DOCSLIB.ORG

Vol. XII — No. 142

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Vol. XII — No. 142 Vol. XII — No. 142 The Of Continued On Next Page Politics Does Not Make Saints Out Of Sinners, But Sinners Out Of Saints When the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) party in the six counties finally came to the conclusion to “dethrone” Arlene Foster and her sidekick, Nigel Dodds, the damage had long been done. Foster could throw a knuckle fist punch at her opponents as hard as anyone else. She was far from being a polished politician trained in diplomacy. Her response to most issues — NO COMPROMISE. Was Foster ever a saint? Not at all under the description of most political observers. When her last day came one day before the partition centenary; there was no cake, no champagne, no grand speeches, no hugs and kisses. Abandoned by her party she quietly walked away into the foggy night. Her approach to unionism had paralleled that employed for decades by her predecessors. If one looks to the ceiling of the house that unionism built you can see the paint is cracking and peeling, exposing the weathered old oak timbers used by the British Commonwealth in 1921. WWII brought an end to the Commonwealth and should have brought an end to the partition as well. The denial of equal freedoms to ‘secondary’ citizens, and all power and control of trade in the hands of the primary citizens chosen by a declining royalty no longer was acceptable. Years ago Arlene Foster was asked if she could live in a United Ireland. Her response was she would rather move to Canada. Just recently she was asked the same question, and preferred not to answer. But she did declare that in a United Ireland her UK Passport would not get the ‘respect’ it deserved. So it is a strong possibility that now she could up and move from County Fermanagh to some other location. Would England accept Arlene Foster? 2017 On Top of the UK It was June 2017, PM Theresa May had suffered a devastating defeat with the Tory party. Along came Arlene Foster with her 10 MPs in parliament to sign a confidence and supply coalition agreement with PM May offering her support from the DUP. Desperate, Theresa May agreed to it and she agreed to pay the DUP and six counties £1B pounds ($1.3B US). The DUP took the money, the glory and in return gave Theresa May zero, nada, zilch in supporting votes. In London, May became a laughing stock finding no support from Foster and her party. In fact, Foster became so giddy with power she started demanding how Brexit was to be written and agreed too. Power went to the heads of Arlene Foster and Nigel Dodds. With their ‘no compromise’ approach to politics they were soon exposed as the weak link in the coalition. Overplaying their DUP hand, on the sideline watching was Boris Johnson. He watched as they made a mockery of the confidence and supply agreement and the destruction of Theresa May. When Boris came to power he showed the DUP the same level of respect they had earlier shown the Tories. The DUP received little support from him. The glory days were now over for Foster. ©MMXXI Ireland Ascending.com Jane Paddy Adams Cunningham Picture by Tom Honan/PA Wire 3,000 Antrim Gaels sign Open Letter calling on Irish government To start planning for 'Agreed Shared Ireland' by Suzanne McGonagle and Brendan Crossan 08 May, 2021 | The Irish News A group of Antrim Gaels have written an open letter to Taoiseach Micheál Martin calling on the Irish government to "take the lead" in plans for an "agreed shared Ireland". Former hurling All Star Terence McNaughton and ex-footballer and MND campaigner Anto Finnegan are among more than 3,000 players and supporters of Antrim GAA who have signed the letter. Published in today's Irish News, it calls for the establishment of an All-Island Citizens Assembly "reflecting the views of citizens north and south to achieve maximum consensus on a way forward". "It is the responsibility of the Irish government to ensure that the democratic rights of all citizens are respected and protected, regardless of where they live on the island," it states. The campaign has been spearheaded by former Antrim senior footballer Paddy Cunningham and All-Ireland winner and former camogie (female hurlers) All Star Jane Adams. Continued On Next Page In an interview, Ms. Adams said the Irish government "needs to take a lead role in this, it is their responsibility to begin the planning for a border poll and constitutional change". The initiative has been backed by many of the county's footballers, hurlers, camogs and ladies footballers, including Conor McCann and Áine Tubridy as well as solicitor Niall Murphy. In the letter, the group states they are writing "as Gaels who are involved in Gaelic games in County Antrim". "As Irish citizens, we believe that the future prosperity and well-being of all citizens on our island will be best upheld living in equality together in an agreed shared Ireland. "Conversations are taking place across society regarding what shape our island will take in the coming period. They are also happening at every level amongst the GAA community. "We want the Irish government to take the lead in planning these discussions and planning for the future. "We are asking the government to establish an All Island Citizens Assembly reflecting the views of citizens north and south to achieve maximum consensus on a way forward." The group say "Gaels are uniquely well-placed at the very heart of local communities to contribute constructively to the conversation on the future of this island ". "We want to encourage citizens from all traditions to be part of this discussion. "It is the responsibility of the Irish government to ensure that the democratic rights of all citizens are respected and protected, regardless of where they live on the island. "This is important at all times. But it is especially so now, in the wake of Brexit. "We urge you to start this process, based on the vision of democratic change set out in the Good Friday Agreement. "The planning needs to start now. We are committed to playing our part." Ms. Adams said the campaign "came out of conversations that we both had and once we started to talk to other Gaels, we realized those same conversations were already taking place through the communities of Antrim". Mr. Cunningham said they hope the letter is "a starting point to encourage and develop meaningful debate amongst Gaels and to encourage the Irish government to plan for constitutional change". An Antrim GAA spokesman said: "The Antrim County Board will read the letter, signed by Antrim Gaels, upon publication and discuss the development at our next meeting." Original article published in the Irish News ©MMXXI Ireland Ascending.com .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications
    CRS INSIGHT Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications March 7, 2017 (IN10663) | Related Author Kristin Archick | Kristin Archick, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-2668) On March 2, 2017, voters in Northern Ireland—which is one of four component "nations" of the United Kingdom (UK) —went to the polls in snap elections for Northern Ireland's Assembly, its regional legislature. The Assembly is a key institution in Northern Ireland's devolved government, in which specified powers have been transferred from London to Belfast, as set out in the 1998 peace agreement aimed at ending Northern Ireland's 30-year sectarian conflict (in which almost 3,500 people died). The peace accord mandated that power in the devolved government would be shared between Northern Ireland's two dominant communities: unionists, or Protestants who largely define themselves as British and support remaining part of the UK, and nationalists, or Catholics who consider themselves Irish and may desire a united Ireland. (For more information, see CRS Report RS21333, Northern Ireland: The Peace Process.) Since 2007, Assembly elections have produced successive power-sharing governments led by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the nationalist all-Ireland political party Sinn Fein. Assembly elections determine the composition of Northern Ireland's Executive, comprised of ministers in charge of policy departments. Following the May 2016 Assembly elections, DUP leader Arlene Foster and Sinn Fein's northern leader Martin McGuiness returned to head the Executive as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively. Despite a much-improved security situation in Northern Ireland and progress in implementing important aspects of the peace accord, significant divisions and distrust persist between the unionist and nationalist communities and their respective political parties.
    [Show full text]
  • A Year in Review, the Year Ahead
    2018: A YEAR IN REVIEW, 2019: THE YEAR AHEAD Foreword from Rt Hon Patricia Hewitt, Senior Adviser, FTI Consulting 2018 was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2017. Which was the most unpredictable and tumultuous year in politics … since 2016. And there’s no sign of let-up as we move into 2019. The unresolved questions of Brexit - how? when? whether at all? - will inevitably dominate the coming year. Even if Theresa May brings back from Brussels a new political declaration sufficiently compelling to command a majority in Parliament - a highly unlikely prospect at the time of writing - the end of March will mean the start of a fresh, complex round of negotiations on a future trade deal, conducted under the shadow of the Irish backstop. For most people, that would be preferable to the collapse of Mrs May’s deal and, almost inevitably, the collapse of her government and a subsequent constitutional crisis. Faced with the choice between revoking Article 50 or leaving the European Union (EU) without a deal, the Commons could well produce a majority for a new referendum. Under the pressure of a leadership contest, the personal and political rancour in the Conservative Party could finally break apart Europe’s hitherto most successful party of government. A no-confidence vote that would be defeated today could command enough votes from the Brexiteers’ kamikaze tendency to force another General Election. And Labour - with most of its moderates MPs replaced by Corbynistas in last-minute candidate selections - could win on a ‘cake and eat it’ manifesto of a Brexit that would end free movement but provide frictionless trade (Irish backstop, anyone?).
    [Show full text]
  • MANIFESTO GENERAL ELECTION 2019 PARTY MANIFESTO Let’S Get the UK Moving AGAIN
    Let’s Get the UK Moving AGAIN MANIFESTO GENERAL ELECTION 2019 PARTY MANIFESTO Let’s Get the UK Moving AGAIN Leader’s Message he Democratic Unionist Party has set The outcome of this election is not assured. This out our 12-point plan to deliver on the manifesto and our 12-point plan for a brighter Tpeople’s priorities on health, education, future would be the basis on which we would jobs, childcare and protecting the vulnerable negotiate with those seeking our support. We through having a working Assembly back and will talk to both Conservatives and Labour but an All-Party Executive in place. we are clear we will not support Jeremy Corbyn We are now offering our manifesto for the United as Prime Minister. Kingdom, the sister document for our plan to get Others seek a mandate to do nothing in this Northern Ireland moving again. election – nothing in the Assembly and nothing in For Northern Ireland to truly flourish then it needs Parliament. The DUP seeks a mandate to turn up, a the United Kingdom to succeed and likewise for mandate to work, and a mandate for: the UK to truly flourish it needs all its constituent • Working with others to get things done for parts and regions to succeed. This can be aided by Northern Ireland. a strong and unified voice for Northern Ireland in • Our plan to get Northern Ireland Parliament. The DUP is that voice. Moving Again. The UK needs to do much more to fulfil its true • Protect Northern Ireland’s place in the Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Oral Evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157
    Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Oral evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157 Wednesday 9 June 2021 Ordered by the House of Commons to be published on 9 June 2021. Watch the meeting Members present: Simon Hoare (Chair); Scott Benton; Mr Gregory Campbell; Stephen Farry; Mr Robert Goodwill; Claire Hanna; Fay Jones; Ian Paisley; Bob Stewart. Questions 919 - 940 Witnesses II: Susan McKay, Journalist and Author. Examination of witness Witness: Susan McKay. Q919 Chair: Let us now turn to Susan McKay. Good morning. Thank you for joining us. Ms McKay, you recently published a book—other authors are available—Northern Protestants: On Shifting Ground; it was published last month. What is your take? What is the rub? What is the actual issue here? What is the beef? Susan McKay: Thank you, Mr Chair. That is an extraordinary question in its breadth. One of the reasons why I wrote the book is that I am from the Protestant community myself in Northern Ireland, from Derry, and I have been working as a journalist, mainly in Northern Ireland, for the last 30 years. Over that time I have observed that there is an immense variety and diversity of people within the Protestant, loyalist and unionist communities and I felt that that was not widely enough recognised. For example, when we talk of loyalists, people often conflate the idea of loyalists with loyalist paramilitaries, which is so wrong. The loyalist community is extremely diverse. It includes people who vote for the unionist parties; it also includes people who vote for other non-unionist parties and many people who do not vote at all.
    [Show full text]
  • BREXIT BRIEF Brexit Brief Issue 112 18 June 2021
    BREXIT BRIEF Brexit Brief Issue 112 18 June 2021 Tony Brown Introduction The Brief seeks to provide up-to-date information on the progress and content of the UK-EU negotiations, and bring together relevant statements and policy positions from key players in Ireland, the UK and the EU. The Brief is part of a wider communications programme covering the work of the IIEA’s UK Project Group – including commentaries, speeches, texts and event reports – which are highlighted on the Institute’s website. (www.iiea.com) Section One: State of Play Advisor to Arlene Foster MLA, Ms Emma Little- Pengally, described Mr Poots determination to The Resignation of Edwin Poots continue with the nomination, as “fatal to his leadership”. In his official statement, Mr Poots On Thursday, 17 June 2021, Edwin Poots described recent events as “a difficult period” MLA announced his resignation as leader of for the Party, as well as for Northern Ireland, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). Having as a country. just assumed the role 21 days earlier, he will become the shortest serving leader in The meeting of the North-South Ministerial the history of the party. The announcement Council scheduled for Friday, 18 July was came hours after his decision to proceed subsequently postponed. In response to the with the formal nomination of Paul Givan recent developments, Minister for Foreign MLA as First Minister. The majority of the Affairs, Simon Coveney, defended the UK’s DUP parliamentary party urged him to delay guarantee to pass Irish language legislation the nomination amid anger following the UK in Westminster should it not be brought to Government’s commitment to implementing the table in Stormont, which he described as Irish language laws as part of the New the most “appropriate” action.
    [Show full text]
  • A Democratic Design? the Political Style of the Northern Ireland Assembly
    A Democratic Design? The political style of the Northern Ireland Assembly Rick Wilford Robin Wilson May 2001 FOREWORD....................................................................................................3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................4 Background.........................................................................................................................................7 Representing the People.....................................................................................................................9 Table 1 Parties Elected to the Assembly ........................................................................................10 Public communication......................................................................................................................15 Table 2 Written and Oral Questions 7 February 2000-12 March 2001*........................................17 Assembly committees .......................................................................................................................20 Table 3 Statutory Committee Meetings..........................................................................................21 Table 4 Standing Committee Meetings ..........................................................................................22 Access to information.......................................................................................................................26 Table 5 Assembly Staffing
    [Show full text]
  • Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How Is the First Minister Selected?
    Role of the First Minister in Northern Ireland How is the First Minister selected? Under the Good Friday Agreement the largest party in the Northern Ireland Assembly, be they Unionist or Nationalist chooses a nominee for First Minister. What is the role of the First Minister in decision making? Despite the names the First Minister and deputy First Minister share equal responsibilities within government, and their decisions are made jointly. The First Minister greets official visitors to Northern Ireland and so in that way is the has an equivalent standing to the First Ministers of Scotland or Wales. The First Minister co-chairs meetings of the Northern Ireland Executive, co-ordinates the work of the Executive, and the response of the administration to relationships with other countries. The First Minister and deputy First Minister agree the agenda of Executive meetings and can jointly determine "significant or controversial matters" to be considered by the Executive. The First Minister’s other areas of responsibility include: economic policy equality before the law European Union issues human rights the machinery of government (including the Ministerial Code) public appointments policy standards in public life Who has held the role of First Minister? David Trimble UUP Ian Paisley DUP Peter Robinson DUP Arlene Foster DUP 1998-2002 2007-2008 2002-2016 2016-2017 Leaving Certificate Politics & Society Stand 1: Power and Decision Making Topic 2: Power and Decision Making at National and European Level. Leaning Outcome 2.2: Describe the way in which the Northern Ireland Executive is selected, and the ministers’ roles . .
    [Show full text]
  • NILQ 62. FOREWORD.Qxd
    NILQ 63(4): 509–32 Modernising environmental regulation in Northern Ireland: a case study in devolved decision-making SharoN TurNer aNd CIara BreNNaN School of Law, Queen’s university Belfast * Introduction or over a decade, controversy about the quality of environmental regulation has cast a Fshadow over the effectiveness of environmental governance in Northern Ireland. Most fundamentally this debate has centred on a crisis of confidence about the quality of regulation and a consensus that effective reform depends on the externalisation of this responsibility from central government. Not surprisingly, the causes of weak regulation were rooted in the eclipsing impact of the Troubles and the fossilisation of government that occurred during the decades of Direct Rule.1 However, although the first steps towards meaningful reform were eventually taken under Direct Rule, the restoration of devolution and the stabilising power-sharing process has meant that the trajectory of regulatory reform has been largely shaped by a devolved administration. The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature and implications of that process. Pressure for regulatory reform is an issue that has confronted both configurations of Northern Ireland’s power-sharing Executive. Despite its brief and tumultuous lifespan, the first Ulster Unionist Party (UUP)/Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)-led administration was immediately faced not only with the evidence of serious regulatory dysfunction but also the first stage of what became a concerted civil society campaign for independent regulation. The collapse of power-sharing did nothing to quell this pressure. Instead, when devolution was restored five years later the new Democratic Unionist/Sinn Fein-led administration was faced once again with pressure for regulatory reform.
    [Show full text]
  • The Deal Between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party
    Supplying confidence or trouble? The deal between the Democratic Unionist Party and the Conservative Party Jon Tonge University of Liverpool Introduction The surprise 2017 General Election result saw one party’s difficulty equate to another’s gain. The outcome produced a dream scenario for the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in Northern Ireland. It offered the opportunity, as monopoly supplier of friends to the Conservatives, for the DUP to name its price for propping up a government stripped of its overall majority in the House of Commons. Support from the DUP’s ten MPs offered the Conservatives, on 318 seats, command of the Commons in key votes. Although 326 is the figure most often cited as the number of MPs required to command the 650-seat chamber, the actual figure for the current parliament is 321, when the non-voting status of ten members is taken into account; seven abstentionist Sinn Fein MPs, the Speaker and his two deputies. A deal between the Conservatives and the DUP was confirmed on 26th June, 18 days after the election. Improbably, within 48 hours of the contest, Downing Street had claimed a deal had been reached. This announcement was soon corrected as a ‘mistake’. The speed of that claimed agreement would have been at odds with all previous evidence regarding the DUP’s propensity to drive a hard bargain. When a genuine deal was finally reached, it was a ‘confidence and supply’ arrangement. Although there would be no formal coalition, the DUP agreed to support the Conservative government in key votes, such as the Queen’s Speech, Budget, Brexit and anti-terrorism legislation.
    [Show full text]
  • Women in the General Election in Northern Ireland 2015
    Research and Information Service Briefing Paper Paper 48/15 11 May 2015 NIAR 261-15 Michael Potter and Anne Campbell Women in the General Election in Northern Ireland 2015 1 Introduction This paper briefly summarises the results of the UK General Election 2015 in Northern Ireland by gender. The paper is written in the context of the approval by the Northern Ireland Assembly on 9 March 2014 of the report of the Assembly and Executive Review Committee on Women in Politics and the Northern Ireland Assembly, which recommends that political parties consider measures to increase the representation of women in politics. This paper supplements a previous paper on candidates for the election, General Election 2015: Gender Representation1. 1 Research and Information Service Briefing Paper 43/15 General Election 2015: Gender Representation, 14 April 2015: http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/globalassets/documents/raise/publications/2015/exec_review/4315.pdf. Providing research and information services to the Northern Ireland Assembly 1 NIAR 261-15 Briefing Paper 2 Women and the General Election 2015 Constituency Candidates Elected Votes Share M F Belfast East 4 2 Gavin 19,575 49.3% Robinson (DUP) Belfast North 5 1 Nigel Dodds 19,096 47% (DUP) Belfast South 6 3 Alasdair 9,560 25.5% McDonnell (SDLP) Belfast West 9 0 Paul Maskey 19,163 54.2% (SF) East Antrim 6 2 Sammy Wilson 12,103 36.1% (DUP) East 4 3 Gregory 14,663 42.2% Londonderry Campbell (DUP) Fermanagh and 2 3 Tom Elliott 23,608 46.4% South Tyrone (UUP) Foyle 6 1 Mark Durkan 17,725 47.9% (SDLP) Lagan
    [Show full text]
  • Statement by DUP Leader Arlene Foster for Almost Four Weeks, We
    Statement by DUP Leader Arlene Foster For almost four weeks, we have been engaged in intensive negotiations with Sinn Féin. We have attempted to find a stable and sustainable basis for restoring devolution. Those discussions have been unsuccessful. Despite our best efforts, serious and significant gaps remain between ourselves and Sinn Féin especially on the issue of the Irish language. I have made it consistently clear that unionists will not countenance a stand alone or free standing Irish Language Act. Sinn Féin’s insistence on a stand alone Irish Language Act means that we have reached an impasse. As far back as last summer, I outlined my party's willingness to reach an accommodation on language and cultural issues. However, I indicated that any such accommodation must be fair, balanced and capable of commanding support on all sides of our community. At the moment, we do not have a fair and balanced package. After the Assembly election, I embarked on an engagement exercise with those who love and cherish the Irish language. I respect the Irish language and those who speak it but in a shared society this cannot be a one-way street. Respect for the unionist and British identity has not been reciprocated. In our view, there is no current prospect of these discussions leading to an Executive being formed. It is now incumbent upon Her Majesty's Government to set a budget and start making policy decisions about our schools, hospitals and infrastructure. Important decisions impacting on everyone in Northern Ireland have been sitting in limbo for too long.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Capital's Imagined Benefits in Ardoyne Electoral Ward 'Thesis
    1 Social capital’s imagined benefits in Ardoyne electoral ward ‘Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Michael Liggett.’ May 2017 2 3 Abstract Social capital’s imagined benefits in Ardoyne electoral ward Michael Liggett This study examines how access to social capital impacts on the daily lives of residents in an area of Northern Ireland ranked as one of the most deprived areas in the UK but equally, one that is rich in social networks. The thesis challenges social capital paradigms that promote social dividends by highlighting the role of power brokers in locally based social networks. The research uses grounded theory to deconstruct the social capital paradigm to show its negative and positive attributes. Survey and interview data is used to show how social capital contributes to social exclusion because social capital depends on inequitable distribution to give it value and that distribution is related to inequitable forms of social hierarchy access that are influenced by one’s sense of identity. This thesis challenges normative assertions that civil society organisations build trust and community cohesion. The research is unique in that it is focused on a religiously segregated area transitioning from conflict and realising the impact of post industrialisation. The research is important because it provides ethnographic evidence to explain how social capital functions in practice by not only those with extensive participatory experience but also with those excluded from social networks. 4 Table of Contents Chapter 1 - Challenging social capital paradigms ……………..……. 9 1.1 - Definitions of terms …………………………………………………….
    [Show full text]