Censorship of Obscenity: the Developing Constitutional Standards
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1960 Censorship of Obscenity: The evelopinD g Constitutional Standards William B. Lockhart Robert C. McClure Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Lockhart, William B. and McClure, Robert C., "Censorship of Obscenity: The eD veloping Constitutional Standards" (1960). Minnesota Law Review. 2550. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/2550 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Censorship of Obscenity: The Developing Constitutional Standards The authors discuss the constitutional criteriacontrolling recent decisions of the United States Supreme Court in the area of obscenity censorship and demonstrate that sub- stantial protection has been given to published material dealing with sex. In considering the development of a test to identify "censorableobscenity," they examine the nature of pornography and conclude that it provides a useful guide. They find that "hard-core pornography" is the foundation for the "constant" concept of obscenity cur- rently applied by the Court; and they advocate a "variable" concept which would make the validity of censorship de- pend upon the particularmaterial's primary audience and upon the nature of the appeal to that audience. The authors also discuss: (1) the requirement that material be judged as a whole on the basis of its dominant theme, (2) the weight to be given "redeeming social importance," (3) the protection of "immoral" ideas and the "end of ideolog- ical obscenity," (4) the requirement of scienter, (5)the meaning and application of "contemporary community standards," and (6) the need for independent judicial re- view of obscenity findings. William B. Lockhart* and Robert C. McClure** In 1957, for the first time in its history, the United States Su- preme Court squarely faced the then unresolved problem' of the constitutionality of official censorship of obscenity. It had been presented the problem once before-almost ten years earlier-but on that occasion aborted the case: in Doubleday & Co. v. New York' an equally divided Court affirmed without opinion Dou- * Dean and Professor of Law, University of Minnesota Law School ** Professor of Law, University of Minnesota Law School 1. See Lockhart & McClure, Literature, The Lmv of Obscenity, and the Constitution, 38 MINN. L. REv. 295, 352-58 (1954). 2. 335 U.S. 848 (1948). MINNESOTA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 45:5 bleday's conviction under a New York obscenity statute for pub- lishing Edmund Wilson's Memoirs of Hecate County.3 But by 1957 the deadlock in the Court had been broken,4 and in that year the Court began firmly, though not always unanimously, to mark out constitutional standards governing the censorship of ob- scenity. The process is not yet complete-perhaps it never will be fully completed-but substantial progress has already been made in setting up important safeguards to protect works of aesthetic or other social value.' The extent of the progress may be measured by the fact that an important publisher, justifiably confident of the new constitutional protection, is undertaking the republication of Memoirs of Hecate County and doing it, of all places, in Bos- ton, Massachusetts.6 I. THE SETTING The setting in which these developments took place changed markedly between 1957 and 1960. Both the methods and the tar- gets of the proponents of censorship shifted substantially. In early 1957 the National Office for Decent Literature-popu- larly known as the NODL-was still an effective force in the sup- pression of magazines and paper-bound books it believed to be objectionable.' In response to earlier criticism of some of its prac- tices' the NODL had already changed its name from the "Na- tional Organization for Decent Literature" to the "National Office 3. For an account of the case, see Lockhart & McClure, supra note 1, at 295-301. 4. The deadlock was broken on Feb. 25, 1957, in Butler v. Michigan, 352 U.S. 380 (1957), followed shortly afterwards on June 24, 1957, by Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476 (1957), Kingsley Books, Inc. v. Brown, 354 U.S. 436 (1957), and Adams Newark Theater Co. v. City of Newark, 354 U.S. 931 (1957). For analyses of these and subsequent eases, see pp. 13-47 infra. 5. See DOUGLAS, THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE 66 (1958). The new safe- guards are discussed at pp. 47-120 infra. For an excellent analysis of the Supreme Court cases from 1957-1960 see Kalven, The Metaphysics of the Law of Obscenity, THE SUPREME COURT REVIEW 1 (1960). 6. Censorship Scoreboard, Jan. 1960, p. 8. 7. For a description of the NODL and its operations, see Lockhart & McClure, supra note 1, at 304-05, 309-11, and 317-18. See also Rorty, Harassed Pocket-Book Publishers, 15 ANTIOCH REV. 411 (1956). 8. The practices particularly criticized were its use of general boycotts against retail dealers who refused to withdraw from sale the books and magazines listed as objectionable by the NODL, and its tacit consent to the use of its lists by policemen and prosecutors who threatened dealers with criminal prosecution if they failed to withdraw the proscribed items from sale. 10 RECORD OF THE Ass'N OF THE BAR OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK 143 (1955); Bourke, Moral Problems Related to Censoring the Media of Mass Communications, 40 MARQ. L. REV. 57 (1956); Murray, Literature and Censorship, 14 BOOKS ON TRIAL 393 (1956); Fischer, The Harm Good Peo- ple Do, Harpers, Oct. 1956, vol. 213, p. 14; Murray, The Bad Arguments Intelligent Men Make, America. Nov. 3, 1956, vol. 96, p. 120. 1960] CENSORSHIP OF OBSCENITY for Decent Literature" in an effort to disassociate itself from the actions of local NODL extremists.' But it was not until May, 1957, when the American Civil Liberties Union, in a statement signed by 150 persons prominent in literature and the arts, blasted the NODL's methods of operation that the NODL began to decline as a potent force in the suppression of books and magazines."a Since then the NODL has become more the "service organiza- tion" its apologists have claimed it is and less the "action group" its critics said it was1 and as such has removed itself from the center of the controversy over the censorship of literature.' The systematic use of lists by policemen and prosecutors threat- ening dealers with criminal prosecution if they continued to sell the listed publications13 also declined during this period. Detroit's notorious censorship system,14 in full operation at the beginning of 1957, ended before the year was out when the publishers of the hard-cover and paper-bound editions of John O'Hara's Ten North Frederick, one of the many books on the Detroit lists, secured in- junctions restraining the City of Detroit and two of its police of- ficials from making any threat of prosecution to any person selling the book.'5 The prosecuting attorney of St. Clair County, Michi- gan, who had been using the NODL lists, received the same treat- ment 6-- as did the prosecuting attorney of Lake County, Indi- 9. Murray, The Bad Arguments Intelligent Men Make, supra note 8. The change of name came as early as 1955. Fitzgerald, NODL States its Case, America, June 1, 1957, vol. 97, pp. 280 & 281. 10. American Civil Liberties Union [ACLU] Statement on Censorship Activity by Private Organizations and the National Organization for Decent Literature (n.d.); ACLU, Civil Liberties, May 1957, p. 1. For the NODL's reply to the ACLU statement, see Fitzgerald, NODL States Its Case, supra note 9. And for the ACLU's rejoinder, see ACLU, Civil Liberties, Sept. 1957, p. 2. 11. Murray, The Bad Arguments Intelligent Men Make, supra note 8. Despite the changes in the NODL's operations, the ACLU in its 1957 state- ment failed to recognize that these changes had already taken place; and the NODL, in response, ignored the fact that it had earlier encouraged the ac- tivities criticized by the ACLU. See authorities cited note 10 supra. 12. By mid-1958, the ACLU reported: "Possibly as a result of consider- able criticism of the NODL, many local communities engaged in a literay 'clean-up' campaign are now compiling their own lists of offending publi- cations and relying less on the monthly NODL compilation." 38th ACLU ANN. REP. 15 (1958). 13. For a discussion of this method of censorship and its legality, see 22 U. Cm. L. REv. 216 (1954). 14. The Detroit operation is described in Lockhart & McClure, supra note 1, at 314-16. See also Lardner, Let 'enz Eat Newspapers, Newsweek, Mar. 14, 1955, vol. 45, p. 92; The Smut Detective, Newsweek, Mar. 21, 1955, vol. 45, p. 95. 15. American Book Publishers Council [APBC] Censorship Bull., July 1957, p. 3; ABPC, Censorship Bull., Aug. 1958, p. 4. 16. ABPC, Censorship Bull., July 1957, p. 3. MINNESOTA LAW REVIEW [Vol. 45:5 ana."7 The New York City commissioner of licenses, who had writ- ten letters to news dealers threatening them with revocation of their licenses if they continued to sell designated publications, was or- dered to withdraw the letters and to instruct the news dealers to disregard them.' The injunctions against combining disapproved lists with threats of prosecution 9 have not altogether stopped the practice; some of- ficials still continue to issue orders or "requests" to dealers with thinly veiled threats of prosecution. But these instances seem to oc- cur sporadically and are often limited to a particular book or to a single issue of a magazine.2" In only Rhode Island2' and King 17.