Job Satisfaction and Employees' Turnover in Libyan Oil Companies: the Application of the Job Characteristics Model in a Different Cultural Setting

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Job Satisfaction and Employees' Turnover in Libyan Oil Companies: the Application of the Job Characteristics Model in a Different Cultural Setting Job Satisfaction and Employees' Turnover in Libyan Oil Companies: The Application of the Job Characteristics Model in a Different Cultural Setting By Asaad Elomami A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Award of Doctor of Philosophy February, 2015 I certify that this is a true and accurate version of the thesis approved by the examiners, and that all relevant ordinance regulations have been fulfilled. Signed Principal Supervisor: ………………………… Date: ................................ Declaration I, A. Elomami hereby declare that this thesis is my own original work and has not been submitted elsewhere in fulfilment of the requirement of any other award. Where information has been derived from other sources, I can confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Signed …………………………………………… Date......................................… ii Dedication I wish to dedicate this thesis to my beloved father and brother (May Allah's mercy be upon them) who, so sadly, passed away a few years ago before I started my PhD journey; with all loving memories. I wish also to dedicate this thesis to my Mother (May Allah’s blessings be upon her) who taught me that the best kind of knowledge to have is that which is learned for its own sake. This thesis is also dedicated to my beloved wife Nagla , and my children Rafik, Riyad , Sarah , Zuhair and Nadine , for all of their support, inspiration, and love. Through our loyalty to each we become stronger, we stand together. iii Acknowledgments First and above all, I sincerely thank Allah, my God, The Most Gracious, and The Most Merciful for granting me the capability to complete my PhD, and for often showing so many good people to me to help with my thesis. Undertaking this PhD has been a truly life-changing experience for me and it would not have been possible to do without the support and guidance that I received from many people. I have to acknowledge my deepest appreciation to my supervisor, Professor Mohamed Branine for his invaluable assistance, support and guidance throughout the duration of this study. Special thanks to the staff at Dundee Business School for their support, guidance and helpful suggestions. I am also indebted to all the PhD students at the school who I have had the pleasure to work with. They have been an invaluable support during all these years. Thanks to all of them. Also, I would like to thank and acknowledge all employees in the organisations studied who agreed to participate in this study. Certainly, without their cooperation, it would not have been possible to gain the many insights revealed in the thesis. I would like to express special thanks, love and gratitude to my lovely wife Nagla whose love and encouragement allowed me to finish this journey; she has given me her unequivocal support throughout, as always, for which my mere expression of thanks does not suffice; she really deserves my heartfelt “thanks my darling”. Finally, I warmly thank and appreciate my whole family in Libya for their support and patience. iv Abstract The Job Characteristics Model is widely accepted as a conceptual tool for addressing problems related to employees‟ motivation, dissatisfaction and organisational performance. Therefore, this study attempts to apply Hackman and Oldham Job Characteristics Model (JCM) by among the five core dimensions of autonomy, skill variety, task identity, task significance and feedback and job satisfaction and employees‟ turnover in the Libyan oil companies located in Benghazi city. Also, to explore the current situation of organisational determinants of job satisfaction in the Libyan oil companies and to investigate its correlation with employees‟ job satisfaction. These factors (pay/rewards, supervision, promotion opportunity, relationship with co-workers and work conditions) are tested empirically in the companies studied. A total of 400 questionnaires were collected and 20 interviews were conducted in four oil companies. The main findings of the study confirm the positive correlations among the five core dimensions of the JCM and job satisfaction. Also, organisational factors were found to influence employees‟ job satisfaction as the employees were satisfied with their pay/rewards, supervision, promotion opportunity, relationship with co-workers and working conditions. Moreover, employees have shown more concern for factors such as job security and change in the social status. Also, it was found that employees‟ turnover increased in relation to security and social factors such as the absence of safety and security in the oil fields after the Libyan uprising, especially those oil fields located in the Eastern region. It was also found that the correlations among job satisfaction and employees‟ turnover was negative and the correlation among the five core dimensions of the JCM model and employees‟ turnover were negative too. The study makes a significant contribution to knowledge in theory and practice. Among such contributions are identification of gaps in the literature on job satisfaction and the core dimension of job characteristics model. Also, the study contributes to the redesign of jobs and working relationships in the Libyan oil companies. v Table of content Declaration ……………………………………………………………. ii Dedication …………………………………………………………….. iii Acknowledgments …………………………………………………..... iv Abstract ……………………………………………………………….. v Table of content ………………………………………………………. vi List of tables …………………………………………………………... xiii List of figures …………………………………………………………. xv List of Abbreviations................................................................................ xvi CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 The rational for the study.................................................................... 1 1.2 Research objectives…………………………………………………. 5 1.3 Research questions………………………………………………….. 7 1.4 The conduct of the study .....................……………………………... 9 1.5 Significance of the Study…………………………………………… 10 1.6 National Culture and Organisational Culture..................................... 12 1.7 The structure of the thesis…………………………………………... 14 CHAPTER TWO: AN OVERVIEWOF THE LIBYAN SOCIO- ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONTEXT 2.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………. 17 2.2 Geography and Population………………………………………….. 18 2.3 Historical Background……………………………………………… 19 2.4 Society and Culture…………………………………………………. 21 2.5 The Libyan Political Regime……………………………………….. 24 2.6 Libyan uprising……………………………………………………… 27 2.7 Libyan Economy before the Discovery of Oil……………………… 29 2.8 The Libyan Economy after the Discovery of Oil…………………… 30 2.9 An Overview of the Libyan Oil and Gas Sector……………………. 33 vi 2.10 The National Oil Corporation (NOC)……………………………... 35 2.11 Description of the companies studied …......……………………… 39 2.11.1 Oil Arab Gulf Company (AGOCO)………………………... 39 2.11.2 Oil Zueitina Company…………………………………….. 39 2.11.3 Al Jouf Company of Oil Technology (JOT)……………….. 40 2.11.4 Al Brega Oil Marketing company ……………..................... 40 2.12 The challenges of the new Libya………………………………….. 41 2.13 Conclusion…………………………………………………………. 43 CHAPTER THREE:JOB SATISFACTION AND MOTIVATION: A CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS 3.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………. 45 3.2 Motivation…………………………………………………………... 45 3.3 Job satisfaction……………………………………………………… 47 3.4 The relationship between motivation and job satisfaction………….. 51 3.5 Motivation theories………………………………………………….. 52 3.5.1 Content theories……………………………………………......... 52 3.5.1.1 Maslow‟s Hierarchy of Needs Theory…………………....... 53 3.5.1.2 Herzberg‟s Motivator-Hygiene Theory…………………....... 58 3.5.1.3 Alderfer‟s ERG Theory…………………………………….. 62 3.5.1.4 Relationships between Different Content Theories……........ 65 3.5.2 Process Theories……………………………………………........ 66 3.5.2.1 Adams' Equity Theory…………………………………......... 67 3.5.2.2 Vroom's Expectancy Theory……………………………....... 70 3.6 Evaluation of Job Satisfaction and Motivation Theories………….... 74 3.7 Determinants of job satisfaction……………………………………. 75 3.7.1 Pay/Rewards…………………………………………………… 78 3.7.2 Supervision……………………………………………………. 79 3.7.3 Promotion opportunities………………………………………. 81 3.7.4 Relationship with Co-workers………………………………… 82 vii 3.7.5 Work conditions………………………………………………. 83 3.8 Consequences of Job satisfaction…………………………………... 84 3.8.1. Employee turnover……………………………………………. 84 3.9 Conclusion…………………………………………………………... 86 CHAPTER FOUR: THE JOB CHARACTERISTICS MODEL AND JOB SATISFACTION: A THEORETICAL ANALYSIS 4.1 Introduction ………………………………………………………… 89 4.2 Job characteristics model (JCM)………………………………........ 89 4.3 Evaluation of job characteristics model…………………………….. 96 4.4 Studies of Job characteristics model ………………………….......... 98 4.5 Job satisfaction and employees‟ turnover........................................... 108 4.6 Job satisfaction studies……………………………………………… 110 4.6.1 Job satisfaction and demographic factors……………………..... 111 4.6.2 Job satisfaction and organisational factors…………………....... 113 4.7 Theoretical framework……………………………………………… 116 4.8 Conclusion ………………………………………………………….. 118 CHAPTER FIVE: RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 5.1 Introduction………………………………………………………..... 119 5.2 Research Philosophy………………………………………………... 119 5.3 Research approach…………………………………………............... 123 5.3.1 Quantitative Research………………………………………........ 124 5.3.2 Qualitative Research……………………………………….......... 125 5.3.3 Triangulation or mixed method……………………………......... 127 5.4 Research design …………………………………………………...... 129 5.5 Research population………………………………………………… 132 5.6 Determination of the sample size…………………………………… 132 5.7 Data
Recommended publications
  • Turkey's Escalation in Libya
    Turkey’s Escalation in Libya: Implications and U.S. Policy Options JINSA Gemunder Center’s Eastern Mediterranean Policy Project - May 2020 Co-Chairs: Ambassador Eric Edelman and General Charles Wald, USAF (ret.) ACKNOWLEDGMENT This report is made possible by the generous support of the Gettler Family Foundation. A portion of the research for this report was conducted on JINSA’s 2019 Benjamin Gettler International Policy Trip to Greece. DISCLAIMER The findings and recommendations contained in this publication are solely those of the authors. Cover photo credit: Reuters Policy Project Members and Staff Co-Chairs Amb. Eric Edelman Gen Charles “Chuck” Wald, USAF (ret.) Former Under Secretary of Defense for Policy Former Deputy Commander of U.S. European Command Members Gen Philip M. Breedlove, USAF (ret.) John Hannah Former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Senior Counselor, FDD; JINSA Gemunder and former Commander of U.S. European Center Senior Advisor Command Reuben Jeffery Gen Kevin P. Chilton, USAF (ret.) Former Under Secretary of State for Former Commander, U.S. Strategic Command Economic, Business and Agricultural Affairs Svante E. Cornell Alan Makovsky Policy Advisor, JINSA Gemunder Center for Former Senior Professional Staff Member at Defense & Strategy U.S. House Foreign Relations Committee ADM Kirkland H. Donald, USN (ret.) GEN David Rodriguez, USA (ret.) Former Director, Naval Nuclear Propulsion Former Commander, U.S. Africa Command Program Lt Gen Thomas "Tom" Trask, USAF (ret.) VADM Mark Fox, USN (ret.) Former Vice Commander, U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya's Other Battle | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 2295 Libya's Other Battle by Andrew Engel, Ayman Grada Jul 28, 2014 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew Engel Andrew Engel, a former research assistant at The Washington Institute, recently received his master's degree in security studies at Georgetown University and currently works as an Africa analyst. Ayman Grada Ayman Grada is an independent political analyst and cofounder of Libyan Youth Voices. Brief Analysis The escalation in and around Tripoli holds troubling parallels with the tribal divisions that precipitated Libya's bloody 1936 civil war. ibya is a fractured country whose long-simmering violence is threatening to boil over. Internecine fighting L once mostly limited to Benghazi -- where Maj. Gen. Khalifa Haftar launched "Operation Dignity" against U.S.- designated terrorist group Ansar al-Sharia and other armed Islamists -- has now spread to Tripoli. The U.S. embassy was hurriedly evacuated on July 26, and foreign governments have urged their nationals to flee the country. The Tripoli fighting erupted on July 12, pitting largely Islamist militias from the Muslim Brotherhood stronghold of Misratah and their northwestern allies against well-equipped and trained nationalist brigades from Zintan. The latter factions -- the Qaaqaa, Sawaiq, and Madani Brigades -- are tribal and back the more secular-leaning political alliance, the National Forces Alliance (NFA), but ostensibly belong to the Libyan army. The Misratan and Islamist militias have since bombarded Tripoli International Airport, which has been held by Zintani forces since the revolution ended. This battle -- in which 90 percent of aircraft on the ground were destroyed, costing over $1.5 billion -- marks a dark turn for Libya, increasing the likelihood of the country repeating its brutal 1936 intertribal civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • To Engage Or Not Engage? Libyan Salafis and State Institutions Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum
    To engage or not engage? Libyan Salafis and state institutions Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum HYRES Research Note Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2019 Any views expressed in this publication are those of the author. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be printed in part or in full without the permission of the author. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: PB 7024 St. Olavs Plass 0130 OSLO, NORWAY Internet: www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Fax: [+ 47] 22 99 40 50 Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 2 To engage or not engage? Libyan Salafis and state institutions To engage or not engage? Libyan Salafis and state institutions Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum Published by the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Virginie Collombier and Fiona Barsoum 3 Contents HYRES – Hybrid Pathways to Resistance in the Islamic World .............. 4 Introduction .......................................................................................... 5 2011 – old constraints, new opportunities ............................................ 5 2011-2013 political participation versus moral order ........................... 7 2013-2015 – different modalities of violence, fitna versus order .......... 9 2016-2019 - not so “apolitical” Salafis................................................ 12 What future for Libya’s quietist Salafis? .............................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ghosts of the Past: the Muslim Brotherhood and Its Struggle for Legitimacy in Post‑Qaddafi Libya
    Ghosts of the Past: The Muslim Brotherhood and its Struggle for Legitimacy in post‑Qaddafi Libya Inga Kristina Trauthig ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author of this paper is Inga Kristina Trauthig. She wishes to thank Emaddedin Badi for his review and invaluable comments and feedback. The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own. CONTACT DETAILS For questions, queries and additional copies of this report, please contact: ICSR King’s College London Strand London WC2R 2LS United Kingdom T. +44 20 7848 2098 E. [email protected] Twitter: @icsr_centre Like all other ICSR publications, this report can be downloaded free of charge from the ICSR website at www.icsr.info. © ICSR 2018 Rxxntxxgrxxtxxng ISIS Sxxppxxrtxxrs xxn Syrxx: Effxxrts, Prxxrxxtxxs xxnd Chxxllxxngxxs Table of Contents Key Terms and Acronyms 2 Executive Summary 3 1 Introduction 5 2 The Muslim Brotherhood in Libya pre-2011 – Persecuted, Demonised and Dominated by Exile Structures 9 3 The Muslim Brotherhood’s Role During the 2011 Revolution and the Birth of its Political Party – Gaining a Foothold in the Country, Shrewd Political Manoeuvring and Punching above its Weight 15 4 The Muslim Brotherhood’s Quest for Legitimacy in the Libyan Political Sphere as the “True Bearer of Islam” 23 5 Conclusion 31 Notes and Bibliography 35 1 Key Terms and Acronyms Al-tajammu’-u al-watanī – Arabic for National Gathering or National Assembly GNA – Government of National Accord GNC – General National Council Hizb al-Adala wa’l-Tamiyya – JCP in Arabic HSC – High State Council Ikhwān – Arabic for
    [Show full text]
  • WAR on the MEDIA Journalists Under Attack in Libya WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS WAR ON THE MEDIA Journalists under Attack in Libya WATCH War on the Media Journalists under Attack in Libya Copyright © 2015 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-32309 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org FEBRUARY 2015 ISBN: 978-1-6231-32309 War on the Media Journalists under Attack in Libya Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 4 I. Background: Libya’s Media Landscape ............................................................................ 5 II. Attack on the Media since 2011 .....................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • A Sheffield Hallam University Thesis
    Developing an environmental management approach to Libya's upstream petroleum industry. EMHMED, Ehmiada. Available from the Sheffield Hallam University Research Archive (SHURA) at: http://shura.shu.ac.uk/19625/ A Sheffield Hallam University thesis This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. Please visit http://shura.shu.ac.uk/19625/ and http://shura.shu.ac.uk/information.html for further details about copyright and re-use permissions. I Sheffield Hallam University j Learning and IT Services ; Adsetts Centre City Campus ! _ Sheffield S1 1WB REFERENCE ProQuest Number: 10694506 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10694506 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Developing an Environmental Management Approach to Libya's Upstream Petroleum Industry By Ehmiada Emhmed A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Sheffield Hallam University for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2008 Declaration In accordance with the regulation for presenting theses and other work of higher degrees, I hereby declare that this thesis of Doctor of Philosophy is entirely my own work and that it not has been submitted for a degree at any university.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Discussion Paper
    DISCUSSION PAPER Libya’s Civil War: Is the End in Sight? Ferhat Polat DISCUSSION PAPER Libya’s Civil War: Is the End in Sight? Ferhat Polat Libya’s Civil War: Is the End in Sight? © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WRITTEN BY Ferhat Polat PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE March 2019 TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON PORTLAND HOUSE 4 GREAT PORTLAND STREET NO:4 LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this report represents the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 Libya’s Civil War: Is the End in Sight? Introduction nspired in part by the civil uprising failed state, lacking a unified, representative and in Tunisia, minor protests began legitimate government, and unable to exercise to emerge in Libya in mid-January nationwide authority or hold a monopoly over 2011. The demonstrations were the the use of force (Eljarh, 2018). result of corruption and nepotism, driven by a desire for greater Since 2014, efforts by the international political freedom and reform. In community to broker peace have been Iearly February, significant demonstrations took unsuccessful. More recently, from November place in Tripoli and Benghazi against Muammar 12 to 13, 2018, Italy hosted The International Gaddafi. Protests subsequently spread Conference on Libya to establish a path toward throughout Libya, resulting in repression and stability.
    [Show full text]
  • Oil Production in Libya Using an ISO 14001 Environmental Management System
    Oil production in Libya using an ISO 14001 environmental management system To the Faculty of Geosciences, Geo-Engineering and Mining (3) Of the Technische Universität Bergakaemie Freiberg is submitted this THESIS To attain the academic degree of Doktor ingenieur (Dr.-ing.) submitted by BSc. petroleum engineer MSc. petroleum engineer Biltayib. M. Biltayib born on 17 February in 1974, Sirte, Libya Freiberg, 06. 01. 2006. Date of submission Dedication To my father and mother who supported me and lighted up my life since my birth to this date. To my brothers and sisters for their effort, moral support and endless encouragement. Biltayib. M. Biltayib 2 Acknowledgements First of all I wish to express my sincere thanks and gratitude to my supervisor Prof. Dr. Jan C. Bongaerts for their friendly assistance, guidance, discussion and criticism that made study interesting and successful. I am grateful to the staff of IMRE, TU Bergakademic Freiberg, Dipl.-Ing. Stefan Dirlich, Kristin Müller, who gave useful contributions at various times during the development of this thesis. I appreciate the support of the staff of AGOCO , Dipl.-Ing. Soliman Daihoum, Mr. Hassan Omar, Dipl.-Ing Ibrahim Masud during the data collection. Finally thanks to my special friends, Dr. Mohamed Abdel Elgalel, khalid kheiralla, Khaled raed, Dr. Aman Eiad , Dr. Saad Hamed, Mahmud Guader, Samuel Famiyeh, Abdallminam, Salem kadur, Abdalgader Kadau , Mohammed Mady, Abu yousf and his familly, Nizar and his son Rany, Mohammed Adous, Mohammed Almallah, Mustafah Wardah, Ali almagrabia, Samer, Ali almear, Ahamed Alkatieb, Mohammed Almasrea, salahedeen keshlaf , Radwan Ali Sead, Sadek Kamoka , Mohamed Arhuom, Dr. Abdalla Siddig, Mahmud Aref , Mohamed Nasim for their encouragement, advise and support during my stay in Germany.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya: Military Actors and Militias
    Libya: military actors and militias By Francesco Finucci With special thanks to Lucia Polvanesi, for her editing work Photo: BRQ Network/Flickr The aftermath After Qaddafi's fall, about 200000 militiamen took to the streets. It was the end of a 40 years lasting regime. But it was also the first step towards the chaos: a country dominated by militias, fulfilled with weapons and characterized by harsh territories, where paratroops could hide themselves for months. Moreover, evidences suggest the use of this chaos in order to cover conflicts between rival tribes. Actions already blamed as war crimes. Hope is a fundamental element to be considered in new Libya, but fear is as well. What emerged from this study is a complicated scenario, much more than expected. On the other hand, requests are numerous and often genuine. The will to build a better place to live in came to light as well as the simple effort to gain power. Exploring this lively and intense underworld is not simple, even without being on the spot. Violence is part of this scenario as well as sense of the State. Sometimes they merge, sometimes they clash, but they never disappear. Probably, they won't do it for years, until Libya will be mature for military and political stability. After entering inside the last two years of Libyan history, we can't help hoping for this. Francesco Finucci Loyalty Name Flag/Symbol State-affiliated Libyan Army Force: 35000 soldiers1. القوات المسلحة الليبية Bodies The new army risen after Qaddafi's fall seems to be partially composed by former military staff, Allies: Libya Shield; and the detained equipment level is about the National Mobile Force; same as militias weaponry standard.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya's Uncertain Post-Electoral Direction | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1965 Libya's Uncertain Post-Electoral Direction by Barak Barfi Jul 23, 2012 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Barak Barfi Barak Barfi is a research fellow at New America, where he specializes in Arab and Islamic affairs. Brief Analysis The impressive electoral performance of nominally liberal parties in Libya is being widely portrayed as a setback to Islamist political momentum in North Africa, but the reality is more complicated. ollowing Libya's first free parliamentary elections since 1965, 60 percent of the members who won seats F allocated to individuals rather than parties have yet to declare their party affiliation in the legislature. In a country historically riven by geographical divisions, Libyans voted for regional parties and candidates they knew rather than backing unfamiliar national factions with hastily conceived platforms. In response, Washington has characterized the elections as an "important step" in Libya's "democratic transition," but such optimism may be premature. BACKGROUND L ibya's new General National Congress consists of 200 seats, 80 elected by party-list balloting and 120 allocated to individual candidates. During the July 7 contest -- in which 62 percent of registered voters participated -- 374 parties vied for the 80 dedicated seats, while 2,639 candidates competed for the individual slots. The National Forces Alliance (NFA), a coalition of about 60 parties, emerged with 39 seats, while the Muslim Brotherhood's Justice and Building Party finished a distant second with 17. The National Front, a group led by Libya's leading exiled opposition party, took 3 seats, and the Union for Homeland Party (UH) -- a regional faction based in Libya's third-largest city, Misratah -- captured 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Gaining Legitimacy in Post-Qaddafi Libya: Analysing Attempts of The
    societies Article Gaining Legitimacy in Post-Qaddafi Libya: Analysing Attempts of the Muslim Brotherhood Inga Kristina Trauthig War Studies, King’s College, London WC2R 2LS, UK; [email protected] Received: 5 August 2019; Accepted: 27 August 2019; Published: 13 September 2019 Abstract: The Libyan Muslim Brotherhood needed to manoeuvre underground for several decades, just as most opposition groups in Libya had to—because of the repression from the Qaddafi regime. In 2012, however, the political wing of the Libyan Muslim Brotherhood (LMB), the Justice and Construction Party (JCP, sometimes also called the Justice and Development Party) participated in popular elections just shortly after its inception. Seven years later, one can unanimously say that the movement was not able to take power in the country. This paper will analyse the LMB in post-revolutionary Libya by concentrating on the attempts of establishing legitimacy in the political sphere—while continuously being informed by historical influences. Methodologically, the paper examines primary sources, key academic texts but also factors in interview data from semi-structured interviews. Overall, the paper addresses the puzzle of why Libya as a predominantly Sunni, conservative country did not translate into a conservative Sunni movement like the LMB faring well; with that, derailing the impression that the whole region was “going Islamist” after the so-called Arab Spring. The LMB today is still influenced by the historical treatment it received under Qaddafi, which lead it to base itself mostly in exile, hence it struggled to entrench itself in the country. The LMB was pointed towards their opponents’ fearmongering of an alleged Islamist takeover, mostly without addressing self-inflicted wounds, such as their inability to unite or to convince major parts of the population of their political programme.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Transition Security and Militias
    JANUARY 2014 COUNTRY SUMMARY Libya Libya’s interim government faced multiple challenges in 2013. Myriad armed groups controlled security in many parts of the country, thousands of detainees remained in government and militia-controlled detention facilities without access to justice, and rampant ill-treatment and deaths in custody persisted. Forced displacement of tens of thousands of people from the town of Tawergha by militias from nearby Misrata had yet to be resolved. Authorities failed to conclude any investigations into politically motivated assassinations, attacks on protesters in Benghazi and Tripoli, and attacks on journalists and foreign diplomatic missions, citing lack of resources and the precarious security situation. Political Transition The General National Congress (GNC), Libya’s first elected parliament, has yet to fulfill its core mandate to organize elections for the Constituent Assembly (CA). On July 16, the GNC approved a law for electing the 60-member CA, which will draft Libya’s constitution but at time of writing the law had not been issued, and the elections date had not been fixed. The GNC suffered from political discord between its main political parties, in particular the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated Justice and Construction Party (JCP) and the more liberal leaning National Forces Alliance (NFA); resignations by some Congress members; and removal of some congress members due to a sweeping lustration law that banned from office persons who had held any office in the Gaddafi era. Security and Militias The interim government failed to control deteriorating security in the country, especially in the capital, Tripoli, and in Benghazi, Libya’s second largest city.
    [Show full text]