were complicit in the Nazi crimes committed on Polish soil, including the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp. Once the leg- islation was signed into law, about a fortnight later, by Polish President Andrzej Duda, anyone convicted under the law could face fines or up to three years in jail. Critics of the bill, including the US State Department and Israeli officials, feared that it would infringe upon free speech and could even be used to target Holocaust survivors or historians. In Israel, the reaction was fierce. “One cannot change history, * ORCID: 0000-0001-7273-903X. Ariel University in Izrael. ** ORCID: 0000-0001-5461-6634. Ariel University in Izrael. ZN_20_2019_POL.indb 273 05.06.2019 14:08:14 274 Nitza Davidovitch, Eyal Levin and the Holocaust cannot be denied,” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stated. -
Peregrination in the Age of the Numerus Clausus: Hungarian
DOI: 10.14754/CEU.2019.10 PEREGRINATION IN THE AGE OF THE NUMERUS CLAUSUS: HUNGARIAN JEWISH STUDENTS IN INTERWAR EUROPE Ágnes Katalin Kelemen A DISSERTATION In History Presented to the Faculties of the Central European University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Budapest, Hungary 2019 Supervisors Victor Karády CEU eTD Collection Michael Laurence Miller DOI: 10.14754/CEU.2019.10 Copyright in the text of this dissertation rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European University Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. I hereby declare that this dissertation contains no materials accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions and no materials previously written and/or published by another person unless otherwise noted. CEU eTD Collection II DOI: 10.14754/CEU.2019.10 Abstract This dissertation investigates the dynamics between academic antisemitism, Jewish social mobility and Jewish migration through the case study of the “numerus clausus exiles” – as Jewish students who left interwar Hungary due to the antisemitic numerus clausus law (Law XXV of 1920) were called by contemporaries and historians. After a conceptual and historiographic introduction in the first chapter embedding this work in the contexts of Jewish studies, social history and exile studies; interwar Hungarian Jewish peregrination is examined from four different aspects in four chapters based on four different types of sources. -
The Role of the Constitutional Court of Korea in the Transition from Authoritarian to Democratic Rule
chapter 9 The Role of the Constitutional Court of Korea in the Transition from Authoritarian to Democratic Rule Justine Guichard Among the so-called “third wave” countries which moved away from authori- tarianism in the 1980s, the Republic of Korea (South Korea) is usually consid- ered a paragon of “democratic success.” As with most instances of regime change, its 1987 transition was accompanied by constitutional reform, a pro- cess that resulted in the revision, rather than replacement, of the framework originally adopted in 1948 in the context of the founding of the two Korean states.1 Since its proclamation, the Constitution of the Republic of Korea has endured through six different regimes and undergone nine amendments.2 The latest revision was mainly aimed at transforming the method of presi- dential election from an indirect vote by an electoral college into direct popu- lar suffrage, but it also created the Constitutional Court of Korea (Hŏnpŏp Chaep’anso), a new institution entrusted with ensuring the conformity of leg- islative statutes to constitutional norms. The South Korean Constitutional Court is today recognized as “the most important and influential” institution of its kind among its counterparts in the region.3 A growing literature celebrates the independence and achievements of the court since it began to operate, 1 The Republic of Korea (rok) was established in the south of the peninsula on August 15, 1948, while the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (dprk) was proclaimed in the north- ern half on September 9, thereby solidifying the 1945 division of the country into two sepa- rate political entities. -
Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy
Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy January 2018 Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy Scott A. Snyder, Geun Lee, Young Ho Kim, and Jiyoon Kim The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business execu- tives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; con- vening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with CFR members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; sponsoring Independent Task Forces that produce reports with both findings and policy prescriptions on the most important foreign policy topics; and providing up-to-date information and analysis about world events and American foreign policy on its website, CFR.org. The Council on Foreign Relations takes no institutional positions on policy issues and has no affilia- tion with the U.S. -
Constitutionalism in an Insurgent State: Plurality and the Rule of Law in Bolivia
Constitutionalism in an insurgent state: plurality and the rule of law in Bolivia Author: John-Andrew McNeish (Christian Michelsen Institute/University of Bergen) [email protected] Abstract In this paper, I aim to questions the significance of recent efforts to create a new constitution in Bolivia for anthropological ideas about legal pluralism. The paper focuses specifically on the significance of recent constitutional processes for Bolivia's largely indigent and previously politically marginalised majority indigenous population. As such, the paper considers the manner in which the country's legal plurality has become a part of the national political identity and an integral part of the constitutional process now completed in the country's legal capital. Whilst highlighting the causes and dangers of continued contestation, the paper argues that important lessons about the possibilities for the empowerment of the poor and acceptance of a place for plurality in law can be learned from Bolivia. With its empirical background of insurgency and constitutionalism, but also of indigenous cultures, the case of Bolivia tests the limits of standardised rights based approaches to development and legal empowerment. In this paper attention is drawn to the cultural pliability of ideas about modernity and democracy and the importance of an inter-legal rapprochement between formalized legal norms and alternative legal systems. The paper further highlights the validity of anthropological approaches to the state that highlight the social construction of institutions and structures. Drawing from its empirical base the paper finally aims to critically contribute to recent discussions in "pro-poor" theory, highlighting the problems and possibilities of multi-culturalism and questioning the relevance and applicability of recently proposed ideas of inter-legality. -
Access to Justice and Social Inclusion: the Road Towards Strengthening Democracy in Bolivia
ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS OEA/Ser.L/V/II. Doc. 34 28 June 2007 Original: Spanish ACCESS TO JUSTICE AND SOCIAL INCLUSION: THE ROAD TOWARDS STRENGTHENING DEMOCRACY IN BOLIVIA GENERAL SECRETARIAT ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES 1889 F. St. N.W. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006 2007 Internet: http://www.cidh.org E-mail: [email protected] OAS Cataloging-in-Publication Data Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Acceso a la justicia e inclusioń social : el camino hacia el fortalecimiento de la democracia en Bolivia = Access to justice and social inclusion : the road towards strengthening democracy in Bolivia / Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. p. ; cm. (OEA Documentos Oficiales. OEA/Ser.L/V/II) (OAS Official Records Series. OEA/Ser.L/V/II) ISBN 0-8270-5109-3 1. Justice, Administration of--Bolivia. 2. Prisoners' rights--Bolivia. 3. Women's rights--Bolivia. 4. Rights of children--Bolivia. 5. Indigenous peoples--Civil rights--Bolivia. 6. Human rights--Bolivia. I. Title. II Series. OEA/Ser.L/V/II Doc. 34 ACCESS TO JUSTICE AND SOCIAL INCLUSION: THE ROAD TOWARDS STRENGTHENING DEMOCRACY IN BOLIVIA TABLE OF CONTENTS Page EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................vii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION .......................................................1 A. Scope and legal framework of the report ................................1 B. The IACHR visit...................................................................2 C. Preparation and approval of the report ...................................3 D. The context: mass protests, social conflicts and institutional fragility ..............................................................................3 1. The water dispute in Cochabamba in 2000..................4 2. The events in February 2003 related to the income tax ..............................................................4 3. The gas dispute in September and October 2003 .........4 4. -
The Andean New Legal Pluralism by Sergio Miranda Hayes
The Andean New Legal Pluralism by Sergio Miranda Hayes Submitted to the Department of Legal Studies of the Central European University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Laws in Comparative Constitutional Law Thesis Supervisor: Prof. Mathias Möschel CEU eTD Collection Budapest-Hungary 2015-2016 ABSTRACT This work is a comparative study between Bolivia, Colombia, and Ecuador. Legal pluralism recognized constitutionally in those countries are a novelty to the study of constitutional law. The fundamental features which shaped the constitutional spirit of these countries are based on their cultural diversity, colonial past, and the results of conflicts deriving from both, which represent a unique view of dealing with legal pluralism. Models of state, in these countries, are shaped by the recognition and evolution of legal pluralism and not vice versa as it would be from a traditional Western conception. In that sense, this thesis is an approach about the mentioned new pluralism; The Andean New Legal Pluralism. CEU eTD Collection i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to express my deepest thanks to God whose will brought me to a country incredibly far from mine, I would also manifest my gratitude to my family and especially to my little daughter who was born by the time I ended this thesis. The completion of this undertaking could not have been possible without the supervision, assistance, help and support of Professor Mathias Möschel, acting chair of the Comparative Constitutional Law program and my thesis supervisor. Sergio Miranda Hayes CEU eTD Collection ii TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER I: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ............................................................................ -
Louis Rosenberg and the Origins of the Socio-Demographic Study of Jews in Canada
Louis Rosenberg and the Origins of the Socio-Demographic Study of Jews in Canada Morton Wemfeld. * Louis Rosenberg's Canada's Jews: A Social and Economic Study of the Jews in Canada, published in 1939, was a pioneering if unfortunately neglected classic of Canadian ethnic demography and sociology. Its republication in a new edition in 1993, by McGill-Queen's Press, has particular relevance for the community of social scientists devoted to the study of Diaspora Jewish communities, using socio demographic data. Canada's Jews has persisting value as a superb quantitative social history of Canadian Jews in the 1930s. It also is in many ways an unmatched prototype of a study of the ethnic demography of any Canadian minority group. Louis Rosenberg's work was a product of his personal biography, the current socio-political context, and the customs and norms of his discipline. This is the case for those carrying on his work. What follows is a brief and far from exhaustive treatment of the man, the times, and the work. The Man Louis Rosenberg was born in Gonenz, Poland, in 1893. His family was shaped by traditional and secular elements of Jewish culture in Eastern Europe at the turn of the century. When he was three his parents emigrated to England from Lithuania, settling in Leeds, Yorkshire, which had at the time an estimated 12,000 Jews. (Rosenberg, 1968). While his parents spoke Yiddish at home, Rosenberg's language of choice was English; he learned to speak Yiddish fluently only after arriving in Canada. Rosenberg graduated from elementary school in Leeds, won a scholarship for secondary school, and later a scholarship tenable at Leeds University.