1 Defining Swearing 2 a Typology of Swearing
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Notes 1 Defining Swearing 1. According to Vincent (1982: 36) a distinction was made between the sacre and blasphemy (le blasphème); while the second of these denotes conscious profa- nation of the name of God and the saints (la profanation du nom de Dieu et des Saints), the first term is reserved for thoughtless interjectional use of such names and of the names of sacred objects (l’utilisation du vocabulaire religieux à des fins interjectives). The sacres were originally part of the swearing repertory of European French but have developed new meanings and pronunciations in Canadian French, in particular in Montreal. 2. This study took place in 2005 at a school in Tensta, a Stockholm suburb with many immigrants. The participants who were aged between 14 and 17 were asked to give ten examples of typical swearing. Even if this approach encour- aged exaggeration and produced certain unlikely answers, it indicates that the swearing of young people in Tensta differs strongly from mainstream Swedish swearing. 3. In a 1978 study 38 students at the University of Texas at Austin were asked to rank 80 constructions in accordance with how typical they were as instances of American English swearing. The results indicated that taboo strength was one of the most important factors affecting their choice but not the only one. See Appendix 3 for the rank list resulting from this experiment. (The list can also be found in Ljung 1984: 117–20.) 4. The information about the use of offensive language reported on here has been taken from www.bbc.co.uk/guidelines/editorial guidelines/a. ./offensive language/. See also the article ‘Broadcast Rules Should Have Saved BBC’ by John Plunkett in the Guardian on 29 October 2008. 2 A Typology of Swearing 1. McEnery’s sources are not confined to the BNC. Cf. McEnery (2005: 30): ‘In deciding what words I wanted to include within the corpus, I was partly guided by claims within the literature, partly by my own intuition, partly by serendipitous discovery and partly by words I encountered within the corpus which fitted the classification system developed.’ 2. The literature on grammaticalization is very comprehensive. Here I will mention just a few relevant works: Traugott and Heine (1991), Hopper and Traugott (1993), Bybee (2003) and Fischer (2004). Gehweiler (2008) discusses the role of grammaticalization in the development of English swearing. 3. kuk(k) is the term used in the Nynorsk variety of Norwegian while fitte is from the Bokmål variety. 168 Notes 169 3 History of Swearing 1. The Corpus of English Dialogues (COED) is a 1.2 million-word corpus com- piled at the English Department of Uppsala University. It contains dialogues from trials, dramas, witness depositions, prose fiction and handbooks from five historical periods, viz. 1560–99, 1600–39, 1640–79, 1680–1719, 1720–60. 2. Actually, the first recorded use of damn ‘doom to eternal punishment’ is found, not in connection with God, but with the Devil in the phrase ‘The devil damn thee black, thou cream-faced loon’ (Macbeth, V.iii.11), a play first put on the stage in 1605. 3. According to Montagu, Prynne, a Puritan, launched an attack on the stage in his book Histriomastix in 1633 but was cruelly punished for alleged criticisms of the king and queen. 4. There were several interrogations, the best known of which appears to be the one conducted by two Englishmen, viz. the earls of Warwick and Stafford. The language in which the interrogation was conducted was French. Cf. MS. Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, Collection Complète des Mémoires, Vol. 8. 5. The question of the true nature of goddem has attracted the attention of many scholars in addition to Wartburg, for instance Steven de Ullman (1947) ‘Anglicisms in French. Notes on their Chronology, Range and Reception’, PMLA Vol. 62, No. 4, Dec. 1947, 1153–77. de Ullman regards goddem as an English loan that entered French during the Hundred Years War and refers to it as part of ‘the thin and intermittent trickle of Anglicisms prior to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes … The words that had got through survived and one of them, at least, Goddam, retained much of its old flavour and pun- gency’ (1947: 1160). However, de Ullman also relates goddem to genuinely French words, calling it ‘a variant of Godon’ (1947: 1156) and relates it to phonetic distortions of Godot such as godo, jodo, which are semantically related to fifteenth-century gode ‘effeminate’, godinette ‘prostitute’ and sixteenth-century godant ‘deceit’ (1947: 1169). Wartburg (1928) also refers to the similarity between goddem and godon. He describes godon as ‘a nickname given to the English’ and connected with Norman godonner ‘swear’, ‘murmur’ and also with godeau ‘lout’, goudeau ‘imbecile’, and godot ‘little pig’. Wartburg rejects the suggestion that godon is a French loan from English goddamn. 6. Hellquist (1918: 52) speaks of ‘the incredibly increased importance of the belief in the devil in people’s minds’ and refers to Troels Lund’s Danmarks og Norges Historie i Slutningen av de 16:de Aarhundrade, according to whom the Devil dominated human life (presumably in all of Scandinavia) in all its forms in the second half of the sixteenth century. 7. It is an interesting fact that despite his resistance to all forms of swearing, Cromwell himself did not hesitate to use the expression ‘I beseech you, in the bowels of Christ, think it possible that you may be mistaken’ in a letter written in 1650 (cf. Hughes 2006: 389). The reason for this may be that unlike for example for God’s sake, by God’s nails, etc. the phrase in the bowels of Christ had not become formulaic and hence did not count as swearing. 170 Notes 8. An account of the (fictitious) interchange between the Sultan and the Cossacks may be found on http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reply_of_the_ Zaporozhian_Cossacks where further reference is made to Dmytro I. Yavornytsky (1895: Vol. 2, pp. 517–18 and Kuropas (1961). 9. The Wikipedia.org article makes it clear that these texts cannot lay claim to historical truth and offers the following comment: The fact that this letter is not a true document of diplomacy of those times but a literary work has been demonstrated in numerous ways. The Cossacks never sent such documents to foreign countries in such a style. This can be seen in comparing archival materials of Cossack letters from various dates and content. Secondly, had this document been true, various variants would not exist. Thirdly, the variants have different dates (1600, 1619, 1620, 1667, 1696, 1713 and others). Moreover, there are different signatures under the letter: ataman Zakharchenko, Ivan Sirko, the Nyz Cossacks etc. Finally, each of the variants are addressed to different people: Osman, Ahmet II, Ahmet IV, Mahmud IV etc. All this points to the docu- ment having a literary origin which was taken up in folk culture or rooted in nationalistic sentiment. 10. Sheidlower (1999: 117) mentions a pre-1500 instance of fuck ‘have sexual intercourse’ found in a poem written sometime between 1450 and 1475 in which the Carmelite friars of Ely are accused of having sex with the women in that city. The relevant part of the poem is in (partly coded) Latin and goes like this: Non sunt in celi/ Quia fuccant uuiuys of heli ‘They are not in heaven/ Who fuck the wives (‘women’) of Ely’. 11. Sheidlower (1999: 111) also offers an example from 1788 in which the word used is French foutre, viz. ‘Do you call me a foutre?’ 4 Interjections 1. While the first example of Japanese interjections – Kuso! – uses the traditional scatological taboo theme, the other two – Baka! and Chiku shoo! – differ significantly from all the others and may strike the reader as surpris- ingly innocent. Baka means ‘fool’, ‘idiot’, both usually harmless enough in today’s European languages. But idiot may also have the more clinical sense ‘retarded’ and that is apparently how it is interpreted in Japanese. The term Chiku shoo may be translated as ‘cattle life’ and apparently derives its taboo load from the low esteem in which meat and meat-eating have traditionally been held in Japan. This attitude also extended to those who made a living from cattle-keeping, slaughter, etc., occupations at the bottom of the social hierarchy (cf. Constantine 1992, 1994). 2. Note that as early as 1926, the Belgian grammarian Poutsma describes inter- jections as ‘speech-elements which do not enter into the structure of the sentence and do not, accordingly, fall into any of the categories into which words have been divided’ (Poutsma, A Grammar of Late Modern English. Part II, Section II, p. 829). 3. Interestingly enough, we sometimes do find a form like gosh actually used as a noun, for instance in the BNC examples And I got up and I was gonna tie her Notes 171 up like and by gosh I thought I’d better make for the door again (BNC HV6 85) and By gosh! (BNC KBK 7111). 4. The full statistics for the interjections in Table 4.3 are as follows: COR: Cor! 74, Cor bloody hell! 2, Cor blimey! 2, Cor strewth! 3, Cor Jesus Christ! 1 = 82 GOSH: Gosh! 20, Oh gosh! 10, By gosh! 1, Oh my gosh! 1 = 32 DAMN: Damn it 2, Damn 2 = 4 CHRIST: Christ! 14, Oh Christ! 8, For Christ’s sake 4, By Christ! 3, Oh Jesus Christ! 1 = 30 SHIT: Ah shit! 1, Oh shit! 9, Shit! 8 = 18 JESUS: Jesus! 7, Ah Jesus! 2, Cor Jesus Christ! 1, Cor Jesus! 1, Oh Jesus 2, Oh Jesus Christ! 1, Ah Jesus Christ! 1, Jesus bloody Christ! 1, Ooh Jesus 1, Jesus wept 1, Jesus Christ! 1 = 19 FUCK: Fuck! 4, Fuck me! 2, Fuck it! 4, Oh fuck! 2 = 12 GOD: God! 109, Oh God! 173, By God! 26, My God! 120, Oh my God! 99, Good God 22, Dear God 1, Oh dear God! 1, Oh God Almighty 1, For God’s sake 9, Ah God! 2 = 563 BUGGER: Bugger! 1, Bugger it! 1, Oh bugger it! 3, Bugger + object 7, Bugger me! 2, Oh bugger! 1 = 15 HELL: Hell! 1, Bloody hell! 112, Fucking hell! 20, Oh hell! 3, Bleeding hell! 1, Flipping hell! 3, By hell! 2, Cor bloody hell! 2, For bloody hell sake 1 = 145 5.