Annexation in Syria and Iraq Fragmentation of Fronts and Gradual : Ωϭοϭϣϟ΍Ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Annexation in Syria and Iraq 09/05/2017 : Έηϧϟ΍Φϳέύη

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Annexation in Syria and Iraq Fragmentation of Fronts and Gradual : Ωϭοϭϣϟ΍Ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Annexation in Syria and Iraq 09/05/2017 : Έηϧϟ΍Φϳέύη Fragmentation of Fronts and Gradual : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϡγ΍ Annexation in Syria and Iraq Fragmentation of Fronts and Gradual : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ϥ΍ϭϧϋ Annexation in Syria and Iraq 09/05/2017 : έηϧϟ΍ΦϳέΎΗ ΔϣΩϘΗϣϟ΍ΕΎγ΍έΩϟ΍ϭΙΎΣΑϸϟϝΑϘΗγϣϟ΍ίϛέϣ : ΏΗΎϛϟ΍ϡγ΍ : ωϭοϭϣϟ΍ Regular armies, parallel militias and hybrid groups are pursuing a new strategy in conflict zones in the Arab region. The phenomenon is known as gradual annexation where criminal gangs, sometimes, support terrorist organizations, militias and regional armies, particularly during stages of collapse or weak state security structures. This is illustrated in the prevailing situation in Syria and Iraq over the past six years. Resorting to this tactic, which later took materialized into a fully integrated-strategy is driven by several interconnected factors. These include the following: a continuously changing pattern of confrontations, inability to take control of enemy¶s areas of influence or tighten control of central geographical areas, giving full attention for control of other geographical areas, and avoiding civilian casualties. In addition to reducing infrastructure damage, bolstering troops¶morale, cutting finance and supply lines between armed groups, overlapping factional areas of control, activating non-central area-based control and securing shared borderlines.Cumulative domination Battleground experience in Arab armed conflict zones show that the gradual annexation strategy implies that actors, whether they are regular state armies or sub-state armed groups, enforce gradual and slow control of limited areas of neighborhoods, small villages and townships, roads or border strips as an advance into required territories. These forces seek to entrench their influence and positions after fragmenting these areas and then move to control other small areas, so on and so forth, until these forces complete the successive cumulative control over targeted areas. Throughout this process, forces tend to secure other parts, until they eventually fragment combat fronts or battlefields. The policy of annexing neighborhoods and districts require capabilities some of which are not available for parallel armies. These include air support, fighters, logistic supply and continued fortification of controlled areas. This explains why al-Assad¶s regime in Syria was able to restore control over a central city, as Aleppo, using the slow annexation strategy since 2013 when it began to besiege areas held by the armed opposition. Then, the regime forces secured control over a town, and from there it secured neighboring villages, moved to the airport and nearby hills and industrial zones until it laid siege to the whole city/ laid a full siege to the city. The following group of factors explain why this strategy has become increasingly pursued by actors operating in Arab conflict zones/ several actors have pursued this strategy in Arab conflict zones: Changing tactics1- Changing realities of field confrontations between asymmetrical parties. This is due to a lack of a definite theatre of operations and geographical areas that allows easy incursion. Iraqi government forces and the so-called Golden Division of the Counter Terrorism Service, on May 3, 2017, liberated the Zanjili, the largest district in Western Mosul, from ISIS. The move led to the old city in central Mosul being besieged from all sides, where old avenues blocked the security forces¶attempts to advance over the past two months. Widening patches2- Impossibility of synchronized control over enemy¶s areas due to the geographic reach of the conflict. Regular armies, in particular when they are weak, recognize that it is impossible to regain control over wide areas in one operation because of the difficulty to defend them and entrench their presence in liberated areas in a short-run. This is due to the fact that enemy forces have extensive experience of the neighborhoods¶access points. This forces regular troops to focus on smaller sectors, such as blocks of buildings, parts of a certain road, whereas regular armies can concentrate their combat capabilities, airpower and artillery in particular, on targeted areas.Strategic Keys 3- Tightening control over central geographical areas. To besiege strategic districts and neighborhoods in areas held by armed groups in Syria, al-Assad regime used armed forces to launch settlement initiatives - known locally as local reconciliation or forced reconciliation- in conflict zones hosting armed groups to restore security and stability, in particular those that border neighborhoods held by the regime itself. The aim is to tighten control over these neighborhoods. Within this context, the map of areas covered by compulsory reconciliations shows a common denominator: these areas constitute strategic keys or access points for areas previously held by armed groups.Surplus force4- Focusing on other geographical areas. After governmental forces recapture areas from military opposition, the government benefits from lessening its combat burden and can utilize its resources to seize densely-populated areas, by encircling them while applying attrition tactics. This strategy helps achieve two key goals. The first is to further drain enemy forces and resources that have been already limited due to the siege. The second is to reduce the enemy¶s areas of control to decrease the maneuvering margin and combat area. It is noteworthy that Muadhamiya, Souq Wadi Barada, Qudsaya and Zakiya, which are suburbs of the Syrian capital Damascus, constituted access points for Darayya, Wadi Barada, al-Hama and Khan al-Sheeh, respectively.The so-called ³four-towns agreement´involves Zabadani and Madaya in south-west Syria, and the towns of Kefraya and al-Fuaa in the north between Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and Harakat Ahrar al-Sham, as one party, and Iran and its ally Hezbollah, as the other party. The agreement provided al-Assad regime with more armed elements from al-Fuaa and Kefraya to meet a severe shortage of manpower while it works on the militarization of society as a survival strategy. Civilian casualties 5- Avoiding civilian casualties. Light arms are used during incursions into neighborhoods to protect civilians. Iraqi forces trying to force out ISIS from Mosul city used this tactic. Ali Al-Matyoni, MP and 9/30/2021 7:21:55 AM 1 / 2 member of the Parliament¶s Security and Defense Committee, in statements delivered on April 15, 2017, said that the new strategy pursued by Iraqi forces implies slow advance into the city¶s central and western neighborhoods, while using light arms in combat to avoid civilian casualties.Moreover, Iraqi forces are using siege and stealth tactics in Mosul to minimize harm among hundreds of thousands of civilians, according to Lieutenant General Abdul Ghani al-Assadi, a commander of the Counter Terrorism Service (CTS), in statements delivered to Reuters on April 24, 2017. He said that Iraqi forces had to use this tactic due to the nature of Mosul¶s Old City and its narrow streets and alleyways, which increases the risk of civilian losses.Fighting spirit6- Bolstering troop morale. Regular armies seek to deploy, and push their troops into areas wherever progress can be made to cover up their losses sustained during confrontations in other combat areas and attempt to re-establish a balance of power. This is particularly pursued in light of fragile situations, where factions impose their control, to bring about quick collapse in these areas. Stifling supply7- Cutting supply lines between armed groups. To tighten siege of militias and terrorist groups, regular armies, such as in Syria, block entry of fighters, arms, food assistance and medicines and bomb hospitals, factories while sustaining military offensive momentum/ pursuing military attacks, and deploying new troops to relieve soldiers involved in the siege. Within this context, al-Assad regime army and allied militias advanced to the highway that links Damascus and Deraa, because it is the only main supply line for the regime forces in the southern province, while tightening control over the towns of al-Faqie and al-Wardat and nearby military posts.Moreover, the so-called Syria Democratic Forces (SDF), which contain Kurdish and Arab elements, is besieging the city of Tabqa after isolating large swathes from areas controlled by ISIS, and cutting all main supply lines of the group¶s elements and commanders from the north, east and west. However, what can block these forces from advancing is Turkey¶s attacks on the Kurdish so-called People¶s Protection Units (YPG) because they are an affiliate of the rebel Kurdistan Workers¶Party (PKK) that has been fighting Turkey for three decades. Overlapping control8- Overlap of factional areas. A good instance of this is Syria, where some neighborhoods are held by local factions that do not belong to larger groups. For instance, the Al-Bunyan Al-Marsous Operations Room- an alliance involving the southern factions of the Free Syrian Army, Jaysh Al-Yarmouk, Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and Harakat Ahrar al-Sham and other factions- succeeded in defending Deraa City from al-Assad regime. The regime¶s army have made several attempts seeking to open the highway to the Nasib Border Crossing on the Jordanian border. The Al-Bunyan Al- Marsous Operations Room has pursued the strategy of gradual annexation and controlled parts of the city¶s neighborhoods and up to May 5, 2017, remains steadfast and is even advancing to tighten its control of the southern Manshiya district. This district is strategically important because it overlooks other neighborhoods
Recommended publications
  • In Numbers Highlights
    WFP Syria Crisis Regional Response Situation Report September 2018 In Numbers Highlights 5.6 million refugees from Syria • In September, WFP reached more than 3.2 million refugees – out of a total of 5.6 million registered Syrian refugees – and 3.2 million Syrian refugees assisted in July host community members across Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, USD 4.0 billion injected into local economies of and Turkey through various food and cash-based assistance Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey programmes under the Country Strategic Plan (CSPs) in Egypt and Lebanon, and Transitional Interim CSPs in the three through cash-based transfers, local food countries. procurement and other expenditure since 2012. • Self-organized refugee returns verified by UNHCR in 2018 totalled 28,251 as of September 2018. Results from UNHCR People assisted 49% 51% return intention surveys showed that voluntary repatriation in safety and dignity remains the preferred durable solution for September 2018 Syrian refugees in the region. Overall: Situation Update Regional Refugee US$ 4.4 billion and Resilience Plan Regional WFP share: • As of September 2018, there are around 5.6 million refugees (3RP) 2018-2019 US$ 1.5 billion from Syria in the neighbouring countries of Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey. • According to UNHCR’s Return Perception and Intention WFP Net Funding Requirements Surveys conducted in 2018, 76 percent of Syrian refugees (November 2018 – April 2019)* hoped to return to Syria one day, up from 51 percent in 2017, while 19 percent noted that they do not want to come back. Voluntary repatriation in safety and dignity remains the Regional US$ 307.4 million preferred durable solution for Syrian refugees in the region.
    [Show full text]
  • In Numbers Highlights
    WFP Syria Crisis Regional Response Situation Report August 2018 In Numbers Highlights 5.6 million refugees from Syria • In August, WFP reached an estimated 3.0 million refugees – out of a total of 5.6 million registered Syrian refugees – and 3.0 million Syrian refugees assisted in July host community members across Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, USD 4.0 billion injected into local economies of and Turkey through various food and cash-based assistance Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey programmes under the Country Strategic Plan (CSPs) in Egypt and Lebanon and Transitional Interim CSPs in the three through cash-based transfers, local food countries. procurement and other expenditure since 2012. • Self-organized refugee returns registered by UNHCR in 2018 totalled 23,416 as of August 2018. The United Nations People assisted 49% 51% maintains that it does not promote refugee returns to Syria until conditions for voluntary, safe and dignified returns are in August 2018 place. Overall: Situation Update Regional Refugee US$ 4.4 billion and Resilience Plan Regional WFP share: • As of August 2018, there are around 5.6 million refugees from (3RP) 2018-2019 US$ 1.5 billion Syria in the neighbouring countries of Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey. WFP Net Funding Requirements Jordan (October 2018 – March 2019)* • The Nasib border crossing between Syria and Jordan remains closed for now. Media reports in August said that the crossing is ready to receive Syrian refugees’ return from Jordan. Nasib Regional US$ 256.4 million has been vital for the transport of goods from Lebanon and Syria to Jordan and the Gulf states until it was closed off in Egypt US$ 14.8 million 2015, when it fell to Syrian opposition factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Syrian Armed Opposition Powerbrokers
    March 2016 Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS Cover: A rebel fighter of the Southern Front of the Free Syrian Army gestures while standing with his fellow fighter near their weapons at the front line in the north-west countryside of Deraa March 3, 2015. Syrian government forces have taken control of villages in southern Syria, state media said on Saturday, part of a campaign they started this month against insurgents posing one of the biggest remaining threats to Damascus. Picture taken March 3, 2015. REUTERS/Stringer All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2016 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2016 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 www.understandingwar.org Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jennifer Cafarella is the Evans Hanson Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War where she focuses on the Syrian Civil War and opposition groups. Her research focuses particularly on the al Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al Nusra and their military capabilities, modes of governance, and long-term strategic vision. She is the author of Likely Courses of Action in the Syrian Civil War: June-December 2015, and Jabhat al-Nusra in Syria: An Islamic Emirate for al-Qaeda.
    [Show full text]
  • An Uncertain Homecoming Views of Syrian Refugees in Jordan on Return, Justice, and Coexistence
    An Uncertain Homecoming Views of Syrian Refugees in Jordan on Return, Justice, and Coexistence INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE An Uncertain Homecoming Views of Syrian Refugees in Jordan on Return, Justice, and Coexistence RESEARCH REPORT Acknowledgments The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) acknowledges the support of the UK Department for International Development, which funded this research and publication. ICTJ and the authors of the report also gratefully acknowledge all of those who generously gave their time to be interviewed for this report and contributed their experiences and insights. About the Authors Cilina Nasser wrote sections V through XII of this report and led the development of the Introduction and Recommendations. Nasser is a Beirut-based independent researcher and expert on human rights who also works on transitional justice issues. She has worked extensively on investigating human rights abuses and violations of international humanitarian law, primarily in Syria, but also in other countries in the Middle East and North Africa region, such as Yemen, Libya, and Saudi Arabia. She was a researcher at Amnesty International focusing on countries in crisis and conflict from 2009 to 2015 and, before that, a journalist who covered major events in Lebanon. Zeina Jallad Charpentier wrote sections III, XIII, and XIV of this report. Jallad Charpentier is a legal consultant, researcher, and lecturer in law, whose work focuses on the intersection between international law, human rights law, social mobility, access to justice and resilience of disenfranchised populations, refugees, and impact litigation. She has worked in the United States, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, and Turkey.
    [Show full text]
  • WFP Syria Regional Situation Report
    WFP Syria Regional In Numbers Situation Report 5.6 million registered Syrian refugees in neighbouring countries November 2018 Month YYYY 42,728 self-organized refugee returns to Syria in 2018 USD 4.0 billion injected into local economies of Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey through WFP’s cash-based transfers, local food procurement, and other expenditures since 2012 2.4 million Syrian refugees Highlights 51% 49% Assistance Rationale and host community • In November, WFP reached approximately 2.4 million • What are the critical humanitarian needs (problems) members assisted refugees from Syria and host community members across the affected population is facing? November 2018 Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey through various •food What assistance is the food programmes security situation? (in-kind and cash). In Egypt andWhat Lebanon, are the WFP key indicators?is operating under Country Strategic Overall: Plans (CSPs), while Transitional Interim Country Strategic Regional Refugee and USD 4.4 billion Plans (TICSPs) are currently in place in Iraq, Jordan and Resilience Plan (3RP) Turkey. 2018-2019 WFP share: USD 1.5 billion Situation Updates WFP Net Funding Requirements Iraq (January - June 2019) • The fluid security situation is making the operating environment in some governorates increasingly Regional USD 313.9 million complicated. Military operations and resurgence of armed groups have prompted WFP Iraq to halt operations in Egypt USD 6.8 million Western Anbar for the foreseeable future. The deterioration of the situation in Ninewa, Anbar, and in Iraq USD 2.3 million some areas of Salah al-Din is slowing growing, threatening future resilience activities. Jordan USD 44.7 million Jordan • The Nasib border crossing between Syria and Jordan was Lebanon USD 81.2 million reopened after being closed for three years.
    [Show full text]
  • Shiite Foreign Militias in Syria
    Shiite Foreign Militias in Syria Iran's role in the Syrian conflict and the ISIS fight By Aaron Hesse- Research Fellow August 2015 Introduction: This paper seeks to identify and elucidate the role that Iran-backed Shiite foreign fighters play in Syria and to compare how often they target the Islamic State in Iraq and Sham (ISIS) and the Syrian opposition. Shiite foreign fighters inside Syria present a major problem for the Syrian opposition forces due to their generally superior morale and fighting abilities. They also pose a long-term threat to American and Western interests due to their role in expanding the Syrian conflict and increasing its sectarian content. Many of these militias arose in Syria for the stated purpose of protecting Shiite religious shrines.i When ISIS burst onto the scene in summer 2014, the goal of fighting ISIS brutality was added on as a second ostensible purpose of the militias. However, contrary to the prevailing narrative that is based mainly on Iraq, the Iran-backed Shiite militias have been of extremely limited value in the ISIS fight in Syria. This paper will attempt to show that these groups work and perform military duties on behalf of the government of Bashar al-Assad and their benefactors in Iran almost exclusively to target the Syrian rebels. The Iran-backed militias have no real interest in fighting ISIS in Syria. This makes Assad, as well as Iran, unreliable partners in the fight to destroy ISIS. Metrics: This paper will focus on the outsized role that Iran-backed Shiite foreign fighters are playing in Syria.
    [Show full text]
  • Middle East Security Report 29
    March 2016 Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS Cover: A rebel fighter of the Southern Front of the Free Syrian Army gestures while standing with his fellow fighter near their weapons at the front line in the north-west countryside of Deraa March 3, 2015. Syrian government forces have taken control of villages in southern Syria, state media said on Saturday, part of a campaign they started this month against insurgents posing one of the biggest remaining threats to Damascus. Picture taken March 3, 2015. REUTERS/Stringer All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2016 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2016 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 www.understandingwar.org Jennifer Cafarella and Genevieve Casagrande MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 29 SYRIAN ARMED OPPOSITION POWERBROKERS ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jennifer Cafarella is the Evans Hanson Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War where she focuses on the Syrian Civil War and opposition groups. Her research focuses particularly on the al Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al Nusra and their military capabilities, modes of governance, and long-term strategic vision. She is the author of Likely Courses of Action in the Syrian Civil War: June-December 2015, and Jabhat al-Nusra in Syria: An Islamic Emirate for al-Qaeda.
    [Show full text]
  • WFP SYRIA External SITREP
    SYRIA SITUATION CRISIS UPDATE RESPONSE JAN - MARCH 2015 HIGHLIGHTS WFP delivered enough food to support over 4 million people in March, of which almost 15 percent was delivered cross border from Turkey and Jordan While efforts to negotiate access continue, WFP reached less than ten percent of those believed to be in need of assistance in hard to reach and besieged areas Despite donor generosity, shortfalls forced WFP to cut assistance to some 1.8 million Syrian refugees by 30 percent since the beginning of the year Continued targeting/verification efforts have so far reduced WFP’s regional caseload by 226,000 people WFP/Dina Elkassaby 6-year-old Riham waits patiently by the kitchen for her lunch. Spaghetti with onion and tomato sauce; her favorite. For information on WFP’s Syria Crisis Response in 2013 and 2014, please use the QR Code or access through the link: wfp.org/syriainfo SYRIA Up to four million people receive life-saving assistance Over the first quarter of 2015, WFP provided life-saving assistance to up to 4 million civilians in Syria in 12 of the 14 governorates. In January the operations suffered a slow start, due to the initial delays in obtaining the necessary approvals compounded by the onset of heavy winter storms and technical complications on the border with Lebanon, which severely disrupted sea and land transport. In spite of the many constraints affecting the deliveries during the first half of the month, WFP was able to reach 3.4 million people in January, 80 percent of the monthly plan, by speeding the packaging operations and increasing the average delivery rate during the second half of the month, when more favourable weather conditions allowed WFP to resume full-scale transport operations.
    [Show full text]
  • Syria's Economy
    Syria’s Economy: PickingSyria’s up the Economy: Pieces Research Paper David Butter Middle East and North Africa Programme | June 2015 Syria’s Economy Picking up the Pieces Contents Summary 2 Introduction 3 Economic Context of the Uprising and the Slide to Conflict 7 Counting the Cost of the Syrian Conflict 12 Clinging on to Institutional Integrity: Current Realities and Possible Scenarios 28 About the Author 29 Acknowledgments 30 1 | Chatham House Syria’s Economy: Picking up the Pieces Summary • The impact on the Syrian economy of four years of conflict is hard to quantify, and no statistical analysis can adequately convey the scale of the human devastation that the war has wrought. Nevertheless, the task of mitigating the effects of the conflict and planning for the future requires some understanding of the core economic issues. • Syria’s economy has contracted by more than 50 per cent in real terms since 2011, with the biggest losses in output coming in the energy and manufacturing sectors. Agriculture has assumed a bigger role in national output in relative terms, but food production has fallen sharply as a result of the conflict. • The population has shrunk from 21 million to about 17.5 million as a result of outward migration (mainly as refugee flows) and more than a quarter of a million deaths. At least a third of the remaining population is internally displaced. • Inflation has averaged 51 per cent between January 2012 and March 2015, according to the monthly data issued by the government, and the Syrian pound has depreciated by about 80 per cent since the start of the conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Report Mapping Southern Syria's Armed Opposition
    Report Mapping Southern Syria’s Armed Opposition Osama al-Koshak * Al Jazeera Centre for Studies 13 October 2015 Tel: +974-40158384 [email protected] http://studies.aljazeera.n [AlJazeera] Abstract Syrian opposition forces in Daraa province, located in the country’s south, have maintained their constant military advancement without any significant defeats, and now control sixty-five per cent of the province. Further, they are attempting to secure territorial contiguity with western Damascus. Daraa is different from other provinces due to several particularities, notably: singularity of support sources, a sensitive geopolitical location as well as geographic isolation from the other areas of the revolution, Jordan’s strict control of its borders and the absence of internal and ideological conflicts seen in northern Syria’s provinces. The Southern Front, consisting of a loose assembly of forty-nine factions, has taken lead of the military scene in the province. It is considered the most prominent force on the scene, with the global Islamist jihadist forces, e.g., al-Nusra Front and other local forces, such as the Islamic Muthanna Movement and Ahrar al-Sham, next in the military order. Daraa was not isolated from the emergence of the Islamic State (IS or Daesh), although its effects were limited. Through the Military Operations Center (MOC) of the supporting countries, regional and international forces managed to greatly influence the scene in Daraa through full sponsorship of the so-called “moderate forces” in the Southern Front. Its strategy focused on using the battlefield to win political gains and weaken the regime to reach a settlement.
    [Show full text]
  • Assad's Lethal Peace Deals
    A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY ON A US STRATEGIC VISION IN A CHANGING WORLD Assad’s Lethal Peace Deals MOHAMMED ALAA GHANEM On the night of April 7, 2018, the Assad regime carried out the largest chemical attack since its infamous 2013 sarin massacre, killing over seventy civilians and causing over nine hundred suffocation cases within hours. One week later, a US-British-French coalition responded with missile strikes knocking out three key facilities linked to the Assad regime’s chemical program. These strikes were beneficial in that they introduced at least a modicum of deterrence from further chemical attacks. Policy debate and global public opinion then turned to other matters. But inside Syria, the negative impacts of the Assad regime’s deadly chemical massacre were strongly felt, and they continue to reverberate to this day. Islamism and the International Order International the and Islamism The massacre was perpetrated in the town of Douma, the largest suburb east of the capital, Damascus, and at that time the last town in the capital’s East Ghouta suburbs to resist regime control. The town had been part of a yearlong local ceasefire linked to Russian-declared “de-escalation zones,” before Russia shattered its own ceasefire with a scorched-earth air campaign from February to March 2018 that left 1,500 dead. This relentless assault left most of the once-extensive opposition communities in East Ghouta displaced or conquered by the Assad regime, except for Douma, where a new ceasefire had been signed. This was the context for the April 2018 chemical attack on the town of Douma: it was both a violation of a local ceasefire recently arranged for Douma and the culmination of a monthlong military campaign that shattered a local ceasefire for the larger Ghouta region.
    [Show full text]
  • RSCAS 2019/06 from Rebel Rule to a Post-Capitulation Era in Daraa
    RSCAS 2019/06 Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Middle East Directions Programme Wartime and Post-Conflict in Syria From Rebel Rule to a Post-Capitulation Era in Daraa Southern Syria: The Impacts and Outcomes of Rebel Behaviour During Negotiations Abdullah Al-Jabassini European University Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Middle East Directions Programm Wartime and Post-Conflict in Syria From Rebel Rule to a Post-Capitulation Era in Daraa Southern Syria: The Impacts and Outcomes of Rebel Behaviour During Negotiations Abdullah Al-Jabassini From Rebel Rule to a Post-Capitulation Era in Daraa Southern Syria: The Impacts and Outcomes of Rebel Behaviour During Negotiations EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2019/06 This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper, or other series, the year and the publisher. ISSN 1028-3625 © Abdullah Al-Jabassini, 2019 Printed in Italy, January 2019 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, created in 1992 and currently directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe’s place in 21st century global politics.
    [Show full text]