Black Women's Beautification Practices in South African Press Reports

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How to cite this thesis

Surname, Initial(s). (2012) Title of the thesis or dissertation. PhD. (Chemistry)/ M.Sc. (Physics)/ M.A. (Philosophy)/M.Com. (Finance) etc. [Unpublished]: University of Johannesburg. Retrieved from: https://ujcontent.uj.ac.za/vital/access/manager/Index?site_name=Research%20Output (Accessed: Date). BLACK WOMEN’S BEAUTIFICATION PRACTICES IN SOUTH AFRICAN PRESS REPORTS: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

SAMUKELISIWE NOSIPHO MTHEMBU MA MINOR DISSERTATION

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree

MASTER OF ARTS

CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY

In the

FACULTY OF HUMANITIES

At the

UNIVERSITY OF JOHANNESBURG

SUPERVISOR: DR. P. MOODLEY

Submission date: December 2017

Acknowledgements

To my supervisor, Dr P. Moodley, thank you for letting me share in your wisdom and stature; may this body of work attest to the precision of your guidance.

To my family, Mom, I am forever indebted to your patience and motivation; Dad, your dedication and time given to my existence will never be forgotten; sisters, resilience and love are key in the face of adversity.

To my friends, thank you for all the help and support when I felt like giving up.

To my partner, Dimitris, in the hardships we face, may you continue to support me and learn as we grow together.

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Abstract

Eurocentric discourses of beauty have been historically dominant in South African society. As a result, phenotypical features (darker skin tone, fuller lips, and unstraightened hair) typical to Black women have been devalued. Thus, Black women are inclined to pursue dominant beauty ideals by practising extreme (invasive but not surgical) beauty-modification techniques (such as chemical skin bleaching and strenuous hair straightening). Although academic enquiry has examined effects of dominant beauty ideals on Black women, little analysis has been directed at how these ideals are reproduced in South African media, particularly in newspapers. Moreover, even less academic attention has focused on beautification practices by Black women in South African newspapers. Newspapers as a genre, might be expected to offer both criticisms and appraisals of black beauty and beautification practices. Located within social psychology, this study adopted a discursive approach to investigate representations of Black women's beautification practices in South African newspapers (1994 to 2015). In the eight newspaper reports analysed, the following discourses were identified: Commercialisation, Chemical Opportunity versus Chemical Harm, Empowerment, and Activism. Within these discourses, Black women were positioned along three subject positions: The Empowered Black Woman, The Alchemist, and The Activist. From the discourses and subject positions, a key finding was that Black women are constructed as actively engaging in beautification that achieves artificial beauty equivalent to a standard of Eurocentric beauty ideals. This was represented as a way for Black women to feel empowered and to be recognised. This was also represented as devaluing and physically harmful to the features natural to Black women.

Keywords: beautification practices, black beauty, discourse analysis, Eurocentric, media representations, social psychology

TABLE OF CONTENTS

AFFIDAVIT ...... II ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... III ABSTRACT ...... IV TABLE OF CONTENTS...... V

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 A Self-Reflexive Background ...... 1 1.2 Rationale and Context for Study ...... 2 1.3 Beautification: A Psychological Focus ...... 3 1.4 Media and Black Beauty ...... 4 1.5 Research Questions ...... 5 1.6 Outline of Chapters ...... 5

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 6 2.1 Introduction ...... 6 2.2 Black Beauty in Ancient History: 3600BC to 500AD ...... 6 2.3 Black Beauty in the Precolonial Period: Postclassical Era (500CE–1500) to Early Modern Period (1500–1750) ...... 7 2.4 Beauty in the Colonial Period ...... 9 2.4.1 Midmodern Period (1750–1914) to Contemporary Period (1914–present) ...... 9 2.4.2 Black Human Zoos ...... 11 2.4.3 The End of Slavery and Colonisation ...... 11 2.5 Transitioning Black Bodies: A Psychological Focus...... 13 2.5.1 Being-in-the-world-with-objects-and-things: The Perspective of Manganyi ...... 13 2.5.2 Nigrescence Model: The Perspective of Cross ...... 14 2.6 Black Beautification...... 15 2.6.1 Hair and Skin Transitioning: Ethnic to International Aesthetics ...... 15 2.6.2 The Hot Comb and Other Thermal Straighteners ...... 16 2.6.3 The Chemical Hair Straightener (Relaxer) ...... 17 2.6.4 Skin Bleaching ...... 17 2.6.5 Beautification in Black Consciousness ...... 18 2.6.6 The Weave and Hair Extensions ...... 19 2.6.7 Black Women’s Beautification in SA ...... 19 v

2.6.8 Empowerment in Beautification ...... 20 2.6.9 Critique of Beautification ...... 21 2.6.9.1 Dominant Discourses and Low Self-Image ...... 21 2.6.9.2 Social Psychology and Colourism ...... 23 2.6.9.3 Advocacy Within Black Womanhood...... 24 2.6.9.3.1 Internalising Dominant Social Discourses ...... 24 2.6.9.3.2 Preparing an Image Accepted by Dominant Narratives ...... 25 2.6.9.3.3 Preparing an Image That Promotes Self-Awareness ...... 26 2.7 Research into Black Beautification Practices ...... 27 2.7.1 African American Research on Black Women’s Beautification ...... 27 2.7.2 South African Studies of Hair Beautification ...... 27 2.8 Beautification and the Media ...... 30 2.8.1 The Role of Media Representations ...... 30 2.8.2 Beautification and the South African Media ...... 31 2.8.2.1 Conceptual Literature ...... 31 2.8.2.1.1 Local Magazines ...... 31 2.8.2.1.2 Local Advertisements and Marketing ...... 32 2.8.2.1.3 Local Newspapers ...... 33 2.8.2.2 Empirical Literature ...... 34 2.8.2.3 Media Responsibility...... 36 2.9 Chapter Summary ...... 36

CHAPTER 3: THEORIES ...... 38 3.1 Introduction ...... 38 3.2 Fanon’s Theory of Inferiority ...... 38 3.2.1 Superiority and Inferiority Complex ...... 38 3.2.2 White Masks: Psychological Internalisation ...... 39 3.2.3 The Inauthentic Self ...... 40 3.3 Biko’s Theory of Black Consciousness ...... 40 3.4 Bourdieu’s Theory of Symbolic Violence ...... 41 3.5 Foucault’s Theory ...... 42 3.6 Feminist Thought ...... 43 3.6.1 Poststructural Feminism ...... 43 3.6.1.1 Butler ...... 44 3.7 Chapter Summary ...... 45 vi

CHAPTER 4: PLAN OF INQUIRY...... 47 4.1 Introduction ...... 47 4.2 Research Paradigm and Metaperspective ...... 47 4.2.1 The Social Constructionist Paradigm ...... 47 4.2.2 Critical Psychology...... 47 4.3 Research Materials ...... 48 4.3.1 Justifying the Use of Press Reports ...... 48 4.3.2 Sampling: The Data Search Procedure ...... 49 4.3.3 Refining the Sample ...... 49 4.3.4 Final Sample ...... 51 4.3.5 Profile of the Newspapers...... 51 4.4 Data Analysis and Interpretation ...... 52 4.4.1 The Theory of Discourse ...... 52 4.4.2 Subject Positions and Identity Theory ...... 53 4.4.3 Analysing Language, Formulating Discourses ...... 54 4.5 Analytic Steps: Achieving Discourses from Press Reports ...... 55 4.5.1 Highlighting Relevant Text ...... 55 4.5.2 Extracting Relevant Text ...... 55 4.5.3 Free Association ...... 55 4.5.4 Objects: Mapping Out the World ...... 56 4.5.5 Identifying and Describing Discourses...... 57 4.5.6 Itemising and Defining Subjects ...... 57 4.6 Quality...... 57 4.6.1 Rigour ...... 58 4.6.2 Reflexivity ...... 58 4.6.3 Importance and Impact ...... 59 4.7 Ethics...... 59 4.8 Chapter Summary ...... 59

CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION ...... 60 5.1 Introduction ...... 60 5.2 Findings...... 60 5.2.1 Objects ...... 60 5.3 Research Question 1 (RQ1) ...... 62 5.3.1 Commercialisation ...... 62 vii

5.3.2 Chemical Opportunity Versus Chemical Harm ...... 65 5.3.2.1 Chemical Opportunity ...... 66 5.3.2.2 Chemical Harm ...... 67 5.3.3 Empowerment ...... 70 5.3.4 Activism...... 72 5.4 Research Question 2 (RQ2) ...... 76 5.4.1 Black Women Who Practise Beautification ...... 77 5.4.1.1 The Empowered Black Woman ...... 77 5.4.1.2 The Alchemist ...... 79 5.4.1.3 Discussion of Black Women Who Practise Beautification ...... 80 5.4.2 Black Woman Who Does Not Practice Beautification ...... 81 5.4.2.1 The Activist ...... 81 5.5 Chapter Summary ...... 83

CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY AND EVALUATION ...... 85 6.1 Conclusions ...... 85 6.1.1 Key Features of the Discourses about Beautification Practices of Black Women ...... 85 6.1.1.1 Beautification is a Means to an End ...... 85 6.1.1.1.1 Beautification is a Process to Achieve Artificial Beauty ...... 85 6.1.1.1.2 Beautification is Empowering ...... 86 6.1.1.2 Black Women’s Beautification is Symbolic of Colonial Oppression ...... 86 6.1.1.3 Black Women’s Beautification is Global ...... 87 6.1.2 Civic Engagement of Press Reports ...... 88 6.2 Reflexivity...... 89 6.2.1 Personal Reflexivity ...... 89 6.2.2 Epistemological Reflexivity ...... 90 6.2.3 Methodological Reflexivity ...... 90 6.3 Limitations ...... 90 6.4 Recommendations ...... 91 6.5 Final Comment...... 92

REFERENCES ...... 93 ANALYSED NEWSPAPER PRESS REPORTS REFERENCE LIST ...... 111 FIGURE 2.1. REFERENCE LIST ...... 112

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APPENDIX A ...... 113 APPENDIX B ...... 114 APPENDIX C ...... 115 APPENDIX D ...... 116 APPENDIX E ...... 117 APPENDIX F...... 118 APPENDIX G ...... 119 APPENDIX H ...... 120 APPENDIX I ...... 121 APPENDIX J ...... 122 APPENDIX K ...... 123 APPENDIX L ...... 124 APPENDIX L ...... 125 APPENDIX M ...... 128

List of Figures Figure 2.1 What is weave? ...... 19 Figure 2.2 Different hairstyles of African or Black women’s hair ...... 28 Figure 2.3 1956 Drum magazine cover ...... 32 Figure 2.4 2011 Drum magazine cover ...... 32 Figure 4.1 Process of refining the sample ...... 50

List of Tables

Table 4.1 Final sample ...... 51 Table 4.2 Excerpt of extracted text ...... 55 Table 4.3 Excerpt of free associations ...... 56 Table 4.4 Excerpt of mapping out the world ...... 57 Table 5.1 Objects identified from the text ...... 61

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

1.1 A Self-Reflexive Background In good humour about my dark brown skin tone, my uncle often referred to me as ‘Intombi emyama’ in my childhood, meaning ‘Black1 girl’ in Zulu. In contrast, he referred to my sister with light brown skin as ‘Intombi emhlope’, meaning ‘White girl’. I was aware that my uncle’s representation of us was defined by our gender and skin tone at the time. However, I gradually became preoccupied with the word ‘emyama’ in his representation of me. This was because I had learnt that my dark brown skin tone, as a nuance of the Black ‘race’, was not as easily welcomed as the lighter skin tone. Additionally, a few years short of being a born free (children born after apartheid South Africa [SA] in 1994), I was exposed to information in preschool, church, and in the (still largely racialised) South African context that repeatedly associated the word ‘Black’ with darkness, negativity, and evil. As a result, I felt isolated by my uncle’s representation of me, which was maintained and perpetuated further by society.

A few years after 1994, I read the story of ‘The Ugly Duckling’ (Anderson, 1843) in primary school. This was a novel about an isolated ugly grey cygnet that was first mistaken for being a duckling but which eventually turned into a beautiful white swan (Anderson, 1843). I recall identifying with the ugly duckling in the story and often envisioned that one day I would turn into a beautiful white swan, projecting what I learnt from my environment onto the characters in the story. Succinctly put, as I reflect in retrospect, I did not want to be White, but I felt that I needed to transform or change to be beautiful. Coupled with this, I learnt that beautiful hair grew long and straight. This was meaningful to me because I had not only learnt that being represented as Black, with kinky hair and dark brown skin, meant that I was ugly, but also that through some miracle, practice, and time I could achieve beauty.

I attempted, through the practice of beauty modification, to achieve ‘ideal’ beauty. In my preteens, I excitedly wore ‘Boom Shaka’ braids, participating in the latest hair trend (Appendix A). In my teenage years, I had my hair straightened, used hair extensions, and was proud to wear a weave (p. 19) when I attended my debutant’s ball and matric dance. I also used face creams that claimed to lighten the skin. Here, the development of my identity was influenced by socially sanctioned ideas

1In this study, the words ‘Black’ and ‘White’ are capitalised to distinguish these concepts as representing people within race categories rather than colours, or other meanings associated with words ‘white’ and ‘black’. Following this, these words are both capitalised to typographically represent equality rather than bias based on the different constructions of race. The words are also capitalised to signify the historical construction of race categorisation.

of beauty. Through this, I recognised the importance of critically investigating discourses of beauty in society (as a collective and specifically in the South African context) as a Black woman. Thus, I engaged in this research to challenge ideas of the dominant truths available in society to move towards pluralistic ways of experiencing beauty. Furthermore, I begin this chapter, writing about personal experiences as a Black woman, to acknowledge my role in the research produced.

1.2 Rationale and Context for Study As a previously colonised society, SA was largely influenced by European supremacy that informed the dominant views in society (Ribane, 2006; Sanger, 2009; Thomas, 2006). From 1948, apartheid was a racially discriminating governmental system, based on essentialising ethnicity, that placed value in European features above features natural to non-White individuals (Gwynn, 2015; Julien, 2014; More, 2014; Ribane, 2006; Uren & Wild, 2015). Following 1994, colonial and racial regimes were constitutionally eradicated (Ribane, 2006). However, the cultural residue of Eurocentric discourses continued to dominate and influence popular media culture and the context in which Black South African women develop (Ribane, 2006; Sanger, 2009; Thomas, 2006). These dominant discourses about beauty have been disseminated and publicised by the media (Ribane, 2006; Tate, 2009). From this, beauty ideals, in their influence and power, have become integral to every woman who wishes to be considered beautiful (Craig, 2002; Tate, 2009; Wilder, 2008). Consequently, Black women in SA, as in many other countries, are still encouraged and expected to pursue ideal beauty sanctioned by dominant standards (Hunter, 2005; Mwaba & Roman, 2009; Puoane, Tsolekile, & Steyn, 2010). This has often meant that black beauty (the evaluation of phenotypical features of Black women such as darker skin tone, fuller lips, and unstraightened hair as attractive) has been less valued compared to dominant beauty ideals that give greater value to Eurocentric features (whiter skin tone, slim lips, and straight hair) (Odhiambo, 2008; Ribane, 2006; Snowden, 2000; Swain, 2012). As a result, many Black women endeavour to achieve this beauty by practising extreme beautification (invasive, but not surgical beauty-modification techniques) such as chemical skin bleaching and strenuous hair straightening.

Similar beautification trends have been identified for many Black women living in SA, parts of Europe, and America, as well as other geographical areas (Jha, 2016; Ribane, 2006). Popular hair- straightening practices adopted by Black women (from the 1800s to date) have included thermal and chemical straightening (Sobze, 2013; Tate, 2009). Furthermore, Black women have engaged in the use of hair extensions through techniques of weaving (sewing or bonding) and braiding (Sobze, 2013; Tate, 2009). Both these techniques of hair extensions and hair straightening have been linked to extensive damage to Black women’s hair (Craig, 2002; Khumalo, 2011; Sobze, 2013; Tate, 2009; 2

Theodore, 2014). In addition, SA is the third highest consumer (after Nigeria [77%] and Togo [59%]) of skin-bleaching products—such as skin-lightening creams—in the African continent, with 35% of South African women bleaching their skin every year (World Health Organisation [WHO], 2011).

Considering the detriments and prevalence of Black women adopting invasive beautification practices, the topic of Black women’s beautification practices has received much academic attention (Arogundade, 2003; Blay, 2011; Bryd & Tharps, 2014; hooks, 2003; Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Mercer, 1987; Tate, 2009) in various contexts, including the South African context (Glapka & Majali, 2017; Nyamnjoh & Fuh, 2014; Oyedemi, 2016; Thomas, 2016). In such research, the discussion about dominant beauty ideals in relation to Black women’s beautification practices has been a focus. In addition, a link between South African women with darker skin tone and the use of skin-lightening cosmetics that cause damage to the skin has been identified (Dlova, Hamed, Tsoka- Gwegweni, & Grobler, 2015; Neilson, 2014; Ribane, 2006). Neilson (2014) stipulates that some of the illegal skin-bleaching products were banned in SA in 1992, but are still used by South African women. These products can be easily purchased in downtown Johannesburg (the largest city in SA) from street vendors (Neilson, 2014).

1.3 Beautification: A Psychological Focus Through beautification, Black women participate in what society recognises as beautiful, giving assent to dominant ideas of appearance or beauty (hooks, 1989; Tate, 2009; Theodore, 2014). Thus, beautification is a continuous negotiation of aesthetics; it is the motivation to engage in the performance of beauty (Bond & Cash, 1992; Tate, 2009). This beautification relies not on an inner psychological beauty but rather on inscriptions of outer physical beauty on the surface of the body (Tate, 2009). In addition, through the labour of frequent modifications of hair and skin colour, the surfacing of the Black woman’s body becomes refashioned (Kakonge, 2012; Tate, 2009).

Influenced by culture, media, family, community, and a Black woman’s self-identification, beautification, as a social practice, often results in the objectifying of the body to produce or embody a dominant ideal (Bryant, 2013; hooks, 1989; Nyamnjoh & Fuh, 2014; Tate, 2009). Thus, Black women who subscribe to dominant ideals inevitably reject Afrocentric features (not associating beauty with them) that may result in shame (Craig, 2002; Tate, 2009). Moreover, self- reflection, self-surveillance, and pursuit of ideal beauty lead to the denaturalisation of the genetically inherited features of Black women (hooks, 1989; Kakonge, 2012). From this, the disintegration of the psyche of Black women is synchronised with the mystique of social messages 3

of beautifying the body (Kakonge, 2012; Tate, 2009). This is often reproduced within and amongst Black women, as well as within the Black community, allowing further collective injury to the self- image of Black women (Fanon, 1968). Considering these ideas, this study—located within social psychology—investigates representations that bring together individual choices and social knowledge. From this, the study also investigates beautification practices by Black women in SA as an urban cultural practice impacted by international trends.

1.4 Media and Black Beauty Ideals of beauty, together with beautification practices, are substantially publicised by the media to an audience of Black women, reinstating black beauty as inferior (Downs, 2013; Kernper, Sargent, Drane, Valois, & Hussey, 1994; Robinson, 2011). Black beauty is a concept that is aimed at counteracting the view that posits features natural to the female Black aesthetic as ugly (Craig, 2002; Tate, 2009). The concept of black beauty also challenges the notion of beauty as being defined by the White aesthetic; it seeks to add value to all Black skin types and kinky hair (Craig, 2002; Tate, 2009).

The representation of women in the media is largely determined by dominant ideologies. Ideologies may be considered as the overall interplay of ideas, classifications, principles, and blueprints on which a society is built (Emmit, Zbaracki, Komesaroff, & Pollock, 2010; Ranchod, 2007). Ideologies reinforce behaviour and contribute to a standardised way of thinking (Emmit et al., 2010; Ranchod, 2007). Furthermore, ideologies are set and maintained by powerful agencies in society (Emmit et al., 2010; Ranchod, 2007). For example, Marx (1904) maintains that the media acts as an agency and superstructure, a system that defines, sets, and maintains rules and boundaries accepted in general by all living under society.

Television programmes, magazine articles, and advertisements—as forms of media—are often orientated towards instructing women on how to behave to achieve beauty defined by dominant standards (hooks, 1990, 1992; Raisborough, 2011; Swain, 2012). To this end, research (Hunter, 2002; Patton, 2006; Sanger, 2009; Sekayi, 2014) has focused on how media may encourage beautification practices. However, media also has a role to educate or interrogate socially sanctioned behaviours, and none of these studies have investigated in-depth how media might also debate ideas about practices such as beautification. This research endeavoured to address this gap. Furthermore, although one study (Sanger, 2009) has analysed ideal representations of beauty in magazine advertisements (of skincare products in Fair Lady, Femina, and True Love between 2003 and 2006) in the South African context, it did not focus on beautification practices but on 4

femininity, and the sexual and racial representations of women. This research addressed this gap too. Specifically, the research analysed press reports to address both research gaps. The term is press reports is used to refer to newspaper reports that have appeared in print format. Newspaper reports are likely to offer both criticisms and appraisals of black beauty and beautification practices. Here, the assumption, purported by Habermas (1991), is that newspapers offer critical attention towards already available discourses in the public sphere. Moreover, Nyamnjoh and Fuh (2014) argue that South African newspapers frequently feature debates about the beauty-modification practices of Black women.

1.5 Research Questions The study attempts to respond to the research question: How are beautification practices of Black women represented in South African newspaper reports2? Newspapers, as a genre, purport to facilitate various opinions, representations, and publically shared meanings (Beaudoin & Thorson, 2006; Gibbs & Jobson, 2011; Grundy, 1993). Following this idea, the study asked the following question: How are Black women constructed in relation to beautification practices in newspaper reports? This latter question aimed to focus on two types of women: (a) those women who use such practices and, thus, follow dominant beauty ideals, and (b) those women who do not adhere to such practices and who, thus, represent the notion of black beauty. Both research questions implied addressing the extent to which newspaper reports engage with debates, opinions, and critical commentary of beautification practices (e.g., skin bleaching, hair straightening) of Black women. The scrutiny of newspapers was important for the study because, as Warde (1994) argues, dominant discourses available in the media play an important role in identity formation.

1.6 Outline of Chapters In Chapter 2, a critical discussion and comprehensive literature section illustrates a historical overview of black beauty and the beautification practices of Black women. Thereafter, Chapter 3 is focused on theories such as those of Fanon, Bourdieu, and feminist poststructuralism. In Chapter 4, research methods as well as ethical concerns, validity, and reliability in the research are described. Extracts from selected South African press reports are analysed in Chapter 5—particularly adopting several steps of discourse analysis as informed by Parker (1992). I engage in a critical discursive reflexive discussion in Chapter 6, particularly around personal and methodological reflexivity, as well as around the analysed data highlighted in Chapter 5. Further, in Chapter 6, I explore and expand on research limitations and discuss recommendations.

2 Also referred to as press reports in this study. 5

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 Introduction The history of black beauty is examined in the first section of this chapter. Within the history of Black beauty, beautification practices of Black women are discussed and located within the periods of colonisation and the enslavement of Black individuals. Thereafter, Black woman’s beautification is discussed and evidenced through research (academically generalisable as well as specific to the South African context). Black women’s beautification is also discussed through critical debates offered by Black feminists, as well as through models that psychologically locate the practice of beautification. This will be followed by a discussion on Black women’s beautification and the South African media—building up to the main research questions that the study investigates.

2.2 Black Beauty in Ancient History: 3600BC to 500AD Oral traditions historically used by ancient Black Africans to articulate knowledge—together with art and archaeological artefacts—provide chronically fragmented information about Black individuals in ancient Africa (Connah, 2001; Thomas, 2016). These oral sources have often been used to bridge historical references of African civilisations with notable contributions from European sources (Connah, 2001; Thomas, 2016). From this, evidence points towards European anthropologists, mercenaries, missionaries, and historians first encountering Black individuals, such as the Ethiopians (derived from the name Aithiops meaning ‘burnt-face’ in Greek), Nubians, Egyptians, and Kushites, in ancient history (Mokhtar & Vercoutter, 1981; Snowden, 1991). At the time, detailed descriptions of the Black physique were emphasised, accounting for the difference between the Black individual and the White individual (Snowden, 1970). For example, in comparison to White individuals, Ethiopians were described as having woolly hair and flat noses by Greek historian Herodotus (as cited in Snowden, 1991) in fifth century BC (Mokhtar & Vercoutter, 1981; Samuels, 2016; Snowden, 1970, 1991). Furthermore, differences amongst Black individuals were also recorded; for example, classifications of skin tone were established by the Romans and Greeks who identified differences among the Ethiopians, who had either darker skin (niggerimi) or lighter skin (fusci) (Snowden, 1970, 1991). In addition, skin stratification of dark-skinned people by the Romans can be identified again in the first century AD, when descriptions were made about Moors as having the lightest brown skin colour, Egyptians as mildly dark, Indians as less sun burnt, and Ethiopians as the blackest (Snowden, 2000). Following this, black beauty received polarised evaluation (Arogundade, 2003; Basil, 2011; Willis, 2010). In Egypt, Black queens such as Nefertiti and the queen of Sheba were praised for their black beauty (Arogundade, 2003). Black beauty was

also praised and celebrated in art for its exotic appearance by Greeks (Arogundade, 2003; Hemingway & Hemingway, 2008; Snowden, 2000). Alternatively, black beauty was perceived as secondary to white beauty in Greece and associated with being burnt by the sun, promoting ideal beauty in the claim that Venus (White or Caucasian Greek goddess of love) had the ideal human face (Arogundade, 2003).

Although there is scholarly debate (Samuels, 2016; Snowden, 1970, 1991) around the intentions behind ancient European historians in promoting whiteness and Eurocentric physical features as superior, beautification practices in contemporary society have academically been linked to the Eurocentric beauty ideal (Craig, 2002; hooks, 1989, 1992; Lindsey, 2011; Tate, 2009). Through descriptions of skin colour, physical features, and hair texture, features natural to Black individuals were subjected to being constructed as inferior and less attractive (hooks, 1990, 1992). This was further extended into the postclassical era (500–1500) and the early modern period (1500–1750) (Arogundade, 2003; Basil, 2011; hooks, 1990, 1992; Willis, 2010).

2.3 Black Beauty in the Precolonial Period: Postclassical Era (500CE–1500) to Early Modern Period (1500–1750) With increased visits to Africa, Europeans frequently encountered Black Africans mostly unclothed, speaking a native tongue, and not practising Christianity (Arogundade, 2003; Mercer, 1987). From this, we learn that Europeans were exposed to a plethora of African hairstyles (Appendix B; hairstyles from nineteenth to twentieth century) (Sherrow, 2006). Here, Europeans coupled their fascination with Black hair with the discrimination of Black hair texture and style (Sherrow, 2006). Although scholars (Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Mercer, 1987; Sherrow, 2006; C. Thompson3, 2009) recognise the limited references to the practices of Black hair beautification in early centuries, they identified that African hair was carefully altered to denote status and social rank in twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Certain ethnic tribes (i.e., Mandingo, Yoruba, Cameroon, and Nguni tribes) produced sophisticated and ethnic hairstyles that denoted age, social status, religion, and marital status (Byrd & Tharps, 2014; Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Ribane, 2006; Sherrow, 2006). Moreover, Black Africans historically had spiritual and social significance linked to their hair, a symbolic marking eradicated during the slave trade (T. Jones, 2000). However, as the Atlantic European trade of slavery developed, Africans who were forcibly removed from their families and homelands and relocated to other colonies saw a change in hair grooming around the

3 I follow an APA rule that is not well known for authors with the same surname: "If a reference list includes publications by two or more primary authors with the same surname, include the first author's initials in all text citations, even if the year of publication differs" (APA, p. 176). 7

1500s (Blay, 2011; Falola, 2013; Sherrow, 2006).

Upon arriving in other colonies (i.e., United States [US], Britain, France), Black individuals were forced to invest most of their time working the plantations (Appendix C1) or in other tasks of labour, spending less time on their appearance or other personal activities (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Lindsey, 2011; Mercer, 1987; Sherrow, 2006). Under the conditions in which they lived, they did not have access to basic cosmetics such as soap or hair oils; this led to common pathological infections of ringworms and hair lice (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Sherrow, 2006). From this, the common practice of shaving or covering up their hair followed, like the practice adopted by males and females of higher ranks in ancient Egypt who shaved their heads for health reasons, wearing wigs to cover their heads (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Sherrow, 2006). However, unlike the Egyptians, Black individuals who were forced to shave their hair lost with it the culture and identity the hair styling represented, and this further alienated Black individuals from their heritage (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). Furthermore, traditional hairdressing practices, such as using palm oil on the hair, were interrupted due to Black individuals being removed from their natural environment (Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Sherrow, 2006). As a result, Black individuals were stripped of the intergenerational practices that allowed them to maintain their natural hair (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Mercer, 1987; Sherrow, 2006). Ultimately, the transition from the continent of Africa to distant geographical areas not only physically oppressed Black individuals but altered the way in which Black individuals perceived their natural aesthetic (Bryd & Tharps, 2014).

Simultaneously, Europeans did not perceive Black hair as hair, but rather described it as wool and like the fur that grows out of animals (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Sherrow, 2006). This saw Black individuals, who were positioned as house slaves, wearing wigs that were styled to emulate White standards of beauty (Sherrow, 2006). Furthermore, Black women who worked in the house were required to wear their hair neat and, at most times, braided in a fashion that emulated European standards (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). From this, Black females appointed as house slaves—who were perceived as a threat to a White mistress due to their beauty and ‘exotic’ appearance—were forced to cut their hair (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Sherrow, 2006). These female slaves were specifically chosen to work inside the house based on lighter skin and straighter hair (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). Often, these Black women were biracial4, a common outcome of sexual intercourse between White masters and Black slaves (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). Slaves who worked in the house received better treatment, having access to education, food that was better quality, and

4 Biracial particularly from White and Black ancestry. 8

second-hand clothing from their White masters (Bryd & Tharps, 2014).

For African inhabitants who temporarily remained in Africa, and who were not enslaved or dominated by Europeans, the comb (identified from the sixteenth century) was used to detangle the texture of African hair (Johnson & Bankhead, 2013). During this time, symbolic marks were engraved on combs (Johnson & Bankhead, 2013). Moreover, beads and hair ornaments were used by the Kwere tribe of Tanzania and the Ibo people of Nigeria; these had spiritual significance for their cultures (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Sherrow, 2006). However, these practices slowly abated as colonisation became widespread and slavery became legalised (Chen, Ringer, Pang, & Keenan, n.d.; Falola, 2013; Mercer, 1987).

2.4 Beauty in the Colonial Period 2.4.1 Midmodern Period (1750–1914) to Contemporary Period (1914–present) Colonisation is arguably the process of a dominant group (defined by race, culture, religion, and other factors) exercising its beliefs and norms on less dominant or minority groups in society (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; More, 2014; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013; Ribane, 2006). In the process of colonisation, dominant groups enforce social order that is often unjust and inconsiderate of the social and cultural practices of endogenous ethnic groups (More, 2014; Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013). Groups living under the European dominant narrative are then challenged to view their natural unique cultural, ethnic, and social practices as unusual and, thereafter, become coerced into accepting that they deviate from the ‘norm’ (Gilman, 2010; Ribane, 2006). Various Black people, who were an indigenous people of the African continent, were colonised all over the continent of Africa (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013; Ribane, 2006).

In addition to slavery being intertwined with the colonisation of Africa, racism was central to the psychological oppression of Black people (Chen et al., n.d.; Fanon, 1967; hooks, 1990, 1992; Mercer, 1978; Ribane, 2006). Racism typically refers to a structure that uses biological references and social meaning to classify one race as superior over another (Chen et al, n.d.; hooks, 1989; Mercer, 1978). Through colonisation, slavery, and racism, pejorative terms and concepts about Black people became common (Chen et al, n.d.; Mercer, 1978; Oyedemi, 2016). For example, Black hair was often referred to as ‘nigger hair’, ‘woolly’, ‘tough’, and ‘ugly’ (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; hooks, 1989, 1992; Lindsey, 2011; Mercer, 1978). With this, hair texture and skin colour (value placed on lightness of skin) were used to determine the worth of a Black individual as a slave (Jackson, Demissie, & Goodwin, 2009; Lindsey, 2011; Mercer, 1987; Patton, 2006). Discrimination, based on skin colour, was further expanded by Dutch colonialists in SA, 9

systematically developing a social hierarchy based on skin colour and race, later establishing apartheid (meaning separateness in Afrikaans) (Appendix D1, D2) (Ribane, 2006). Between 1984 and 1994, Black women had limited education opportunities, were not permitted to own land, and were afforded poor jobs (Appendix C2, D1) (Gwynn, 2015). In the poor job of domestic work, Black women worked under harsh conditions under their house owners; they were often underpaid and were degraded in their value as humans (Gwynn, 2015). Furthermore, domestic workers were not allowed to show their frustration in fear of losing their jobs and were required to wear a uniform that comprised of an apron and a headscarf that covered their hair (Appendix C2) (Gwynn, 2015). The headscarf and apron, which formed the domestic uniform, was symbolic of compliance in a racially discriminative structure (Gwynn, 2015). As Gwyn (2015) argues, if domestic workers came to work without uniform, their work would be instantly terminated by their employers.

The ideology of Afrocentric inferiority was further incorporated in written works and art (Arogundade, 2003; Ribane, 2006). For example, the Oxford English Dictionary (Vol. 2) defined ‘black’ as: deeply stained, dirty, malignant, and sinful (Arogundade, 2003; K. L. Little, 2002). Furthermore, in the Oxford English Dictionary (Vol. 2), representations of the word ‘black’, such as black sheep, blackmail, and blacklisted, further reified the negative connotations associated with the word ‘black’ (Arogundade, 2003; K. L. Little, 2002). Simultaneously, European art (such as in France [Appendix E]) depicted an image of the Black aesthetic as an exotic decorative, primitive being, or slave covered up in European clothing (Arogundade, 2003; Berger, 1990; L. G. Collins, 2010; Smalls, n.d.; Willis, 2010).

In addition, Black characteristics were debased through direct scientific, social, and biological comparisons (Arogundade, 2006; Fanon, 1967). For example, Swiss anatomist Goerges Curvier (as cited in Willis, 2010) compared part of the African face, such as thick lips, to that of the monkey tribe. Cesare Lombroso (as cited in Arogundade, 2003)—an Italian criminologist—detailed the lips of murderers and rapists as fleshy, protruding, and swollen, like the ones that ‘Negroes’ had; and European advocates, such as Edward Long and Jean-Baptiste Du Tertre (as cited in Arogundade, 2003), described features natural to Black individuals as hideous and primitive. Furthermore, physical Black characteristics were compared to European features to determine superiority (Mercer, 1987). For example, through classifications of skull formation and bone formation, Black individuals were compared to Europeans to determine their worth as slaves; this can be identified as ‘scientific racism’ (Mercer, 1987). The race category Caucasian (Europeans from the mountains), established in 1795 by a German physician, reinforced White superiority as it described White individuals as the most beautiful species in the world (Mercer, 1987). Through literature, art, 10

biology, and the use of science, Europeans reinforced physical and social domination over the spaces that Black individuals occupied (i.e. the South African public spaces—Appendix D1 and Appendix D2) (Biko, 1979; Ribane, 2006; Uren & Wild, 2015).

2.4.2 Black Human Zoos White skin and Eurocentric features (i.e., straightened hair, petite facial features) gained desirability because these features were considered the epitome of purity and virtue (Arogundade, 2003; Bassil, 2011). Alternatively, the Black aesthetic gained notorious recognition as being subhuman and primitive (Willis, 2010). Following this, the practice of human zoos was established around the nineteenth century: South African women were taken and exhibited in European countries (naked and at times in a cage) from the year 1810 (Gilman, 1985; Wills, 2010). Among these, Sarah Bartman/ Bartmann (Appendix D3) at the age of 21 years was exhibited in shows as entertainment in 1810 in European countries such as France and England (L. G. Collins, 2010; K. Jones, 2010; Willis, 2010). There, she was given the sexualised and objectified term ‘Hottentot Venus’ (L. G. Collins, 2010; hooks, 2003; Magubane, 2010). Members of the White European society became fascinated with Sarah Bartman’s protruding bottom—generating overstated thoughts about her genitals being unique (L. G. Collins, 2010; K. Jones, 2010). Consequently, Sarah Bartman’s body parts were dissected and displayed in museums when she died (Willis, 2010). Although many women with similar features to Sarah Bartman were photographed in SA before and after her, she became the repeated image that represented Black women in many geographical areas outside the continent of Africa (Willis, 2010). Sarah Bartman's bodily remains were brought home to SA (Eastern Cape) in the year 2002 (187 years after she was exhibited in European countries); however, the Black aesthetic still remains influenced by with the images and artefacts that exemplified the exploitation of Sarah Bartman as a Black woman (Willis, 2010). Moreover, the same focus on the buttocks of Black women has continued into contemporary society, popularised in the lyrics and visualisations of rap music and music videos, further objectifying and sexualising Black women (Glapka & Majali, 2017; hooks, 2003).

2.4.3 The End of Slavery and Colonisation With the onset of the decolonisation of Africa and eradication of racial regimes worldwide, the integration of Black individuals into mainstream society was initiated in both European countries and on the continent of Africa (Blay, 2011; hooks, 1995). This was followed by marketing and advertising campaigns selling skin lighteners, hair-straightening products, and general products that ‘allowed’ Black individuals to aspire to the Eurocentric style (Appendix F) (Blay, 2011; Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Lindsey, 2011). Furthermore, advertisers in the US, from both Black and White 11

communities, promised class mobility and social belonging through using skin lighteners and products that straightened the hair (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). With this, rules and regulations distinguishing the difference between Black and White, after biracial procreation, were reinforced in mainstream society (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). This was not only enforced in the dominant White society, but also within close-knit Black groups of the elite that was comprised of individuals with light skins and straighter hair (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; hooks, 1990, 1992).

The generally accepted notion (during and after colonisation) was that Europeans were “God’s chosen people” (Arogundade, 2003, para. 8). Black skin was portrayed as emulating the darkness of Satan or the devil (Arogundade, 2003; hooks, 1990, 1992; T. Jones, 2000). From this, the ‘one drop rule’ (in the US and Brazil) meant that a biracial individual with White ancestry was considered Black (Arogundade, 2003; hooks, 1990, 1992; T. Jones, 2000). Such regulations continued to define racial discrimination that was further informed by differentiating physical features between straight and curly hair, light and dark skin, thick lips and thin lips, and a petite nose versus a broad nose (hooks, 1990, 1992). These regulations also controlled a Black individual’s access to affluent social circles, relationships, marriage, and good jobs (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Craig, 2002; Gordon, 2008; Hagiwara, Kashy, & Cesario, 2012). For example, a brown paper bag (commonly used in the US) was matched up to a Black individual’s skin and if his or her skin was darker than the paper bag, he or she would not be given access to a party—these were parties that had only Black individuals attending (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Craig, 2002; hooks, 1995; Wilder, 2008). In addition, access to colleges and universities that accepted Black students, such as Harvard, informally appeared to only accept and enrol students with lighter skin and straighter hair (Bryd & Tharps, 2014).

A test which involved inserting a pencil into hair and which was called the 'pencil test', was used in SA to assess if an individual could be classified as White (Oyedemi, 2016; Uren & Wild, 2015). Specifically, if a pencil placed in an individual’s hair stayed in place after his or her head was shaken he/she could not be classified as White (Oyedemi, 2016; Uren & Wild, 2015). Other tests similarly assessed physical features such as skin colour, facial characteristics, and head appearance (Oyedemi, 2016; Uren & Wild, 2015). Based on these tests, individuals were classified as White, Coloured (South African term for an individual of biracial decent), Indian, or Black (Uren & Wild, 2015). Individuals in the category of non-White received inferior rights compared to White individuals (Uren & Wild, 2015). For example, non-White individuals were denied access to secluded White beaches, and received poor bus and medical services (Appendix D2) (Uren & Wild, 2015). Furthermore, individuals who were classified as Blacks (within the non-White distinction) received the least amount of privileges (Oyedemi, 2016; Uren & Wild, 2015). In addition, Coloured 12

women were viewed as more beautiful in non-White beauty pageants—celebrated for their exotic looks based on lighter skin and features that represented the European standard of beauty (Ribane, 2006).

2.5 Transitioning Black Bodies: A Psychological Focus Hook (2004b) asserts that independence was granted by colonial powers. However, according to Hook (2004) this did not entail an end to colonial influence or politics. Considering the former, ideal beauty continued to be essentialised by the holders of power and by those who had the power to declare its worth (Arogundade, 2003; Willis, 2010). As such, ideologies of colonisation and racism continued to influence not only the physical and social space that Black individuals had inhabited, but also their minds (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; hooks, 1990, 1992). From this, Black women learnt to prepare their natural features to mimic or reflect ideal white beauty (Craig, 2002; hooks, 1995). In addition, Black men shaved their heads to avoid being identified with kinky hair; this was crucial in attaining freedom in the early stages of the end of slavery (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). The emulation of the Black aesthetic towards the widely accepted style of European standards made the Black individual more visible. This also meant that psychological, mutual, and cultural relationships formed during colonisation continued into postcolonisation (Hook, 2004b). Manganyi (1973) and Cross (1978) have conceptualised the psychological process that Black individuals may progress through in societies largely dominated by Eurocentric or western ideals. These models are presented here to show how the historical or colonial injustices, described in the preceding discussion, can be considered within a psychological framework.

2.5.1 Being-in-the-world-with-objects-and-things: The Perspective of Manganyi Manganyi (as cited in National Research Foundation [NRF], 2017; K. Thomas, 2016) focused on the identity development of Black individuals in a social context of SA—influenced by apartheid. Accordingly, he developed a model that described how Black individuals attempt to emulate White individuals through the idolising of material possessions. From this, Manganyi (1973) suggests that Black individuals become estranged from the ‘self’ through ‘false consciousness’. False consciousness is a term that Manganyi (1973) used to describe the process of becoming separated from one’s self and community members when attaining Eurocentric values. Furthermore, Manganyi (1973) suggested that Black individuals may fail to acquire satisfactory material possessions due to their socioeconomic status, thus developing tension in the formation of their identities struggling with the Black self and the Black Other. In this way, Manganyi (1973) was able to theorise about what he called “Being-in-the-world-with-objects-or-things”.

2.5.2 Nigrescence Model: The Perspective of Cross Similar to Manganyi’s (1973) model, Cross (1978) offers the nigrescence model that attempts to structure the complex process of how a Black individual’s identity may develop in dominated societies. Cross’s (1978) model proceeds though five stages: (1) preencounter, (2) encounter, (3) immersion-emersion, (4) internalisation, (5) internalisation-commitment (Mtose & Bayanga, 2011).

. Preencounter Stage The preencounter stage involves Black individuals considering themselves as being unaffected by race (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). Black individuals in the preencounter stage are most likely to show preference for the ideals set by dominant western standards (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). For example, Black individuals may take on a frame of reference that does not box them into behaving or having values of a typical Black individual, which is usually motivated by normalised dominant standards (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011).

. Encounter Stage In the encounter stage, a Black individual may encounter a life event or series of incidents that compels him/her to reexamine a race-neutral stance (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). Specifically, in the encounter stage a Black individual encounters an event, usually negative and of a social context, learning new and contrasting information about being Black (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). From this, Black individuals are obliged to notice the significance of race in society (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). Consequentially, a Black individual becomes forced to negotiate a previous frame of reference to one that is more appropriate to validate his or her perceptions and identity (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). Additionally, in the encounter stage Black individuals may feel guilty and angered upon recognising their previous lack of interest in their race or the importance of it in the first stage (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011).

. Immersion-Emersion Stage Subsequently, the third stage involves a phase of separation where Black individuals attempt to see themselves outside Eurocentric value; however, they soon realise that there is not enough information around being Black readily offered in society (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). As a result, Black individuals are then left to form an identity based in opposition to Eurocentric values, therefore identifying with Afrocentric or Black values, just to not be White (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). Thereafter, Black individuals may part take in extreme race identification such as African-inspired dress and wearing natural hair in Afros, eventually immersing themselves in what is considered Black (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). At the peak of immersion, 14

Black individuals begin to emerge due to an increase in identifying with what it means to be Black, thus moving from immersion to emersion (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). During the emersion phase of the third stage, pride begins to take place over guilt, and anger diminishes therefore a need to reject Eurocentric values subsides—possibly leading to ambivalence (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). As a result, this may cause confusion amongst Black individuals (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011).

. Internalisation Stage In the internalisation stage, Black individuals may begin to accept positive and negative aspects of both Black and White racial identities (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). In this stage, Black individuals may begin to embrace a pluralistic development of identity, learning to embrace diverse racial identities in society.

. Internalisation-Commitment Stage Lastly, the internalisation-commitment stage suggests that Black individuals may start to focus on joint issues of society rather than their race—once they have established a secure confidence about their Black identity (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011). This stage usually entails a development of a nonracial perspective focused on unity (Cross, 1978; Mtose & Bayanga, 2011).

In his review of the nigrescence model, Cross (1971) argues that not all Black individuals progress through all the stages mentioned, but he claims that the nigrescence model provides a structured understanding of how Black individuals struggle to develop identity in a Eurocentric dominated society. In addition to both models by Manganyi (1973) and Cross (1971), which describe the development of the Black identity, identity has also been specifically linked to Black beauty and beautification practices by Black women (Kakonge, 2012; Oyedemi, 2016; Thompson 2009). This is addressed in the later part of the following section in this chapter.

2.6 Black Beautification In this section, historical developments of Black women’s beautification practices are compared to beautification by Black women in modern society. Through this, the section explores the influence of previous beautification methods on: (1) the contemporary beautification industry involving Black women and (2) the daily beautification choices made by Black women in modern society.

2.6.1 Hair and Skin Transitioning: Ethnic to International Aesthetics Traditionally, many hours were spent on hair grooming as clusters of women gathered to produce 15

elaborate tribal hairstyles; from this Black womanhood took shape within the traditional boundaries of Black groups in Africa (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). However, as slaves during colonial times in the US, Black women were prohibited from these acts (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). They were later (based on improving the Black aesthetic on plantations) given the privilege to groom their hair on Sundays (as slaves) and were motivated to do so in a way that emulated European standards (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). Through this, new ways of hairdressing evolved as a collective experience formed by enslaved Black individuals (from their different ethnic tribes) merged into a common social practice (Bryd & Tharps, 2014).

In modern society, beauty for Black women is a rehearsed performance where hair and skin colour are continuously altered (Glapka & Majali, 2017; Majali, Coetzee, & Rau, 2017; Tate, 2009). This has seen Black women—globally—spend more money and time on their hair than any other racial group (Jha, 2016; Johnson & Bankhead, 2013). Consequently, Black hair beautification has birthed a multimillion dollar industry that Black individuals have also benefited from since the early twentieth century (Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Ribane, 2006; Tate, 2009; C. Thompson, 2009; Oyedemi, 2016). Simultaneously, skin lighteners/ skin-bleaching products—rapidly sold to Black women predominantly in Asia, Africa, and in the US—have become profitable commodities (Blay, 2011; Dlova et al., 2015; Thomas, 2016). Although black beautification has encouraged economic success—for Black women who practise it—it entails invasive techniques that are likely to cause future harm (Tate, 2009).

2.6.2 The Hot Comb and Other Thermal Straighteners In the US, Black women used the metal hot comb (developed by the French in the 1800s) before the invention of more common hair-straightening techniques (Appendix G1) (Craig, 2002; hooks, 1989; Tate, 2009; Theodore, 2014). The use of a hot comb, heated curling iron, or straightening comb is a beautification technique used to remove the natural frizz in Black hair (Mercer, 1987; Tate, 2009). During the 1800s, the process of using a hot comb involved using a protective coat of pomade applied to the hair and thereafter straightened with a heated metal comb that had previously been heated on a kitchen stove (Craig, 2002; Tate, 2009). The use of a hot comb often required repeated usage that weakened natural Black hair and eventually resulted in significant hair breakage (hooks, 1989; Tate, 2009). Thus, different techniques for hair straightening became more easily available to Black women in European countries after the First World War (Tate, 2009). Nevertheless, Black women report similar disadvantages when they use modern thermal hair-straightening techniques (hooks, 1989; Tate, 2009).

2.6.3 The Chemical Hair Straightener (Relaxer) During the 1960s, George E. Johnson produced the chemical hair straightener, most commonly known as a hair relaxer (C. Thompson, 2009). The relaxer followed the trend of thermally straightening one’s hair (Tate, 2009). It gained rapid popularity because, unlike thermal straightening techniques that straightened hair for a few days, the hair relaxer only needed reapplying after a few months (Tate, 2009). Despite the longer effect, the hair relaxer was damaging to Black hair (hooks, 1989; Sobze, 2013; Theodore, 2014). The main ingredient in the hair relaxer (lye) corroded the skin on the scalp (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). To date, many Black women (both in SA and in other countries) report hair breakage, hair loss, and damage to the scalp from the lye and other harmful chemicals found in the relaxer (hooks, 1989; Ribane, 2006; Sobze, 2013; Theodore, 2014).

2.6.4 Skin Bleaching Skin-bleaching techniques involve the use of various creams, pharmaceutical oral tablets, and other products to lighten the skin by removing melanin in the skin (Dlova et al., 2015; Ginn, 2010; Mapumulo, 2016). Lead-based skin lighteners—first used by elite White women and East Asians— promoted the idea of fairness (Blay, 2011). These were later globally sold to Black women in the twentieth century to remove the ‘blackness’ (Blay, 2011; Jha, 2016; Thomas, 2016). Furthermore, in addition to Black women in SA being one of the highest consumers of skin-lightening products to date, their usage, nevertheless, falls below the 61% of women in India and 40% of women in China who use skin lighteners (WHO, 2011).

With skin-bleaching creams that promise the lightening of skin complexion, darker skinned women learn that they can achieve the myth of whiteness and participate in what society recognises as beautiful (Bryant, 2013; Craig, 2002; Hamed, Tayyem, Nimer, & AlKhatib, 2010). With this, comes the risk factors of skin cancer, pigmentation, and skin thinning from hydroquinone found in most skin lighteners (Dlova et al., 2015; Ginn, 2010; Hamed et al., 2010; Mapumulo, 2016). Furthermore, common skin-bleaching side effects, such as the halo effect and skin blotching, affect the appearance and health of skin (Ginn, 2010). The halo effect is a distinguished lighter ring or area that appears lighter than the rest of surrounding areas of skin (Ginn, 2010; Mapumulo, 2016). With the emergence of skin lightening, skin problems (skin blotching and irreversible skin damage [Appendix H1]) began to surface for both White and Black or darker skinned women (Blay, 2011; Neilson, 2014; Thomas, 2016). As a result, hydroquinone and other chemicals (such as lead) were progressively banned in beauty products in certain countries (i.e., all European Union countries; numerous African countries) (Blay, 2011; Neilson, 2014; Thomas, 2016; WHO, 2011). 17

2.6.5 Beautification in Black Consciousness The beautification trends of the Black community in the US did not have a public or private platform that celebrated Black hair in its natural form (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). A similar pattern occurred in SA: With global or international marketing and advertising trending, there was more emphasis on straighter hair and lighter skin (Majali et al., 2017; Ribane, 2006). This began to change in the 1960s when the Black is Beautiful slogan came out of a cohesive need for Black individuals in the US and SA to embrace their Black identities (Biko, 1978; Kakonge, 2012; King, 2010). This movement was motivated by Black social movements following the long oppressive western or Eurocentric beauty ideals imposed on Black people during and pre-1960s (King, 2010; Ribane, 2006). This saw the public aesthetics of black beauty changing, motivating Black women to embrace their curves in fashion and Black men to wear their Afros out in public (King, 2010; Tate, 2009).

The Black is Beautiful movement popularised the Afro (Appendix G2) (Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Mercer, 1987). Simultaneously, dreadlocks5 (Appendix A) became a popular Afro-aesthetic symbol of Black pride, popularised by the Rastafarian celebrity Bob Marley (Tate, 2009). Moreover, in efforts to engage Black individuals to embrace their natural aesthetic, the Black is Beautiful movement encouraged Black individuals to embrace natural Black hair styling, thus representing Black pride as a means of moving away from the radicalising and the dehumanising of the Black body (Craig, 2002; Tate, 2009). The Black is Beautiful movement allowed Black individuals to take ownership over their image in pictures, advertisements, and articles in popular newspapers (King, 2010). Furthermore, it was aimed at awareness or counteracting the negative impacts of Anglo- American imposed beauty standards that marginalised Black individuals in society (Davis, 2009; Ribane, 2006). This new emergence was soon joined by the Black consumer market represented by Black models frontiering the newly multiracial Revlon perfume company on television and, in the popular Black music scene, commercialised by singers like James Brown and Aretha Franklin (Ribane, 2006). As a result, the Black consciousness movement acted as the liberating revolution that Black individuals needed to feel autonomous and empowered (Davis, 2009; King, 2010). It also recognised the historical and cultural importance attached to beauty modification (Biko & Stubbs, 1979; hooks, 1995). Nevertheless, after the 1960s, when the Black is Beautiful movement was established, many Black women returned to harsh beautification practices (Craig, 2002). The ideal of Eurocentric beauty continued to dominate the Black aesthetic, which resulted in the motivation of Black women to pursue dominant beauty ideals (hooks, 1989; Tate, 2009). This was in part due

5 An African inspired hairstyle that involves styling natural African hair into twisted clumps. 18

to the Afro being perceived as militant and less acceptable, therefore decreasing a Black individual’s chance of getting a job or being perceived as attractive (Sobze, 2013; Tate, 2009).

2.6.6 The Weave and Hair Extensions From the 1980s, synthetic extensions such as fibre hair, manufactured to resemble real hair— similar to Asian hair—allowed Black women to add extensions to their hair in a braid (Appendix A) (Tate, 2009). These synthetic extensions could also be worn as a weave, whereby the extensions are sewn or glued (known as bonding) onto naturally braided hair (Figure 2.1) (Tate, 2009; C. Thompson, 2009). Furthermore, real human hair (usually Asian or Brazilian) is also used as hair extensions; here hair is cut and processed into a weave and sewn onto Black hair (Figure 2.1) (Tate, 2009). The continuous practice of hair weave and extension braiding often results in a receding hairline; this phenomenon was publicised in 2012 due to the receding hairline that Naomi Campbell (a well-known supermodel) had due to extensive weave beautification practice (Appendix H2) (Bull, 2012).

Figure 2.1. What is weave? (See reference list for image sources).

2.6.7 Black Women’s Beautification in SA Ribane (2006) echoes similar beautification trends in her focus on South African women. Specifically, she highlights that South African Black women (living in rural areas) used natural

resources that complimented their natural beauty. For example, mud ochre was used to purify the skin, and red clay mixed with water was used to give lips some colour (Ribane, 2006). Furthermore, dreads (twisting sections of hair into clumps) were decorated with shells, or beads, or enhanced by colouring them with red ochre (Ribane, 2006). However, with the increase of cosmetics being sold by the beauty industry and more Black individuals moving into urban areas, few beauty products on the market focused on specifically enhancing the ‘Africanness’ of Black hair (Ribane, 2006). Consequently, relaxers (i.e. Dark and Lovely hair relaxer and Black Like Me hair relaxer), hair extensions, and weaves became widely used (Ribane, 2006).

In contemporary SA, weaves are available online (amongst other marketing platforms) from R900 upwards (Price Check, 2017a). Furthermore, skin-lightening creams are available on the Price Check (2017b) forum from R45 to above R700. Skin-lightening creams available in the beauty market—used by Black individuals—initially lighten and give skin a smooth appearance but eventually make skin sensitive to the sun that causes purple patches among other side effects (i.e., blemishes, flaking) (Ribane, 2006). Additionally, South African beauty clinics offer skin-lightening injections and treatments from R600 upwards (What Clinic, 2017).

2.6.8 Empowerment in Beautification Scholars (P. H. Collins, 1990; Lindsey, 2011) suggest that there is much emphasis on beauty practices for Black women, as these practices offer a sense of empowerment that was previously denied to them during times of oppression and slavery. For example, Black women inevitably used household products such as coffee to dye the hair and products such as kerosene (lamp oil) to clean the scalp during their enslavement (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). Furthermore, Patton (2006) indicates that Black women were forced to work in fields (in the US) and cover their hair, whilst Ribane (2006) emphasises that during oppression in SA, Black women were dehumanised through their Afrocentric hair. From this, both authors link practices of beauty modification to escaping the cultural past of the stigma (primitive, barbaric, and unkempt) previously placed on the natural aesthetics of Black women. In addition, Black women’s bodies were defeminised and considered objects and, thus, through beautification, are represented as participating in beauty, adding value to the surface of their bodies (Ribane, 2006; Patton, 2006).

Challenging the idea of empowerment in beautification, hooks (1989) argues that the Black community and Black women have become complacent with the idea that beauty modification is reflective of empowerment and privilege. hooks (1989) argues that ‘power’ awarded to Black women who manipulate their appearance towards a European look through beautification, only 20

emphasises the belief that black beauty is inferior. In addition, Tate (2009) argues that the practice of beautification has a paradoxical relation to Black women’s worth as beautification empowers Black women (through rewards given by society), whilst further oppressing them (through physical damage and psychological harm). Specifically, by practising beautification, Black women may feel empowered as they become celebrated for looks created to emulate European standards of beauty, but this often means that their ethnocentric features are inadvertently depicted as inferior (Bryd & Tharps, 2014).

2.6.9 Critique of Beautification 2.6.9.1 Dominant Discourses and Low Self-Image In Black communities (both in SA and European or western countries), it is common to refer to hair texture types or skin complexion types as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ (Craig, 2002; Majali, Coetzee, & Rau, 2017; Ribane, 2006; Tate, 2009). For example, ‘good hair’ is hair that grows straight and smooth, compared to ‘bad hair’ which is kinky (Craig, 2002; Nyamnjoh & Fuh, 2014; Ribane, 2006). Furthermore, ideas about beauty, taught by family, culture, and friends, contribute to how beauty- modification practices are perceived in Black communities and by all in society (hooks, 1995; Thomas, 2016). This has been represented in movies (e.g., The Barber Shop), music (e.g., Angie Stone), and documentaries (e.g., Good Hair) that emphasise the beauty culture in Black communities (Kakonge, 2012). For example, the Good Hair documentary (as cited in Kakonge, 2012) explores the extreme hair-beautification techniques that Black women use (Kakonge, 2012). Kakonge (2012) emphasises that the Black aesthetic is depicted as unordinary and, therefore, in need of extreme beautification. Simply, through beautification, the Black body continuously gains meaning through dominant discourses, and the natural aesthetic of Black individuals becomes a source of ridicule and shame (Kakonge, 2012; L. B. Thompson, 2009).

Frequently, discourses available in Black communities—in the immediate environments (i.e., educational systems) that Black children develop in—reward the embrace of ideal standards, marginalising typical phenotypical features of Black individuals systematically from a young age (Bryant, 2012). Considering this, stakeholders have the power to change appraisals given to Black children (particularly females) for features representing a European/Anglo-Saxon standard (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). The influence of elders and community stakeholders in counteracting the meaning created by dominant ideals is crucial for the development of young Black women and Black individuals in general (Dougherty, 1978; hooks, 1995). Moreover, Black women play a vital role in the development of their daughters, especially in monitoring overidentification with European beauty ideals (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Lindsey, 2009). This is critical, as overidentification 21

with dominant discourses has been linked to the development of low self-esteem and self-image in Black children, which is maintained until adulthood (Craig, 2002; T. Jones, 2000; Tate, 2009). Furthermore, overidentification with dominant discourse increases the probability of Black women practising extreme beauty modifications (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Lindsey, 2009).

An early study conducted by Clark and Clark (1950), now commonly known as the ‘Doll Test’, showed that Black children of a preschool age showed self-hate and low self-esteem due to the internalisation of dominant beauty ideals. Using Black children as subjects and exposing them to two matching dolls of different colours (one brown, the other peach), the study found that two thirds of the children chose a peach doll (white doll) over a brown doll (black doll) because they found it more appealing (Bryant, 2013; Clark & Clark, 1950). This indicated unhealthy self-esteem and self- perception in Black children, who grew up in environments that allowed them to form an identity based on Eurocentric ideals (Clark & Clark, 1950). Although the study is from the 1950s, Bryant (2013) maintains that internalisation of dominant ideals is still pervasive in modern society. In addition, the ‘Doll Test’ was later repeated by Davis (2009); the results showed that majority of the participating Black children selected the white doll over a black one.

In contrast to conclusions made by Clark and Clark (1950), Cross (1971) suggests, in his review of the nigrescence model (mentioned earlier) that Black children (participating in the ‘Doll Test’) choosing the white doll may not have meant self-hatred but rather the absence of ethnocentrism. Specifically, Black individuals not being able to identify beauty in their race or features (by choosing the brown or black doll) may be due to the lack of self-esteem built on ethnocentric culture—away from the overidentification with White or European culture (Cross, 1971). Therefore, Black individuals may not necessarily hate being Black, but they may lack positive identification in their ethnic features and culture.

In congruence with Cross’s (1971) conclusions aforementioned, Boston and Baxley (2007) found that Black females, who had a low self-esteem, identified substantially with the dominant White standard in the classroom. Specifically, in their study of four multicultural contemporary novels, Boston and Baxley (2007) examined the literacy experiences of Black female adolescents (as marginalised readers). The study found that young individuals are still in a phase of self-discovery and what young Black individuals read and see have a significant influence on what they think about their self-worth, self-image, race, and gender (Boston & Baxley, 2007).

Although the beauty ideal of straight hair and light skin has been frequently reproduced 22

(generationally) from enslaved societies to current Black communities, empirical evidence disproves skin colour or Eurocentric features as determining attractiveness (Bryant, 2013; Bryd & Tharps, 2014; Hunter, 2002; Tate, 2009). Specifically, Etcoff (2000) collected photos of adult faces from African-American, Asian-American, and Caucasian cultures, and showed them to infants who were six months. The infants gazed longer at the pictures of men and women that their parents rated as most attractive, regardless of skin colour and ethnic features (Etcoff, 2000). Following this, Etcoff (2000) suggested that attractive features cannot be restricted to skin colour or physical features endemic to a certain ethnicity, but rather to biological combinations of symmetry in facial features that all ethnicities possess. Furthermore, there is no proven existence of biological races, therefore race itself only exists in culture but is emphasised through morphological (form and structure of body features) differences such as the colour of skin and hair type (T. Jones, 2000). Despite empirical evidence (Etcoff, 2000) that disproves legitimated dominant beauty standards as providing an accurate prototype of ideal beauty (as defined by physically attractive features), dominant standards of beauty remain prevalent in modern societies. These dominant standards of beauty have led to discrimination based on skin colour such as colourism (Appendix I1) (Craig, 2002; Sekayi, 2014).

2.6.9.2 Social Psychology and Colourism Termed by Alice Walker in 1983 (Wilder, 2008), colourism is a skin-colour stratification scheme that deems lighter skinned Black women as attractive and darker skinned women as unattractive (Hunter, 2005; Wilder, 2008). Through colourism, darker Black women are further excluded from the dominant beauty ideals from their light skinned peers (Hagiwara et al., 2012; Hunter, 2005). This, according to T. Jones (2000), is often embedded in racism. However, colourism is not limited to racism—primarily dichotomously between White and Black individuals—but also within the Black community (T. Jones, 2000). For example, due to the social meaning and privilege awarded to skin colour, two individuals from the same racial category may receive differentiated treatment based on the value placed on the hue of their skin colour (T. Jones, 2000). Therefore, colourism occurs not only interracially but also intraracially (T. Jones, 2000). Used by both darker skinned and light skinned Black individuals, colourism has been generationally passed down as a ‘pseudo biological science’ in determining an individual’s goodness, worth, socioeconomic class, and intelligence (T. Jones, 2000). For example, the brown paper bag test (mentioned earlier) is a form of colourism in practice (T. Jones, 2000). However, not only in-group lighter skinned individuals practice colourism to determine the value and character of a Black individual (T. Jones, 2000). T. Jones (2000) indicates that darker skinned individuals also used colourism for political reasons to determine how ‘Black’ an individual was and as a measure of loyalty to the social plight of the 23

Black race.

Through colourism, the view of lighter or White skin being superior is normalised, accepted, and reinforced by members in society, regardless of their racial background and skin colour (T. Jones, 2000). Consequently, dominant discourses are elevated and these circle back to maintaining the view that lighter skinned Black individuals are superior (but not more superior than White individuals) (T. Jones, 2000). In addition, dominant narratives in society continuously appraise the Eurocentric aesthetic (White or light) as attractive (hook, 1995; Jha, 2016; C. Thompson, 2009). Conversely, individuals who are represented as unattractive in society are typically associated with negative characteristics such as crime and unfriendliness (Englis, Solomon, & Ashmore, 1994; A. C. Little, Burt, & Perrett, 2006). Explicitly, social psychology indicates that the term ‘attractiveness’ describes physically desirable traits most appraised in society (A. C. Little et al., 2006).

Even though the ways in which we refer to lighter toned skin in the contemporary world has changed, the discrimination against those who do not have such lighter skin has not changed; in other words, discourse, has changed and lighter toned skin continues to be a criterion of female beauty for Black women (Averhart & Bigler, 1997; Blair, Judd, & Fallman, 2004; Coard, Breland, & Raskin, 2001; Hunter, 2002). For example, the word ‘yellowbone’ (describing a Black woman with light brown or yellow hue of skin) (Appendix I2:3) has gained popularity in SA and the US (Davids, 2015). Shelembe (2004) further states that ‘yellowbone’ is a colloquial term often used in kwaito music (i.e., music originating from Johannesburg, and which is a mix of house and melodic hip hop). In kwaito music, light skinned Black girls are represented as being more beautiful than their darker skinned peers.

2.6.9.3 Advocacy Within Black Womanhood Following the critique of beautification, this section stresses the participation of Black women in beautification practices. The section highlights literature and debates that occupy a critical and activist undertone in the review of Black women’s beautification practices.

2.6.9.3.1 Internalising Dominant Social Discourses Women who lighten their skin may have internalised social discourses of dominant beauty, believing that the only way to be perceived as attractive is by being lighter (Dlova et al., 2015; hooks, 2003; Thomas, 2016). This is perpetuated by the community, media, and the male gaze in society that reward women for having lighter skin and processed hair (hooks, 2003; Tate, 2009). In

addition, Black women themselves perpetuate the beautification of their natural aesthetic as they continue to convince themselves that they look better with straightened hair, justifying this by emphasising that their bone and facial structure look better (hooks, 1989, 2003). From this, Black women position themselves to appropriate existing dominant social structures and develop habitual responses—such as continued extreme beautification (Fanon, 1952; Pellerin, 2011). As a result, they become vulnerable to hair and skin damage from repeated beautification (Pellerin, 2011; Ribane, 2006). Moreover, when Black women continuously appropriate and assent to dominant discourses through beautification, these inherently start to influence their self-image and self-worth (hooks, 1995, 2003). Subsequently, when Black women fail to meet the beauty expectations that they have set for themselves—using dominant beauty standards and beautification—it results in shame when being confronted with their natural aesthetic (Craig, 2002). In response to this, Black women may feel overwhelmed but continue to practise beautification due to a lack of alternative discourses available in society (Craig, 2002). Specifically, portrayals of Black women in society have not accurately accounted for the epistemic or subjective existence of Black women (Boston & Baxley, 2007; Versey, 2014). This may result in Black women wearing a mask as a survival mechanism (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009).

2.6.9.3.2 Preparing an Image Accepted by Dominant Narratives In public spaces, largely influenced by dominant narrative, Black women are persuaded to prepare an image accepted by dominant standards. Beauboef-Lafontant (2009) advocates that Black women have learnt to wear masks as a way of surviving in largely White dominated workplaces—building emotions within themselves whilst shading their ‘true’ selves for desired societal success. These ‘masks’ influence how Black women prepare their image, also influencing their beautification practices (hooks, 1990; Tate, 2009). Combined with neglecting their ‘true’ selves, Black women may overlook political domination in the management of their bodies when subscribing to dominant ideals through beautification (hooks, 1989, 2003). To this end, scholars (Craig, 2002; hooks, 1995; Tate, 2009; Willis, 2010) have focused not only on how past colonial regimes influence the beautification of Black women in society, but also on the ways Black women have participated and come to reinforce these narratives. Here, the modification of black beauty through certain practices are controlled by both the women practising them and the public (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; hooks, 1995).

As a Black feminist, hooks (1995) analyses American history, race, and black beauty. hooks (1995) critically explores a collection of essays of the racial conflict in the US with a focus on Black African American women. Following this, she emphasises that adopting European standards and 25

colonised racial views was ‘necessary’ for survival (hooks, 1990, 1995). Meaning and value were placed on the physical features and the styling of one’s hair or in the preparation of performing through features as a Black woman (hooks, 1995). However, hooks (1995) stipulates that how Black individuals choose to conduct themselves—including beautification practices engaged by Black women—is no longer directly linked to past colonial standards. She argues that Black women’s beautification is influenced by narratives that have been reproduced and further developed by society, as well as by Black women (hooks, 1995).

2.6.9.3.3 Preparing an Image That Promotes Self-Awareness In challenging expectations shaped by dominant ideals of society, hooks (1995) delineates that Black women are faced with double marginalisation: being Black and being women. Furthermore, when values, norms, and beliefs are imposed on them as part of a nondominant group, their ability to develop experiences unique to their ethnic and cultural background is limited (Beauboeuf- Lafontant, 2009; Biko, 1978). Nevertheless, individuals are self-determining (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). Black women have the responsibility of not allowing the dominant perspectives in society to depict their reality—becoming their own agents in determining their self-image (hooks, 1995). Simply, by challenging the dominant rhetoric of beauty ideals, the reorganisation of existing meanings in societies about black beauty may be explored (Craig, 2002). Therefore, all Black individuals living under a dominant society are challenged to reinvent themselves as a form of empowerment away from the negative influences of colonisation (hooks, 1995). Considering this, Black individuals should not think of themselves as victims, but rather as equals who have the responsibility of redressing current paradigms in restoring past misconceptions (hooks, 1989, 2003).

Black women are challenged to relearn that their hair is normal in its natural hair texture and length, seeking out all possible ways it can be styled in its natural form (Sobze, 2013; L. B. Thompson, 2009). For example, Bryd and Tharps (2014) indicate that some Black individuals purposefully did not comb their hair to make a political statement to emphasise that Black is Beautiful. By deviating from framing their lives based on dominant social narratives, Black women may learn to not neglect unique realities of their own experience (Sobze, 2013; L. B. Thompson, 2009). Beauboeuf- Lafontant (2009) supports this notion in a qualitative study—adopting feminist thought—where she interviewed 58 Black women (from the US), engaging them in a discussion about strength and Black womanhood. She found that Black women who primarily developed their self-image and sense of reality from their cultural environment did not experience self-neglect. Simply, to avoid extreme identification with dominant narratives is to develop perspectives around oneself or others like oneself—which promotes a positive self-awareness and maturity (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). 26

Furthermore, the privilege of experienced reality over representation or expectation is crucial in developing a ‘true’ self-image (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009).

2.7 Research into Black Beautification Practices 2.7.1 African American Research on Black Women’s Beautification Craig (2002) explored black beautification using ethnographic interviews, autobiographies, newspapers, and magazines from and within the Black community. Craig (2002) found that Black women associate a likelihood of getting a job or getting married as being largely dependent on their appearance, because physical appearance can be a point of discrimination and ridicule (Craig, 2002). Following this, Craig (2002) identified that dominant ideals, maintained in mainstream platforms (marketing and advertising), impacted the way in which Black women practised beauty modification. Specifically, skin bleaching and hair straightening were practised by Black women to achieve favourability in beauty contests and in society (Craig, 2002).

In congruence with Craig’s (2002) study, Averhart and Bigler (1997) found that beauty, status, intelligence, and higher class have been associated with lighter skin tones—indirectly attaching negative connotations to darker skin tones. Averhart and Bigler (1997) explored racial attitudes and self-concept by asking 56 elementary school children to recall culturally indicated items that were strategically incorporated in stories about skin tone. The school children tended to remember racial, rather than counterracial, items from the stories about skin tone, thereby endorsing negative views about African Americans based on skin tone (Averhart & Bigler, 1997). Similar views can be seen during the times of slavery when lighter skinned Black individuals received privileges to study or get higher paying jobs compared to darker skinned slaves (Averhart & Bigler, 1997; T. Jones, 2000; Majali et al., 2017).

2.7.2 South African Studies of Hair Beautification Three South African studies are discussed in this section. The first two studies focus on beautification practices by Black women, whilst the third studies perceptions of beauty. Furthermore, a predominant focus on hair beautification is emphasised in the first two studies. All studies provide empirical information concerning South African women’s beauty or beautification practices.

A survey of 159 Black female students (from a rural South African university) with additional in- depth interviews with five Black females from the same university revealed that Black women have a conflictual relationship with their African hair which is influenced by cultural violence (Oyedemi, 27

2016). Black women who aspire to Eurocentric norms of beauty in their hairstyling appropriate the invisibility of African identity and culture associated with African hair (Oyedemi, 2016). These results were achieved by showing images of hair to Black female students (Oyedemi, 2016). Specifically, an array of hair images (Figure 2.2) that represented natural African hair, braided natural African hair, augmented African natural hair (with hair extensions or other synthetic hair), braids, and European/Asian hairstyles (e.g., wigs, bonding, or weave) were shown to Black female South African students accompanied by a survey (Oyedemi, 2016). The survey inquired about which hairstyle was the most beautiful (Oyedemi, 2016). It also explored attitudes regarding hair (Oyedemi, 2016). The participants identified hairstyle number 10, which was an augmented style, as the most beautiful in the set of pictures (see Figure 2.2.) (Oyedemi, 2016). Nevertheless, 15.1% of Black females responded saying that African natural hair was beautiful, whilst half identified that European or Asian hair is the most beautiful (Oyedemi, 2016). In congruence with the latter, the study also found that 87.2% of the students stated that they had used hair extensions, hair synthetic attachments, and weaves (Oyedemi, 2016). The same study also found that 96.2% of Black African female students stated that they had chemically relaxed their hair to achieve a straight appearance of their hair (Oyedemi, 2016).

Oyedemi (2016) argues that when Black women consented to dominant Eurocentric ideas in the styling (or beautification) of their hair, cultural, symbolic, and physical violence was inflicted on their natural or African hair. Oyedemi (2016) further argues that this violence is internalised and passed down generationally and enmeshed in the perspective that ‘beautiful’ hair is not frizzy, kinky, or in any way like the natural hair from Black women.

Figure 2.2. Different Hairstyling of African or Black Women’s Hair. Copied from “Beauty as violence: ‘beautiful’ hair and the cultural violence of identity erasure”, by T. Oyedemi, (2016), Social Identities, 22(5), pp. 537–553. Copyright 2016 by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group. 28

In contrast to Oyedemi (2016), Majali et al. (2017) concludes that beauty practices by Black South African women are reflective of appreciating both African and western hairstyling, rather than this being dominated by western standards. Majali et al. (2017) conducted in-depth face-to-face interviews with eight Black women (between 19–29 years old) from the University of the Free State about black beauty. These Black women (from various economic backgrounds) were selected based on their hairstyling (Majali et al., 2017). The Black women chosen for the study wore their hair in various hairstyles ranging from Afros and braids to weave and relaxed hair (Majali et al., 2017). The study used an interpretivist approach and was particularly aimed at exploring meanings attached to beauty practices or the maintenance of hair or hairstyles (Majali et al., 2017). The study found that hairstyling was symbolic of the participant’s identities and concluded that Black women’s hair beauty practices are not determined by race or dominant beauty narratives specific to a particular race but rather on the perceptions of healthy hair versus weak hair (Majali et al., 2017). Furthermore, the study concluded that beauty is eclectic and that Black women who conform to western standards of beauty through beauty practices and hairstyling do not engage in self-hate or betrayal of African heritage but in a multicultural identity (Majali et al., 2017).

A qualitative study by Glapka and Majali (2017) conducted in Bloemfontein, looked at how perceptions of Black beauty affect the way Black women understand their bodies. Specifically, eight Black African women were interviewed twice individually, with three women from these eight being interviewed again within a focus group (Glapka & Majali, 2017). All interviews intended to explore the perceptions Black women had on the body and beauty, with the focus group explicitly exploring intersubjective dynamics (Glapka & Majali, 2017). The study found that Black women positioned themselves in multiple discourses of beauty, rather than having the view that the natural aesthetic can be authentically represented by an ‘African self’ (Glapka & Majali, 2017). The conclusion was that Black women participate in multicultural ways of empowering themselves and may choose to do so from an array of beauty discourses. The study also suggests that Black women are empowered in being able to choose from various discourses to understand their bodies (Glapka & Majali, 2017). Nevertheless, the study also highlights that Black women may engage in a struggle to symbolically make meaning out of the various beauty discourses in society (Glapka & Majali, 2017).

In summary, the studies represented conclusions that were similar and contrasting. All studies respectively made references to ideals of African beauty, as well as Eurocentric or western beauty ideals. From this, Black women’s beautification practices in SA are represented as being influenced by opposing beauty ideals that appear to compete for subjectivity in the Black woman. 29

2.8 Beautification and the Media 2.8.1 The Role of Media Representations The media is a stakeholder in disseminating and critiquing information in the public (Moscovici, 1961). The media influences social change, providing spectators with societal expectations such as ideals and typical behaviour (Holtzhausen, Jordan, & North, 2011; Sharpe & Curry, 1996). Furthermore, dominant discourses available in the media play an important role in identity formation (Foucault, 1982; Warde, 1994). Using representations from the media, many women form their identity, values of desirability, ideas of sexuality, and ideas of femininity (Dlova et al., 2015; Lyons, 2000). This involves a process of encoding and decoding that entails the producers of the media encoding a certain message, while the viewers decode it (Coly, 2010; Hall, 1999). For the viewer to accept the intended meaning of the encoded message, the viewer and the producer need to share sociocultural and ideological codes (Coly, 2010; Hall, 1999). The media portray cultural norms and values in a subtle manner to viewers—without them truly considering the subjectifying meaning in these messages (Downs, 2013; Durkheim, 1982). Ultimately, the media can be treated as a gatekeeper that is responsible in shaping how society is transformed (Odhiambo, 2008).

Underrepresented racial groups in the media are compelled to negotiate their ethnic identities to survive in an environment that is influenced by powerful, dominant standards (Fanon, 1952; Patton, 2006). For example, the media predominantly underrepresents the diversity of hairstyles available for the hair natural to Black women (Sobze, 2013). Therefore, it is commonly accepted that Black hair styling is restricted (relative to European hair styling) when hair is in its natural form (Sobze, 2013; C. Thompson, 2009). From this, the nonrepresentation of certain groups results in alienation and a psychological struggle in forming identity or a sense of belonging. Thus, the use of ceramic straighteners and invasive skin lighteners is normalised (Tate, 2009). A study by Gordon (2008) supports the former. Specifically, Gordon (2008) found that young Black girls developed their self- image by identifying with media portrayals—through music and television—of sex, beauty, and appearance. The study examined media consumption and identity formation by exploring surveys completed by a sample of 176 American Black girls (ages 13 to 17) (Gordon, 2008). Based on the study’s findings, Gordon (2008) suggests that Black girls identified specifically with female television characters and music artists; this influenced how they occupied objectifying and nonobjectifying roles in society. Considering this, the media serves as a guiding influence for behaviour for individuals of the public, who are exposed to media content (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Odhiambo, 2008).

Black South Africans were previously denied—among other things—the right to high salaries, luxury goods, entry into national beauty pageants, and political agency/ autonomy during apartheid (Oyedemi, 2016; Ribane, 2006; Thomas, 2016). In contrast, African American individuals were acculturated (more attuned to western values) and spoke more like White individuals, styling their hair in keeping with the dominant norms (Ribane, 2006). Racial laws were eradicated in America before they were in SA (Ribane, 2006), therefore Black African Americans were represented in the American media as having confidence, style, and freedom during the period when Black South Africans were oppressed (Ribane, 2006). Black South Africans admired and emulated African American culture (Ribane, 2006). This trend has continued to influence Black South Africans (Oyedemi, 2016; Ribane, 2006). To this end, Black women have been exposed to beauty practices through the admiration of not only international stars such as Beyoncé Knowles and Nicki Minaj, but also from local celebrities such as Mshoza and Kelly Khumalo (Mapumulo, 2016; Neilson, 2014).

2.8.2 Beautification and the South African Media Two types of literature concerning beautification and the South African media are discussed in this subsection. The first part explores ideological and conceptual literature, and the second explores empirical studies that link beautification and the South African media.

2.8.2.1 Conceptual Literature 2.8.2.1.1 Local Magazines The portrayal of Black women in South African magazines, such as Drum magazine, has shifted from the role of liberation (freedom rights and justice) to one based on driving product sales (Odhiambo, 2008; Sanger, 2009). Odhiambo (2008) emphasises that Black women in magazines were previously (1950s to 1960s) the face of significant political movements. Magazines were used to motivate change in a colonised and racialised South African society (Odhiambo, 2008). For example, Dolly Rathebe (Figure 2.3), who appeared as the first cover girl in the Drum magazine, became a cultural icon who encouraged Black women to perceive themselves as beautiful with their natural features (Odhiambo, 2008; Ribane, 2006). However, in SA’s modern society—despite the eradication of racial laws—the portrayal of Black women in magazines has not exceedingly improved (Odhiambo, 2008; Sanger, 2009). The portrayal of Black women has become rooted in continued racialised policies and consumer politics (Odhiambo, 2008; Ribane, 2006). For example, the contemporary cover of Drum magazine (Figure 2.4), shows how skin lightening has permeated into contemporary South African society (Thomas, 2016). Succinctly, Mshoza (a celebrity Kwaito singer) is quoted on a 2011 (November) cover of the magazine saying that she was “tired of being

ugly” (as cited in Mphela, 2011) in reference to lightening her skin (Figure 2.4). She further indicates, in another magazine interview (as cited in Thomas, 2016), that she bleached her skin due to a self-esteem issue. However, in the same interview Mshoza stipulates that her skin lightening should be treated as any other beauty modification such as plastic surgery and tanning (Thomas, 2016). From this, Mshoza6 indicates that she is not ‘white inside’ and that she is a ‘township girl’, only having changed her outward appearance (Thomas, 2016). Thomas (2016) maintains that Mshoza is participating in a consumer culture, within postapartheid, defined by material deprivations in a previously racial society. Specifically, Thomas (2016) highlights that Mshoza’s skin lightening is part of self-fashioning and neoliberal agency and that she is participating in global consumption to be recognised.

Figure 2.3 1956 Drum magazine cover. Figure 2.4 2011 Drum magazine cover.

Copied from Sylvesterstein, by S. Stein, Retrieved Copied from Mshoza’s hospital picture by P. from http://sylvesterstein.com/drum/drum-3.html. Mphela, 2011, Retrieved from Copyright 1956 by J. Schadeberg. http://philmphela.blogspot.co.za/2011/12/mshoza- hospital-picture.html. Copyright 2003 by DRUM.

2.8.2.1.2 Local Advertisements and Marketing The media has a great influence on the choices that South African women make regarding skin lightening (Dlova et al., 2015; Neilson, 2014). Skin lightening is an international phenomenon,

6 In a 2017 interview on the Afternoon Express (SABC 3), Mshoza, however, attributed her lightened skin to a dermatological condition. 32

affecting not only South African women but women around the world, particularly those with darker skin tones (Dlova et al., 2015; Mapumulo, 2016; Thomas, 2016). Different women give different reasons for skin lightening such as removal of acne, skin pigmentation, and skin discolouration (Dlova et al., 2015; Thomas, 2016). However, Hamed et al. (2010) argue that women who initially used skin lighteners for skin disorders may continue to use them or misuse them for aesthetic reasons, such as wanting to be lighter as it is perceived as more beautiful. Long-term or unmoderated amounts of skin bleaching methods can cause permanent skin damage (Dlova et al., 2015; Hamed et al., 2010, Khumalo, 2011; Thomas, 2016). Regardless of several years of government regulating the advertising and marketing of skin-lightening products in SA and banning of certain skin lighteners, these products are still freely available in the country (Blay, 2011; Dlova et al., 2015; Thomas, 2016). As a result, skin bleaching has become part of the ethnic discourses used by South African individuals (Dlova, et al., 2015). For example, Dlova et al. (2015), aver that ethnic languages have been used to describe skin lightening: ‘Ukutsheyisa’ in isiXhosa, ’ukucreamer’ in Zulu, and ‘hokgantsa sefatlhego’ in Sesotho—all terms respectively referring to lightening the skin.

Cosmetic campaigns market products used to straighten Black hair, such as Dark and Lovely and Black like Me (Ribane, 2006). Black hair is easily manipulated and is commonly processed through stylisation or alteration (Johnson & Bankhead, 2013; Tate, 2009). However, Black hair is more sensitive to styling compared to Caucasian and Asian hair types and gets damaged easily (C. Thompson, 2009). Khumalo (2011) indicates that a recent hair trend in SA, the ‘Brazilian' keratin blow out, breaks down hydrogen bonds in the hair structure to make curly or frizzy hair appear straighter for three months (Appendix J). She further highlights that hair-straightening trends in SA that contain formaldehyde, such as the ‘Brazilian’ keratin blow out, cause health risks such as damage to the skin, damage to the eyes, and increased risk for myeloid leukaemia (Khumalo, 2011). Due to this, cosmetic products in the South African market have come under scrutiny (Khumalo, 2011). This has resulted in the advertisement of certain cosmetics ‘claiming’ to not contain harmful chemicals in them (Khumalo, 2011).

2.8.2.1.3 Local Newspapers Switzer and Switzer (1979) argue that South African press reports were historically sectionalised and presented a unique account for mass media communication. Specifically, the South African press was largely separated into Bantu or Black press (newspapers or newsletters addressing the non-White Black South African majority in apartheid SA) and White press (newspapers or newsletters addressing the White South African minority) (Switzer & Switzer, 1979). However, 33

Switzer and Switzer (1979) advocate that the Black press was not necessarily owned by Black individuals. Specifically, Black journalists were refused various writing and publishing privileges amongst not being granted funding to produce Black newspapers in SA (Switzer & Switzer, 1979). This ensured power or influence over what the Black majority reads in the South African public (Switzer & Switzer, 1979). Furthermore, White dominant business also invested in the Black press as a financial investment (Switzer & Switzer, 1979). Nevertheless, South African newspapers were pivotal in informing the South African public during preapartheid and postapartheid (Campbell & Gibbs, 2008; Ribane, 2006; Switzer & Switzer, 1979). For example, Switzer and Switzer (1979) advocate that the South African Black Consciousness movement was reflected in the South African Student Organisation (SASO) newsletter. Thus, newspapers occupied a position of informing the public, as well as one of civic engagement.

In a democratic SA, newspapers (as part of mass media) have the potential to influence emotions, opinions, and values of the public (Mersham & Skinner, 1999). Mersham and Skinner (1999) argue that the media gains power through its position to inform the public about social events that occur at different times; it provides guidance that inform the daily social choices that people in the public are required to make, thereby setting an agenda and presenting events in a particular way. Considering this, Mersham and Skinner (1999) caution against owners of newspapers influencing the presentation of events or issues to satisfy personal interests. Nevertheless, newspapers are portrayed as being more civic compared to other media forms such as radio and television (Campbell & Gibbs, 2008).

In contrast to the influence of international media, advertising and marketing campaigns, and the local magazines mentioned previously in this chapter, newspapers are represented as largely being civic and having various public opinions or debates. From this, newspapers are represented as being symbolic of a broader context of South African public engagement.

2.8.2.2 Empirical Literature A study by Shelembe (2014) explored body image, constructions of beauty, and opinions and behaviours related to the body. The study conducted semistructured interviews with six Black women from the University of the Witwatersrand (WITS) (Shelembe, 2014). Using thematic content analysis within a qualitative research paradigm, the study found that the media is perceived by Black women as having a profound impact on how they see themselves or their bodies (Shelembe, 2014). The study found that media images are understood as setting an ideal standard of beauty that Black women use to evaluate themselves, as well as these media images being used 34

by others to evaluate Black women (Shelembe, 2014). The study concluded that although the media distorts the images of beauty, often influenced by hegemonic ideals, racial positioning, and gender-based oppression–which impacts how Black women negotiate identities in society–Black women have the power to choose which ideals impact them (Shelembe, 2014). Moreover, Black women also have the potential to inform themselves of the rationale behind their choices (Shelembe, 2014).

In congruence with Shemlebe’s (2014) findings are those of by Nyamnjoh and Fuh (2014). Nyamnjoh and Fuh (2014) explored the perspectives and public media debates about African beauty in TV documentaries. The study also explored the perspectives of female students from the University of Cape Town (UCT) about African hair. From this, the study found that Black women’s beauty is continuously being depicted as dichotomous (Nyamnjoh & Fuh, 2014). Based on this, Nyamnjoh and Fuh (2014) argue that beauty practices are not fixed and therefore cannot be owned or monopolised by western ideals. Furthermore, they suggest that African women have agency in the beauty decisions that are made, and this is not always reflective of conforming to dominant narratives available in society (Nyamnjoh & Fuh, 2014). In summary, Nyamnjoh and Fuh (2014) aver that African women participate in collective identities in how they prepare the surface of their body (predominantly hair) for the public gaze.

In contrast to Nyamnjoh and Fuh’s study, Mougoue’s (2016) study disputes the idea of beautification as an action that allows Black women to engage in a collective identity. The study interviewed West Cameroonian Black women in two different intervals (2011–2012 and 2015– 2016) as well as explored (method not indicated) newspaper columns that gave advice to women from Cameroon about beauty. In the findings, Mougoue (2016) indicates that Black women’s beautification practices were clearly polarised in that beautification was represented as engaged by Black women to satisfy either African ideals of beauty or western ideals of beauty. From this, the study found that beauty was politicised and Black women’s beautification was depicted as either a cultural betrayal against the natural Black aesthetic, or as displaying African pride through beautification that enhanced African features. The study concluded that Black women’s beautification is largely influenced by globalisation and symbolised freedom of the Black woman’s body from oppression (intercultural and intracultural). Moreover, Mougoue’s (2016) study compared the societal challenges of women from Cameroon to women from Johannesburg, based on Black women having to navigate a landscape previously influenced by colonial regimes.

In summary, the empirical literature represented media as a stakeholder in Black women’s beautification practices; however, Black women’s agency and choice were equally emphasised. From this, although the media is recognised as influencing the choices of Black women, it also stressed that Black women actively participate in beautification based on informed choice and as an engagement in enlightenment and multiple identities. Furthermore, findings from Mougoue’s (2016) and Nyamnjoh and Fuh’s (2016) studies differed in the discourse of oppression and colonialism regarding Black women’s beautification.

2.8.2.3 Media Responsibility In SA, the media operates as an institution that motivates dominant ideologies (Oyedemi, 2016). Oyedemi (2016) argues that SA media promotes an image of Black females who have (celebrities or Black women in movies, magazines, advertisements, and television shows) hair texture similar to the standard of Eurocentric norms (for example straight silky hair). Oyedemi (2016) emphasises that all Black female contestants of Miss SA (a largely televised pageant) have long straight hair in the form of weaves. Moreover, celebrities who are represented as ‘beautiful’ women in media culture reflect an ideal body type and hairstyle (Oyedemi, 2016).

Therefore, the media also has the responsibility of orchestrating awareness on the consequences of harmful beauty modification (Dlova et al., 2015). Scholars (More, 2014; Ribane, 2006; Thomas, 2006) criticise fundamentalist principles—incorporated in the media—established by apartheid when considering the prevalence of harmful beauty modification in SA. These scholars maintain that the psychological damage to the Black psyche, due to the use of discriminating and oppressing Eurocentric ideals, promotes behaviours such as skin bleaching.

2.9 Chapter Summary In this chapter, I explored how past ideologies of Black beauty influence the contemporary beautification practices of Black women. Literature showed that historically located dominant beauty ideals have a negative and pervasive influence on the view of the Black aesthetic (Bryant, 2012). Considering this, the chapter also offered insights into how the polarising of phenotypical features gives meaning to social advantages and economic advancements awarded to women who practise beautification. Afrocentric features, such as kinky hair and darker skin in their natural form represent the opposite of desirable traits according to the European standards of beauty (Bryd & Tharps, 2014). Moreover, literature in the chapter illustrated how ‘in-group’ ideals from Afrocentric or Ethnocentric discourses through phenomena such as colourism contribute to beautification practised by Black women to achieve a dominant Eurocentric ideal. With this focus, the literature 36

enlightened on how a dual history of oppression and patriarchy continue to immobilise Black women (hooks, 1990). Moreover, it indicated that Black women may practice beautification due to an internalised view that establishes features natural to the Black aesthetic as inferior.

The chapter also revealed how the view of beautification as being a result of colonial oppression is a past time reference. In this view, beauty ideals are no longer necessarily dependent on the presence of White standards, but also on various ideals of beauty from different cultures. Nevertheless, the literature illustrated how the media perpetuate dominant ideals. This assisted in understanding the representations and constructs of beautification by Black women in contemporary media. It demonstrated how the media underrepresents Black women with darker skin tones. With this, the chapter illustrated how the unequal representation of Black ethnocentrism (compared to dominant beauty ideals) contributes to a lack of discourses celebrating the natural Black aesthetic. This also involved exploring a link between invasive beautification practices by Black women and media representations.

CHAPTER 3: THEORIES

3.1 Introduction South African activist Biko used the theorisation of the Black identity or ‘self’ (introduced by Fanon) to highlight the psychological implications of harmful beautification practices. This chapter presents these historically related theories of Fanon and Biko. Additionally, this chapter will also focus on theories based on the internalisation of dominant ideals, Black consciousness, theories of symbolic violence, and the Black individual as the other.

3.2 Fanon’s Theory of Inferiority Fanon (1925–1961), an anticolonialist, psychiatrist, and African/Black revolutionary critically explored Black identity, the Black psyche, and the impact of racism, dominant discourses, and cultural oppression on Black people. Fanon combined psychology and politics (psychopolitics) to understand and address the oppression of Black individuals (Hook, 2004b). In addition to this, he focused on the Black race as the other (Hook, 2004a, 2004b).

3.2.1 Superiority and Inferiority Complex Fanon (1968) suggested that colonisers gained power by implementing dehumanising ideologies about the ‘existence’ of the Black individual. According to Fanon (1968), these ideologies informed dominant discourses and mainstream representations of Black individuals in postcolonial society. Additionally, ideas of colonialism and slavery continue to define not only the space and activities of Black individuals, but also the representations of their skin and physical features (Fanon, 1968).

Black individuals were considered by Fanon (1968) to not be slaves to the system, but to the enactments of their own physical appearance within the system because of the meanings that have been accorded to their appearances. This restricts the daily existence of Black individuals when meaning is imposed rather than experienced and created (Fanon, 1952, 1968). Black individuals contribute to the loss of their independence by identifying with and internalising problematic dominant discourses in society instead of consciously acting against them (Fanon, 1952). To this end, Fanon (1952) provides a framework of the internalising of dominant ideals by Black individuals—he calls this inferiorisation. Inferiorisation is a process that involves Black individuals psychologically maintaining oppressive tools of colonialism and ideologies that promote White supremacy (Fanon, 1968). For example, the Black individual develops a self-image juxtaposed to the White individual as a measure of human success (Fanon, 1968). Accordingly, the Black

individual is positioned to evaluate recognition and worth as given by the holders of White dominant ideals in society (Fanon, 1952, 1967, 1968). Consequently, by not demanding recognition or viewing themselves as holders of power over their image, Black individuals become subordinates to dominant Eurocentric ideals (Fanon, 1952). From this, the psychological deterioration of Black individuals is maintained, whilst European cultures gain superiority (Fanon, 1968).

In addition, by overdetermining and superimposing the existence of the Black individual in society, daily living which is instructed through stereotypes, forces an inescapable reality onto the Black individual (Fanon, 1952, 1968). Psychological internalisation of meanings placed on the Black body or appearance becomes inevitable (Fanon, 1952, 1968). Black individuals thus become coerced to adopt an inferior position, eventually internalising this position, developing an inferiority complex (Fanon, 1952, 1968). Moreover, in order to be recognised as powerful or to feel power, internalising acts of being a holder of power is a sine qua non (prerequisite) (Fanon, 1967). Historically, through the creation of an inferiority complex for Black individuals, superiority is manufactured for non- Black or White individuals (Fanon, 1968). This power is perpetuated and maintained by the enforcement of Eurocentric ideals through the institutions of colonialism and legalised racism (Hook, 2004a).

3.2.2 White Masks: Psychological Internalisation The actions of Black individuals in a society that is dominated by European or White ideals may be seen through the wearing of a ‘White Mask’ (Fanon, 1952). The ‘wearing’ of a ‘White Mask’ by a Black individual entails the surface of the body frequently being prepared for socially sanctioned White behaviours or appearances (Fanon, 1968). Whilst this process occurs unconsciously, Black individuals induce complexes of inferiority on their ‘true’ selves (Fanon, 1952; Hook, 2005). For example, the beauty-modification practice of hair straightening is an active participation towards Europeanising one’s self (Bryant, 2013; Fanon, 1952; Kakonge, 2012; Mercer, 1987). From this, Fanon (1952) maintains that the influence of dominant ideals on Black cultures—manifested in behaviours such as beautifying oneself—is interlinked with the subjugation of the Black identity, resulting in self-devaluation and low self-esteem. Here, ‘White Masks’ can be seen to represent identity trauma (Fanon, 1968).

In addition, the lack of cultural resources due to the efforts of colonisation puts Black individuals at risk of inner psychological hate as they are coerced to ascribe to White norms, values, and ideals (Fanon, 1952; Hook, 2005). This is reinforced by global trends that subscribe to dominant discourses associated with colonisation (Fanon, 1968). This perpetuates ideologies of dominant 39

discourses rather than the reinforcing of ethnic or unique identity (Fanon, 1968). Following this, Black individuals frequently engage in an inauthentic ‘self’ (Fanon, 1968).

3.2.3 The Inauthentic Self Black individuals may engage superficially in attempts to ‘belong’ or to survive in a system of illogical ideologies (Fanon, 1952, 1968). Prejudice ideologies imposed on the Black body in society are irrational (Fanon, 1952). These ideologies create an irrational identity that Black individuals are persuaded or forced to adopt, participating in an inauthentic self (Fanon, 1952). Nevertheless, Fanon (1952) suggests that by participating in the inauthentic self, Black individuals become more aware of their authentic selves. However, this awareness is guided by ideologies that devalue the experience of the authentic self (Fanon, 1952). Following this, Fanon (1968) indicates that often, during this process, violence (physical or verbal) may become inevitable in response to the dehumanising strategies occupied by colonial regimes. Fanon (1968) identifies this violence as a psychological defence developed by Black individuals to survive in a world influenced by racial hostility. From this, Black individuals may wish to protect themselves from the physical or demographic oppression of their bodies, as well as their minds, thus becoming aggressive or defensive. Here, Fanon (as cited in Hook, 2004b) draws from a psychoanalytic perspective, making reference to Anna Freud. Specifically, Fanon (as cited in Hook, 2004b) draws on ideas of ego (personality, character, the self) defences to understand the responses of Black individuals in a colonial and racist society. Anna Freud’s (as cited in Hook, 2004b) theory of the ego describes the development of personality or character in response to a hostile environment. In particular, in a hostile environment, the ego adapts and becomes resilient, thus drawing on ego defences as a mechanism of survival (e.g., aggression). Using this theory, Fanon (1968) indicates that Black individuals may become fixed in ego defences, thus having impaired identity development in a society that devalues the Black aesthetic.

3.3 Biko’s Theory of Black Consciousness Biko (1946–1977) is largely known as a symbol of the antiapartheid movement (Hook, 2004b). He also was the founder of the Black Student Organisation in 1989 and created a national (SA) Black Consciousness movement (Biko & Stubbs, 1979; Hook, 2004b). Biko recognised a need for the psychological liberation of the Black minds (Hook, 2004b). Biko also argued that through consciousness and awareness of political conditions, Black individuals can liberate themselves (Hook, 2004b).

In keeping with Fanon (1952), Biko’s (1978) theory of Black Consciousness emphasises the need 40

for advocating the worth of Black individuals. Particularly, Black Consciousness (Biko, 1978; Biko & Stubbs, 1979) advocates, in part, that beauty monopolised by the White race leaves little to no space for the beauty of the Black African race to be recognised. Biko (1978) highlights that Black customs and traditions that come to define black beauty are not easily accepted by White culture (Biko & Stubbs, 1979). For example, the word ‘black’ is easily coupled with concepts ‘black sheep’ and ‘black market’ through attitudes, representing ‘black’ as bad (Biko & Stubbs, 1979). Furthermore, how women prepare themselves for the gaze of society is influenced by the standard of dominant beauty standards (Biko & Stubbs, 1979). Subsequently, individuals are normalised in society to reject anything associated with the word ‘black’: They are also subjected to view blackness as being inferior to whiteness (Biko, 1978; Biko & Stubbs, 1979).

The Black Consciousness movement slogan Black is Beautiful was an endeavour to regain a sense of humanity from the widely accepted notion in society that Black is ugly (Biko & Stubbs, 1979). This slogan advocates for psychological liberation from the colonised Black mind and preaches emancipation from a distorted image of the Black aesthetic (Biko, 1978). As such, the slogan is coupled with messages of embracing darker skin, and of appreciating fuller lips and Afrocentric features as attractive—ultimately challenging the Eurocentric colonial values on the Black existence (Hook, 2005; Mgbako, 2009). Additionally, the slogan represents Black self-affirmation and abstaining from the practicing of relaxing and straightening Black hair that causes physical damage (Hook, 2005; Mgbako, 2009). Following this, the theory recognises the psychologically harmful effects of the internalisation of ‘White norms’ and advocates for Black self-actualisation (Biko, 1978).

3.4 Bourdieu’s Theory of Symbolic Violence Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002) studied philosophy under the teachings of Marx (1904) (Routledge, 2016). He was known for his ethnographic work on the indigenous group of the Kablye in Algeria (Routledge, 2016). Bourdieu (as cited in Moi, 1991; Nicolaescu, 2010) theorised about the symbolic violence of colonial oppression or dominance on ethnic groups living on a natively inherited area. Bourdieu (as cited in in Routledge, 2016) was also known for his work that advocated against the exploitative nature of globalisation and neoliberal economic policy.

Bourdieu (as cited in Moi, 1991; Nicolaescu, 2010) offers the term ‘symbolic violence’ to describe the process of appropriating existing social structures as certified and legitimate. Through symbolic violence individuals develop a habitual response to symbolic stimuli that may harm them (Nicolaescu, 2010). For example, symbolic violence can be used to describe the process that Black 41

women may go through when being exposed to representations of dominant beauty ideals in the media, ultimately accepting them as the set standard instead of questioning them. From this, symbolic violence can be noted as the consequence of Black women perceiving the imposed dominant ideal beauty as legitimate, neglecting the focus on a development of natural phenotypical beauty (Nicolaescu, 2010). Thus, dominant groups in society subliminally impose their ideals on other groups without resorting to physical violence, and this becomes symbolic violence (Moi, 1991; Nicolaescu, 2010). Symbolic violence is an instrument of knowledge and expression imposed on society’s reality (Moi, 1991; Nicolaescu, 2010; Tate, 2009). Specifically, symbolic violence describes a process of ideological meaning being imposed on groups and classes in society, appropriating norms that largely exclude native culture (Udasmoro, 2013). Internal processes such as the development of self-image, are affected by the internalisation of certain norms and values (Moi, 1991; Nicolaescu, 2010; Walker, 2014). Considering this, Bourdieu (as cited in Moi, 1991; Nicolaescu, 2010) mentions that the process of symbolic violence takes place in the unconscious mind.

Arguably, symbolic violence is powerful and possibly more harmful then physical violence, because individuals proceed through the process of symbolic violence daily in society without recognising the impact that societal dominant values have on them. Specifically, dominated groups may not even be aware of their internalisation of certain negative perceptions that are symbolised by a dominant culture, thereby perpetuating the culturally accepted values and not allowing individual, cultural, or race growth (Moi, 1991; Nicolaescu, 2010).

3.5 Foucault’s Theory Foucault (1972, 1982), describes power as an effect (persuasion, inspiration, influence, or movement) created or maintained by people. Power exists within and amongst individuals through the affirmation of ideas, categories, communication, or through elements that are given meaning (Foucault, 1972, 1982). For example, using the word ‘Black’ to distinguish a group of individuals with brown skin, racially categorises individuals within the human species. This category gains power as more and more individuals come to use it to define people with brown skin. Moreover, an individual with brown skin may identify as ‘Black’ thus affirming and forming an identity around what it means to be ‘Black’ based on guidelines, culture, and on what others expect. Thus, power does not exist without consent and agency (action, participation) from individuals who use categories, ways of communicating, and ideas to navigate reality in social settings (Foucault, 1972, 1982). Simply, people participate in the power, and they create identities as opposed to the case where power is a top-down process. Considering this, individuals who subscribe to and maintain 42

certain ideas, categories, and ideologies can be described as ‘subjects’ (Foucault, 1972, 1982). According to Foucault (1972, 1982), a subject is an individual who is influenced by categories or ideas that she or he identifies with, and who also acts and gives meaning (or power) to the existence and influence of these ideas and categories (Foucault, 1972, 1982). Considering this, the term used by Foucault (1972, 1982), ‘subject and power’ represents individuals who navigate society or reality by participating in different identities, ideas, or categories. In this way, people can resist or affirm power by rejecting or accepting certain ideas, categories, or elements with meaning.

Adapting Foucault’s (1972) theory of the subject and power to Black women’s beautification, the study assumes that Black women are subjected to beauty discourses. Following this, the study purports that beautification is shaped by discourses that guide the cultivation of Black women’s bodies. From this, a Black woman is not considered free and rational but as continuously engaging in discourses of beauty through beautification. Adopting Foucault’s (1972) theory, the study assumes Black women are never completely imprisoned by discourses but have the choice to assent to a discourse or to resist it. Individuals, therefore, either become further disciplined within a subject position or become resistant to it (Butler, 1997; Hook, 2004c). According to Foucault (1972), if an individual becomes exceptionally disciplined into the subject, she or he becomes an object; however, if she or he resists then she or he becomes more agentive. In this study, Foucault’s theory has direct implication for the research methods and analysis. This methodological implication, particularly for the notion of subject positioning is discussed further and taken up in the Plan of Inquiry chapter (pp. 46–59). Subjects are also further discussed in the next section: Feminist Thought.

3.6 Feminist Thought Amongst theories previously mentioned in this chapter, both Biko and Fanon lacked a focus on women, particularly regarding the liberation of Black women from dominant oppressive ideals in South African society (Hook, 2004b). Moreover, both Fanon and Biko essentialised the Black experience or aesthetic, thus conforming to a Black ideal (Hook, 2004b). Considering this, feminist thinking is included in this chapter to illuminate the experiences specific to Black women.

3.6.1 Poststructural Feminism Poststructural feminism holds that language is not neutral but rather governed by rules, structures of power, ideology, and history (Kiguwa, 2004). It stipulates that a unique authentic self is fictional (Kiguwa, 2004). Considering this, poststructural feminism investigates dominant discourses that compel women to occupy certain subject positions in society that limit their ‘true’ experiences 43

(Harper & Rail, 2011; Wilbraham, 1996). Poststructural feminism is useful in the critique of critical literature (hooks, 1992, 1995). For example, observing the critical literature of Fanon and Biko, there is a need for alternative discourses to better account for the ‘true’ experiences of women (Harper & Rail, 2011; Wilbraham, 1996). Considering this, I adopted a feminist poststructuralist standpoint in the research, which according to scholars (Harper & Rail, 2011; Wilbraham, 1996) assists in the investigation of dominant discourses that compel women to occupy subject positions in society that limit their ‘true’ experiences. Moreover, theories from Black feminism were included in the Literature Review which assisted in forming an understanding of the experiences of Black women in relation to beautification.

3.6.1.1 Butler Judith Butler (1956–date) is Professor of Comparative Literature and Rhetoric (Gauntlett, 1991). She is known for her theories of gender, sexuality, and power (Gauntlett, 1998). Specifically, Butler (as cited in Gauntlett, 1998) advocates that gender is performative rather than being inherited or caused by a particular sex (male or female).

Traditional feminism was primarily formed so that women can liberate themselves from unequal treatment in society; it was pioneered at integrating women into the main structures of society from a premise based on gender (Kiguwa, 2004). However, Butler (1999) highlights that the category of women, or what is means to be a woman, may exclude cultures or identities that some females may identify with. Specifically, Butler (1999) highlights that feminism may discriminate against or exclude ideas about an intersection of gender with ethnic, sexual, and class backgrounds. From this, Butler (1999) adopts a poststructural view of feminism. In this position, Butler (1999) suggests that how women’s bodies are given meaning or constituted within the traditional feminist discourse is limiting. She also suggests (following Foucault 1972, 1982) that bodies, which are material, are systematically given meaning (Butler, 1997, 1999). One way in which women’s bodies are systematically given meaning is through language.

Language is both policing and constituting (Butler, 1999). Additionally, language creates structures or ways of perceiving objects in daily society (Butler, 1999). Women’s bodies are given meaning through the structures created by language (Butler, 1999). For example, referring to a woman with brown skin as a ‘Black woman’ means understanding her through the term ‘Black women’. This can be associated with various meanings such as ‘Black women are from Africa’, ‘Black women have kinky hair’, thus the body of a woman with brown skin begins to gain meaning. This meaning created by language through associations, categories, and definitions is not fixed but rather reified

through repetition and normalisation (Butler, 1999). Butler (1999) argues that also referring to an individual as a ‘woman’ is using language to construct a category that has meaning in society. Butler (1999) thus highlights that the language used to categorise individuals or people is historically laden. Specifically, Butler (1999) argues that common ways of speaking have developed to produced or affirm dominant colonial and hegemonic ideologies. Simply, discourses (ways of speaking through language) promote a certain way of understanding reality. Therefore, individuals who subscribe to certain ways of speaking (discourses) are required to occupy positions or roles within these ways of speaking, consequently performing as a particular subject (Butler, 1997, 1999).

Butler (1998, 1999) argues that the subject (a role or character) is positioned by discourses that exist in society. Thus, a discourse can be perceived as a stage where individuals are required to enact roles that create and perpetuate reality (Butler, 1998, 1999). Butler (1998, 1999) suggests these acts are repeated and maintained through discourses, thus individuals are required to perform in certain ways in order to be recognised in reality. For example, when playing a character on stage the actor continuously needs to portray a certain character in order to have meaning in the play; if not, the actor forfeits having meaning on the stage and, therefore, he or she is not recognised. However, unlike theatre, which is temporary, the roles and characters a woman is required to occupy within certain discourses constitute a continuous act that bind to form her identity, becoming the character both inside and out (Butler, 1998). Two examples of performativity explain these ideas. One is gender as a stage in which a person takes on the role of a character who is male or female; the other is race as a stage on which a person occupies a Black or White role. Thus, through subject positions, individuals are constituted, gain meaning, and are naturalised (Butler 1998, 1999; Weedon, 1997).

Butler (1999) advocates that by placing the perception of women’s bodies in poststructural thought, historically normalised or appropriated social hegemonic limitations are challenged. Through this, women’s bodies are given the freedom to exist within multiple realities rather than predetermined categories (Butler, 1999; Weedon, 1997).

3.7 Chapter Summary The theories discussed illuminated the psychological processes endured by Black individuals in a society that places Eurocentric values at the cornerstone of most experiences and learnt knowledge. The discussion assisted in structuring the complex systems that may contribute to how beautification practices are constructed in media. Moreover, they contextualised how dominant ideas contribute to attitudes formed about features natural to the Black female aesthetic. From this, 45

an understanding is gained about the physical features of Black women (such as hair), being socialised, politicised, and interlinked with a plethora of meanings and values. In short, theories, such as those of Fanon (1952), offer a critical standpoint of how Black women are psychologically compelled to find their beauty in the other as the deracialisation and decolonisation of spaces in SA continue to be a work in progress. Theories of Biko and poststructural feminism also demonstrated how deracialisation, gender-based bias, and decolonisation have yet to reach a restorative threshold for the psychological and social worlds for Black women.

CHAPTER 4: PLAN OF INQUIRY

4.1 Introduction This chapter describes the strategies adopted to respond to the research questions. In the first part, the social constructionist paradigm is discussed along with the critical approach. Following this, the purpose of using newspaper reports as research material for this study is clarified. In the same section, the processes of gathering and refining research materials are discussed. Next, discourse and subject position theory are discussed. Subsequently, discourse analysis (a method of identifying and scrutinising discourses and subject positions), using steps from Parker’s (1992) method, is discussed. The chapter ends with an outline on how quality and rigour were maintained in the study, as well as with a discussion about the impact of the research, reflexivity, and research ethics.

4.2 Research Paradigm and Metaperspective 4.2.1 The Social Constructionist Paradigm The social constructionist paradigm formed the backdrop of the inquiry. The social constructionist paradigm assists in the investigation of phenomena in an everyday social context (Gergen, 1985; Terre Blanche & Durrheim, 2006). In addition, the social constructionist paradigm encourages scrutinising norms created by language (Terre Blanche, Kelly, & Durrheim, 2006). Specifically, it challenges and critiques meaning created by language or the discourses that influence behaviour or action (Terre Blanche et al., 2006). Consequently, the paradigm facilitates understanding phenomena (through discourses) within a broader context (Terre Blanche et al., 2006).

Adopting the social constructionist paradigm, this study explored the beautification practices of Black women, not as a phenomenon determined by individual experiences or existence but rather as influenced and shaped by social meanings available in the South African context. Consequently, the social constructionist paradigm enabled interrogation at a level that incorporated the South African social world in the investigation of beautification practices of Black women. Furthermore, constructions of beautification practices in the South African context were analysed from unscripted dialogue (or discourses) available through the media. I engaged in a metaperspective of represented beautification practices and how these representations influence and mediate reality in SA.

4.2.2 Critical Psychology Within the social constructionist paradigm, critical investigation addresses historical and cultural influences of constructed reality (Kelly, 2006; Terre Blanche et al., 2006; Willig, 2013).

Furthermore, the approach of critical enquiry accounts for a spectrum of knowledge independent of western constructs that have largely informed traditional psychology (Fox, Prilleltensky, & Austin, 2008; Valsiner, 2006). Considering this, the critical investigation adopted by this study involved the scrutiny of historically relevant dominant discourses. Here, Kelly's (2006) position of critical enquiry as one that moves away from biased understanding (shaped by dominant discourses) was adopted. In achieving this, I focused on language (texts or sentencing) construction, as opposed to making essentialist interpretations. Therefore, in keeping with the social constructionist approach and with the focus on language, the study’s intent was not to emphasise the experiences of Black women within the discourse of beautification practices, but to interrogate how societal knowledge shapes these roles and defined them.

In addition, the critical psychology approach stipulates that the researcher’s influence is not excluded from research (Parker, 1999; Parker & Burman, 2008; Valsiner, 2006). Particularly, the researcher’s awareness is incorporated in the deconstruction of discourses available in society, allowing reflexivity (Parker & Burman, 2008; Valsiner, 2006). Therefore, in the analysis of the South African press reports, I used self-awareness as a way of facilitating an understanding of the text.

4.3 Research Materials 4.3.1 Justifying the Use of Press Reports Discursive representations provide formulas to make sense of the world (Campbell & Gibbs, 2008). The media has a role in reflecting social representations for all members in society (Campbell & Gibbs, 2008). However, the media often depicts ideas that are dominant or that support limited perspectives (Campbell & Gibbs, 2008). Nevertheless, this study recognises the influence that the media has in society in the attempt to investigate the construction of beautification practices.

Magazines and advertisements make idealised beauty and beauty modification look appealing and empowering (Kakonge, 2012; Sanger, 2009). Moreover, magazines, television, and advertisers have an agenda to perpetuate dominant ideas, promoting the sales of beauty products (hooks, 1990, 1992; Ribane, 2006). Alternatively, press reports (as a form of print mass media) tend to be more political and critical (Beaudoin & Thorson, 2006; Campbell & Gibbs, 2008; Farell & Cupito, 2010; Grundy, 1993). The notion of debate and civic engagement is often the domain of newspapers (Gibbs & Jobson, 2011). Campbell and Gibbs (2008) indicate that newspapers assumed a proactive role in the South African public sphere, particularly following the apartheid era. Therefore, in keeping with the critical approach, this study uses press reports as materials—particularly in their ability to 48

contribute to the construction of beautification practices from different perspectives. Considering the critical approach, I explored the extent to which newspaper reports engage with debates, opinions, and critical commentary of the beautification practices (e.g., skin bleaching, hair straightening) of Black women.

4.3.2 Sampling: The Data Search Procedure In accessing research materials, I used the archival database SABINET (South African Bibliographic Information Network). The SABINET online database offers both international and local press articles under the SA Media subcategory and within the SA News link (Sabinet, 2017). The database provides texts from the South African press from 1978 to date (Sabinet, 2017). However, no articles from January 1, 2015 to May 31, 2015 were uploaded by the archivists onto the database because of archive maintenance during this time. Nevertheless, I used the database on June 2, 2016 to access articles from the SA Media category. I typed in the following search terms: (a) ‘Black women’, (b) ‘beauty’, (c) ‘practices’, and (d) ‘horse’ (with punctuation and capitalisation as listed). Specifically, ‘Black women’, ‘beauty’, and ‘practices’ were typed in the keywords domain. Furthermore, the word ‘horse’ was typed in the ‘NOT’ domain. The exclusion criterion of the word ‘horse’ enabled the omission of search results on the distinguished novel Black Beauty about a horse by Sewell (1902) and other similar references to horses. Following this, in defining a time period for press reports to be ‘accessed from’, I selected two dates. In the ‘Date From’ domain I selected the date March 1, 1994 and, in the ‘To Date’ domain, I selected the date January 31, 2015. The dates reflected the period of the constitutional liberation (from the first democratic elections including the Black vote) of Black individuals in SA. Simply, from year 1994 Black individuals were introduced to the mainstream market, thus Black women became increasingly subjected to dominant beauty ideals, the marketing of beauty products, beautification constructions, and they had the ‘freedom’ to negotiate through society at will (Ribane, 2006).

4.3.3 Refining the Sample Following the typing in of the key words, the search yielded 361 articles. I downloaded all 361 articles returned from the search. I then saved all the articles on my computer in one folder, which I called ‘research corpus’; thereafter, I refined the sample (Figure 4.1). Specifically, I read all the articles from this folder. Then, I moved a total of 352 articles into two different folders: not relevant as research material (these were 80 articles that were not from newspapers, or they were published in Afrikaans), and not specific to study (these were 273 newspaper press reports that did not particularly focus on the construction of beautification practices). Specifically, press reports that were organised into the not specific to study folder referred to Black consciousness, beauty 49

pageants, surgical beautification, and the politics of black beauty. In other words, I excluded all news reports that did not explicitly mention beautification practices in any way. Press reports that referred to surgical procedures as a means of beautification were also excluded. Excluding these press reports was imperative in securing research material that could fulfil the research question of investigating the construction of beautification practices.

361 articles were returned from the search criteria

4 journal articles were excluded 48 magazine articles were excluded

21 other (i.e. gazzette, tabloid, international publications) articles were excluded

7 were excluded as they were published in Afrikaans 281 were identified as newspaper press reports

273 press reports were then 8 Final press reports were excluded based on irrelevance selected for analysis to study

The Star 1, Mail & Guardian 1, The Herald 1 , Business Day 1, City Press 1, The New Age 1, The Sunday Independent 2

Figure 4.1. Process of refining the sample.

Following the procedure of refining the sample only eight press reports remained in the folder research corpus. These press reports were used as the final research material for analysis. They collectively added up to 14 pages in total of text and approximately 200 paragraphs in press print format. Although the number of reports was small, the sample provided lengthy commentary and reportage. Nevertheless, limitations of the sampling process are taken up in the evaluation of the

study in Chapter 6.

4.3.4 Final Sample

Table 4.1 Final Sample Newspaper Tittle of Press Report No. of Para. Author and Date The Star Skin-deep beauty remains elusive for many SA Daniels, G. (1997, June women: The use of dangerous skin lighteners 19). 19 will continue until the issue of lighter-is-better is addressed. Mail & A snazzy hairdo goes a long way: A Sandton Damane, B. (2000, Guardian City salons opens its doors once a week to April 7-8). 23 street girls for a free hairstyle —and a dose of self-esteem. The Herald Blonde girl’s braids challenge preconceived SA Bohler-Muller, N. 19 attitudes. (2005, December 7). Business How ‘weave’ connects women of the Brics Morudu, P. (2011, 13 Day states. August 16). The New Dare to be proudly Black: Zuma’s remarks Rohan, R. (2013, Age about blacks aping white reviled because 15 January 03). they’re disturbingly true. City Press Affirmation is only skin deep: People who Bakare-Yusaf, B. (2013, 24 bleach their skin don’t hate being black. March 10). Sunday Does hair belong to our roots? Times now to let Ngcayisa, L. (2013, Independent progressive women do what they want to do 43 June 30). with their hair. Sunday Why are black women so morbidly obsessed Ndlovu, S. (2013, June 29 Independent with using other races’ hair? 30).

4.3.5 Profile of the Newspapers The final eight newspaper reports were from the following South African newspapers: The Star, Mail & Guardian, The Herald, Business Day, City Press, The New Age, and Sunday Independent. The profile of each newspaper is as follows:  The Star was established during Johannesburg’s gold era (in 1886) (Ritchie, n.d.). The newspaper focuses on government institutions and the laws in SA (Ritchie, n.d.). The Star has a circulation of 661, 000 in the Gauteng province.  Mail & Guardian is an agenda-setting newspaper (Campbell & Gibbs, 2008) and is also SA’s leading investigative publication (Mail & Guardian online, 2017). The newspaper has a national circulation of 486, 000 (South African Audience Research Foundation [SAARF], 2014).

 The Herald is the oldest newspaper in SA (The Herald, 2017). It covers international and national news, topics ranging from opinion pieces to finance and sport (Times Media Group, n.d.). The Herald is largely read in the Eastern Cape area, with 30% of the newspaper being printed for subscriptions (The Herald, 2017; Times Media Group, n.d.). Further, the newspaper has a circulation of 201, 000 in the Eastern Cape (SAARF, 2014).  The Business Day newspaper is a national newspaper aimed at circulating news around the business sector internationally and nationally (Business Live MMXVII, 2017; Campbell & Gibbs, 2008). Readers in the private sector make up its target market (Campbell & Gibbs, 2008). The Business Day national circulation is at 69, 000 (SAARF, 2014).  City Press is a weekly newspaper focused on agenda-setting political coverage (My Subs, n.d.). It has a readership of over 1.6 million people in SA and on the African continent (My Subs, n.d.).  The New Age is a daily newspaper covering local and international news writing on a variety of topics from politics to entertainment (The New Age, 2016). The New Age has a national circulation of 143, 000 (SAARF, 2014).  The Sunday Independent was established in the democratic SA (Rantao, n.d.). It covers topics of public opinion, business, reviews, and news (Rantao, n.d.), having a circulation of 91, 000 nationally (SAARF, 2014).

The listed newspapers are printed either daily or weekly in the South African public domain (SAARF, 2014). Considering this, they provide information about discourses frequently used in the South African context.

4.4 Data Analysis and Interpretation Data interpretation was based on the method of discourse analysis. Discourse analysis is a conceptual method (Wilbraham, 2004). It is rooted in poststructuralist assumptions of language and the world (Butler, 1997; Foucault, 1972). Because discourse analysis is a conceptual method, this section first presents the concepts and theoretical propositions that underlie this method. This section then presents, using examples from the analytic process, how discourse analysis was applied in terms of procedures and practical application.

4.4.1 The Theory of Discourse Discourses can be viewed as governing frameworks that conceptualise reality through talk or representation (Parker, 1992). Discourses map the abstract perception of a physical world (visual, spatial, interactional) (Foucault, 1972; Parker, 1999). Parker (1992) argues that in social situations 52

individuals are guided by the discourses they subscribe to and this influences the way in which they talk or conduct themselves. For example, by saying ‘the boys went to the pharmacy to get medication as they were not feeling well’ as opposed to ‘the boys went to the shop to buy a product to make them feel good’, a medical discourse is said to emerge. Thus, a discourse can be considered as a guideline or template of language governed by rules and cultural meanings (Wilbraham, 2004).

Wilbraham (2004) advocates that humans rely on language or ways of speaking to make sense of reality. Ways of speaking benefit certain institutions, as well as privilege certain ideologies or world assumptions (Parker, 1992; Wilbraham, 2004). Furthermore, discourses constitute objects they describe thus giving meaning to objects in daily society (Wilbraham, 2004). For example, by saying medicine takes away illness, medicine as an object is given meaning and, by referring to a stethoscope, wheelchair, or thermometer as items used to help patients, these objects are organised to form a way of thinking, that is, a medical discourse. They are also constructed as tools of empowerment to assist the patient. Considering this, discourses mediate reality and define or classify people, spaces, and objects (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999). They also construct behaviour or how individuals exist in the family, within a gender, and in performing sexuality (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999). Moreover, discourses are not created but rather merge or emerge from previous discourses (Wilbraham, 2004). Discourses are thus adopted or adapted from the past, or they are based on historical ideologies (Parker, 1992; Wilbraham, 2004).

4.4.2 Subject Positions and Identity Theory Discourses can be ascertained as having power—persuading or influencing individuals to navigate society in a certain way (Wilbraham, 2004). For example, by referring to an individual in the waiting room as a ‘patient’ as opposed to a ‘client’, a medical discourse is identified. A medical discourse has certain rules, for example, the patient is a role for sick, weak, or helpless individuals. Discourses thus position individuals within subjects (a discourse an individual identifies with becomes their identity) (Wilbraham, 2004).

Identity is developed from ongoing social interaction through discursive (writing or talking about knowledge between, texts, groups and people) practices (Wodak, 1996). Specifically, identity is generated from shared ways of speaking and understanding the world within a context (Ainsworth, 2001; Parker, 1992; Wodak, 1996). In these contexts, identity is shaped by association or disassociation with different discourses (Wodak, 1996). From this, individuals are then organised into positions from discourses that determine how individuals experience the world (Parker, 1992; Willig, 2013). These are known as subject positions (Willig, 2013). 53

A subject position can be considered a rhetoric that an individual adopts in society to make meaning of his or her everyday reality (Avdi & Georgaca, 2007). These positions influence and determine individual identity and, therefore, also the expression of identity through the reproduction and perpetuating of discursive practices (Ainsworth, 2001; Wilbraham, 2004; Wodak, 1996). Therefore, individuals engage and emerge from their subject positions in their daily interactions in society; this may assist them to function in a society determined or constructed by discourses (Wodak, 1996). Consequently, discourses come alive through subjects; subjects are representative of known or existing knowledge (Wilbraham, 2004). Using Parker’s (1992) discourse analysis not only assisted in the deconstruction of discourses on the beautification practices of Black women (to respond to RQ 1: How are beautification practices of Black women represented in South African press reports?), but also in exploring positions or roles created by these discourses (Kelly, 2006). Particularly, the idea of subject positions informed the analysis in response to RQ 2 (How are Black women constructed in relation to beautification practices in newspaper reports?).

4.4.3 Analysing Language, Formulating Discourses Discourses are identified (in one way) through language, thus discourse research is focused on the critical scrutiny of language (Parker, 1992; 1999). Furthermore, Woods (2006) suggests that research focused on identifying discourses analyses language within a certain context. One way of identifying discourses in through the method of discourse analysis. Discourse analysis explores language in terms of how it is constructed to instigate action (Avdi & Georgaca, 2007). In adopting discourse analysis as a method, I particularly examined the function served by the construction of language in the eight South African press reports. Specifically, by looking at the sentencing and rhetoric used in the newspaper reports, I could explore versions of reality created for the reader. This implied exploring the ‘power’ or impact of the discourses identified for the research and even on the researcher. The exploring of ‘power’ allowed for further investigations on the ‘voice’ that was marginalised and the voice that was given power. Here, the assumption made is that language is not neutral but rather used to construct certain realities and roles or types of people that represent historically relevant social behaviour, meanings, and values (Kelly, 2006; Parker, 1992; Wilbraham, 1996). Further, language and text have a relation to a bigger context.

Central to Parker’s (1992, 1993) discourse analysis is the construction and deconstruction of language. Parker (1992) advocates that language is organised into clusters of social cues, known as discourses. Particularly, in using Parker’s (1992, 1993) discourse analysis, social texts can be studied as empirical agents of meaning in society. From this, mainstream knowledge and meaning 54

achieved by dominant discourses can be scrutinised (Parker & Burman, 1993). Moreover, instead of focusing on subject positions in society to understand individual phenomena, a focus on language facilitates analysis at a broader scale of social meaning (Kelly, 2006). Here, language is assumed to never be random or neutral, but rather to always reflect the structured realities that individuals are coerced to live (Parker, 1992). From this, Parker (1992) assumes that it becomes difficult to perceive a reality or create alternatives outside of the structure of language (Parker, 1992). Thus, the analysis of language investigates the maintenance and shaping of social norms, meanings, and knowledge shared in a society (Starks & Brown Trinidad, 2007).

4.5 Analytic Steps: Achieving Discourses from Press Reports 4.5.1 Highlighting Relevant Text As informed by Parker’s (1992) steps in discourse analysis I first highlighted relevant segments about beautification in the selected newspaper reports. Here, I read and reread the newspaper reports.

4.5.2 Extracting Relevant Text

Table 4.2 Excerpt of Extracted Text

NEWSPAPER Business Day RELEVANT TEXT (1997) “How ‘weave’ “latest hair craze that has taken Johannesburg by storm” connects women “the ‘weave’ has apparently connected women of the BRICS (Brazil, of the Brics Russia, India, China and SA) nations” states.” some women in Brazil, India and China grow their hair, cut it at a certain length, and sell it to buyers, who sell it to South African women” “agents in this trade include flight attendants and salon owners” “Indian hair is apparently the most expensive because of its texture”

The text segments that were highlighted were typed and organised into a table in this analytic step (see Table 4.2).

4.5.3 Free Association In this step, I implemented Parker’s (1992) guideline about free association. This step involved describing the impact or sense of meaning that came to my mind in response to the highlighted text. These ideas were also organised into a table where I listed the free associations adjacent to the 55

extracted text (Table 4.3). Parker (1992) argues that in this step the researcher is required to explore the implications of his or her participation in the analysis. From this, in keeping with Parker’s (1992) method of discourse analysis, as well as the principles of the social constructionist paradigm, I practiced reflexivity during the process of identifying meaning from the text. Furthermore, as a way of demonstrating social meaning that is taken for granted, free associations were considered in the emergence of discourses and subject positions found in the text. Table 4.3 provides examples of the highlighted relevant text and free associations. These examples are directed at a few segments in one particular press report in the sample; refer to Appendix L for a complete example of the analytic steps.

Table 4.3 Excerpt of Free Association

NEWSPAPER Business Day RELEVANT TEXT FREE ASSOCIATION (1997) “How “latest hair craze that has taken trendy, obsession, popular, dominating, unexpected, ‘weave’ Johannesburg by storm” fashion craze, everybody is doing it connects “the ‘weave’ has apparently connected bonding, networking, success, importance, global women of the women of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, hair story, international, covenant Brics states.” China and SA) nations” “some women in Brazil, India and China commodity, privilege, business transaction, involving grow their hair, cut it at a certain length, and women, economic, shopping, beauty sell it to buyers, who sell it to South African women” “agents in this trade include flight pretty, beautiful, well groomed, experts, highly attendants and salon owners” esteemed, possessing power

“Indian hair is apparently the most rich, lush, exotic, luxury, high quality, attainable expensive because of its texture”

4.5.4 Objects: Mapping Out the World Following Parker’s (1992) third step of discourse analysis, objects were itemised. This involved identifying the nouns and their intended description within the texts. Specifically, objects were explored by scrutinising the text for how they were constructed or intended for meaning (or the world they create). Parker (1992) indicates that during this step, focusing on objects as nouns assists in objectively mapping out a world created by them (Table 4.4). For example, I explored ways in which the press reports constructed objects around beauty and beautification that limited alternative meaning-making—simultaneously allowing certain meaning-making. Here, by clustering the objects, discourses began to emerge. Objects and the way they were constructed were clustered into a table (Table 4.4).

Table 4.4 Excerpt from Mapping Out the World 7 OBJECTS WORLD THEY CREATE (OBJECTS AND FREE ASSOCIATIONS) Trade, Business, marketing campaigns, consumption, company, These objects represent or envision a opportunity, industry, rupees, multibillion-dollar industry, world of money, buying, purchasing, and thousands of rands, two cents, price, economic freedom, money, business. They also represent status, income, Nobel Prise money, funds, corporal styling, middle class, commodities, and commercialisation. wealth, source, reserve bank, old money, banks, currency, invest, corporate ladder, salaries, R5000, finances, asset, power, transfiguration power, token

4.5.5 Identifying and Describing Discourses In the next step, I identified discourses using Parker’s (1992) guidelines. Specifically, themes or concepts constructed in all newspaper reports were identified. Discourses were identified by isolating clusters of salient texts. Parker (1992) describes these clusters as representing a common discourse that surfaces from objects in the text. These were organised into one table with all texts available from all eight newspaper reports (see Appendix L for example). Moreover, describing the functions and origins of discourses identified from clusters of text formed part of this analytic step too.

4.5.6 Itemising and Defining Subjects Parker (1992) argues that, in social situations, individuals are guided by the discourses they subscribe to, and this influences the way in which they talk or conduct themselves. Following Parker’s (1992) step five of analysis, I itemised subjects in fulfilling the second research question (How are Black women constructed in relation to beautification practices in newspaper reports?). Here, I considered how discourses constituted subject positions. Following this, I identified the different positions or roles that Black women may (or may not) occupy. Specifically, Black women who do or do not practice beautification were identified. From this, I critically engaged in what the psychological and interactional meanings were that were particularly recruited under each subject position.

4.6 Quality Quality was ensured through rigour, reflexivity, and the traceability of research methods. These are individually discussed in this section.

7 Refer to Appendix M for full list of objects. 57

4.6.1 Rigour Rigour refers to the coherence of the research study through academically recognised methods, in fulfilling research questions and goals (Durrheim & Painter, 2006; Golafshani, 2003). The study maintained an approach of rigour through a description of the process of analysis. Written accounts of this process were further made available as appendices. Furthermore, through clear listing and description of the plan of inquiry, reliability was achieved through transparency. From this, the trustworthiness (dependability) or validity of the research was increased. This can be particularly found in sections: Research Materials, Data Analysis and Interpretation, and Analytic Steps.

Although this study was not aimed at statistically measuring the phenomenon of the construction of beautification practices, an emphasis on explicitly describing the analytic process assisted in the general establishment of credible research conclusions. In addition, reliability was ensured by means of transferability (the ability for a research to be repeated or used in other studies). This was endeavoured though the explicit description of the data-gathering process, as well as through describing the rationale for the use of the method in the study.

4.6.2 Reflexivity The quality of the research was also enhanced by reflexivity. Reflexivity is the ongoing practice of awareness and critical self-evaluation during the research project (Chouliaraki & Fairclough, 1999). Through reflexivity, the research process is scrutinised, particularly through scrutinising the researcher’s own meaning being imposed onto the research—this promotes validity (Willig, 2014). Furthermore, Willig (2013) describes three types of reflexivity: personal, epistemological, and methodological; these were thoroughly exercised throughout the research process. Specifically, epistemological reflexivity is influenced by literature reviewed prior to research, and personal reflexivity is based on how the researcher’s own experiences (i.e., interests, beliefs, and social identity) have shaped the research and how the research has influenced the researcher (Willig, 2013). In addition, reflexivity allowed the investigation of subject positions with which the researcher may be associated (Chamberlain, 2004).

Reflexivity is discussed in the introduction of the study as well as in the summary and evaluation of the study. Through the practice of personal reflexivity in Chapter 1, I considered my own position—particularly as a young Black woman (i.e., my bias and prejudices) engaging in the research topic of Black women’s beautification practices. Moreover, in Chapter 6, epistemological reflexivity assisted in acknowledging the influence of understanding the research topic from a critical psychology lens—amongst others. Furthermore, through methodological reflexivity, I 58

engaged in thoughtful consideration and continuous reflection of methods incorporated in the research.

4.6.3 Importance and Impact Critical qualitative research attempts to explore phenomena beyond explaining and understanding; it extends into the realm of challenging the phenomena being studied (Chamberlain, 2004; Fox et al., 2008). Considering this, by this study adopting a critical paradigm, it attempts to address social justice in the construction of Black women’s beautification. Furthermore, the methodology ensured exploring how beautification is constructed through language typically taken for granted. I address this in Chapter 5.

4.7 Ethics I adopted an empathetic and nonnegligence stance as the researcher. During the methodological process of the research I engaged with and handled research material with rigour. Additionally, the practice of reflexivity informed awareness in identifying problematic prejudice or biased interpretations of discourses that may have influenced research conclusions. In drawing from archived material available on the SABINET database, ethical practice was emphasised through recognition of the ethical responsibilities of transparency and providing clear interpretations of the sample formed from the archived data. Furthermore, archived press reports were accessed from the SABINET database as works in the public domain, thus no specific consent or permission was requested. These press reports are credited in the text and listed in the reference list of the study.

4.8 Chapter Summary The Plan of Inquiry Chapter provided a thorough explanation of the analysis used in the study. The chapter illustrated paradigms, material, and analytic techniques in an endeavour to achieve transparency in the research process. Furthermore, the critical research paradigm was explored, thus explicitly considering how approaches implemented under the paradigm assisted in the exploration of the underlying or hidden versions of the truth behind Black women’s beautification.

CHAPTER 5: FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

5.1 Introduction This chapter presents the analysis of the eight South African press reports. The first part of the chapter highlights objects and discourses to respond to the first research question. During this, I discuss the meaning implied by texts, illustrating the construction of beautification practices. Thereafter, I discuss subject positions to respond to the second research question. Specifically, I found subjects or roles that Black women occupy within the highlighted discourses (presented in the first section of the chapter). In fulfilling both research questions, I revisit literature and theories to support arguments. Specifically, I incorporate theories such as those of Biko and Foucault in various discourses. Furthermore, including literature, discussed previously, formed part of this.

5.2 Findings In this section, objects were clustered into meaningful groups, thus illustrating the world they create. From this, how beautification was constructed within each world (created by clustered objects) was identified and discourses began to emerge. Specifically, discourses were considered in how they provide ways of understanding and experiencing beautification. Discourses were illuminated by borrowing texts from the sample and discussing how the texts appropriated norms, benefited certain intuitions, and created power. Following this, how Black women occupied certain subject positions, under one or various discourses, is discussed. This involved describing the role, rhetoric, and rules a Black woman adopted under each subject position.

5.2.1 Objects A few objects identified from the final sample are included in this section (Table 5.1). These objects envision a world of Black women’s beautification practices. Of note, not all itemised objects were present in every press report; however, together with other objects these clustered to create a world about beautification.

Table 5.1 Objects Identified from the Text 8

OBJECTS WORLD THEY CREATE (OBJECTS AND FREE ASSOCIATIONS) Trade, business, marketing These objects listed envision a world of consumerism, campaigns, industry, rupees, neoliberalism, and business. They represent indulgence, TRADE money, reserve bank, old status, commodities, and the movement of beauty money, banks, currency, invest products. Thus, these objects represent beautification as an economic transaction. BRICS state, Brazil, India, These objects envision a global world. They represent the China, Johannesburg, United merging of states as a global entity i.e., the ‘BRICS GLOBAL Nations, Sandton, Lagos, Los (Brazil, India, China, & South Africa) state’ and ‘United Angeles, conference, global Nations’. Beautification is internationalised by these fashion system objects, and represented as a global commodity. Skin lightening, mixture, Objects itemised create a chemical world. They represent relaxers, hair relaxers, a physical altering of the surface of the body. The objects CHEMICAL hydroquinone, bleach, micro depict beautification as a chemical process. bonding, chemicals, UmMemezi, baking soda Flesh, skin, eyes, scalp, heads, Objects itemised create a biological world. Specifically, BIOLOGICAL eyes, blood, hair, nails, they depict the human body. These objects cluster to eyelashes, face represent beautification as a bodily action. pet’s hair, fur, cat Objects itemised depict a world of hair shedding (a biological process of hair having outlasted its stay). PETS Through this, beautification is constructed as a temporary process, where specifically hair beautification is represented as eventually deteriorating. health, birth control, These objects create a world focused on a world of MEDICAL psychology, yellow fever, bile, medicine. These objects construct beautification in a pigmentation, skin disfiguration dichotomous manner: as a cure or causing pathology. Storm, EAU (Environmental These objects clustered to create a world concerning the Advisory Unit), natural habitats, physical environment or nature. The objects envisioned a ENVIRONMENTAL roots, garden, seaside, water, world of physical elements, the climate, and the earth. nature, night, bark, aloe ferox, These objects construct beautification as opposite to tree, plant nature. Media, US TV, Facebook, Objects depict a world of social interaction. They describe newspaper, headlines, a social world of being seen or being heard. The objects APPEARANCE Hollywood industry, Twitter, construct beautification as a performance. documentary, hip-hop culture, movie, show legacies, slavery, racism, These objects envision world of revolution and politics. POLITICAL government, democracy, The construct beautification as a social or political matter. colonialism, apartheid silver stockings, French This cluster of objects relates to a world of beauty, GLAMOUR perfumes, make-up, acrylic femininity, and glamour. They construct beautification as nails character transforming. mascaraed [make up mascara] These objects create a world of beauty. They construct eyes, artificial eyelashes, beautification as a process of self-enhancement. BEAUTY foundation, hairstyles, hairpiece, salon

8 Refer to Appendix M for full list of objects. 61

block, church, Thembalethu, These objects focus on geographic location. They shelter, Soweto, Noord Street, specifically refer to underprivileged locations and Thembalethu Street Girls underdeveloped buildings or sites and affluent locations COMMUNITY Centre, city centre, Joburg, and well developed buildings or sites. These objects township, suburb, Walmer, construct beautification as a circumstance of the Alexander immediate environment.

5.3 Research Question 1 (RQ1) How are beautification practices of Black women represented in South African press reports? In fulfilling RQ1, discourses were identified from the clustering of objects (see Table 5.1), as well as through considering free associations. The discourses identified were: Commercialisation, Chemical Opportunity versus Chemical Harm, Empowerment, and Activism; these are constructions of what may be perceived as real in a physical environment concerning beautification. Willig (2013) suggests that discourses do not focus on the physical world, but rather attempts to highlight how individuals think about or perceive the world.

5.3.1 Commercialisation The Commercialisation discourse constructs Black women’s beautification as a practice that revolves around globalisation, commodification, and commerce. The Commercialisation discourse emerged from objects in the press reports that envisioned a local and international economy, as well as a world of transactions and material advancement. For example, “price”, “money”, “rand’s”, “multibillion dollar industry” and “marketing” represented beautification as a transactional process of economic value. Overall, three articles (Morudu, 2011; Ndlovu, 2013; Rohan, 2013) expressed Black women’s beauty practices using terms related to the Commercialisation discourse:

This is how it works. Some women in Brazil, India, and China grow their hair, cut it at a certain length, and sell it to buyers, who sell it on to South African women. (Morudu, 2011, p. 9)

Morudu’s (2011) text describes the movement of foreign hair as a structured economic network. This structured network is represented as a transnational system where beauty trends are shared and traded across borders. Buyers and sellers of foreign hair are portrayed as making a profit. However, Black women who purchase foreign hair to beautify themselves are situated at the bottom of an economical hierarchy:

One of the last things impoverished Indian women have going for them is their long, straight, and lustrous hair. Many of them grow their hair, go to the temples, get their hair cut and get a few rupees in return. The hair is then exported to America, which has a multibillion-dollar industry targeted at

black women with naturally kinky hair who want to rather have a white look preferable in the society. (Rohan, 2013, p. 11)

In addition to representing Black women as being end receivers of traded hair, Rohan’s (2013) text shows that Black women’s beautification is expected. Based on this expectation, Black women are “targeted” as consumers of traded hair. From this Rohan’s (2013) text shows how the discourse of Commercialisation is normalised in a society where Black women practise beautification. Furthermore, the text constructs Black women’s beautification as a transactional transformation that allows Black women to participate in ideal beauty. The following extracts from a press report by Morudu (2011) also frames the beauty practices of Black women as a normalised commercial enterprise:

If done right, the hair will ‘look and feel natural’ and last about six months. But this can set you back R5000 or more. (Morudu, 2011, p. 9)

There are cheaper options. Styles appropriately, bonded hair, which is mainly a hairpiece attached to braided hair, can have a similar effect but at a lower cost. It doesn’t promise a natural look, but seems a preferred option for the not-so-well-heeled women. (Morudu, 2011, p. 9)

What stands out in Morudu’s (2011) text, first listed above, is that the phrase “‘look and feel natural’” is placed in quotation marks. This gives the impression that the process of hair beautification is portrayed as not being natural but rather a performance. In addition, two points are implied: (1) the beautification of Black women’s hair is done to replicate the naturally biologically inherited hair, and (2) biologically kinky hair—inherited by Black women—is denaturalised and, through purchasing a commodity that represents an ideal (foreign imported hair), they can be considered as attractive. The text also suggests that results from beautification are a temporary arrangement through the phrase “last about six months” (Morudu’s, 2011, p. 9), thus making the reader aware of inevitable future expenses for Black women engaging in beautification to achieve ideal beauty. Here, beautification is constructed as being conditioned by financial commitment. From this, two further points are raised: (1) the more money spent on beautification, the better the outcome in appearance and beauty; (2) alternative methods of beautification that are cheaper achieve less of a beauty standard. Beautification is thus depicted as a repeated transactional act that, each time, achieves a temporary arrangement of ideal beauty.

In addition, Morudu’s (2011) text describes that once exported hair is purchased, attaching it onto the “African head” may be costly to Black women (i.e., “this can set you back R5000 or more”). 63

Through the words “set you back” Morudu (2011) appears to not necessarily agree with the pricing of the “microbonding” beautification process. However, in Morudu’s (2011) second listed extract, Black women are depicted as not necessarily having to spend money outside their means, which gives the impression that beautification, although transactional, is available to Black women from different economic class brackets.

In both Morudu’s (2011) extracts, the Commercialisation discourse naturalises the economic institutionalisation of beautification and appropriates beautification as a transactional process. According to this view power, whether economic or social, is achieved through the transactional act of beautification for Black women. The action of spending money for a beautification practice is normalised because Black women are constructed to gain through beautification, regardless of the expense. Furthermore, Black women are required to constantly repeat beautification is order to continue benefiting from its rewards thus the repetition of beautification is also normalised. This is compounded by Ndlovu’s (2013) text:

As most girls will tell you, you take out the old weave only when you have enough money to afford a new one. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

In Ndlovu’s (2013) text, taking out a weave must only be done when a Black woman has “enough money” to beautify her head with a “new” weave. Through this, serial beautification is normalised. Moreover, the practice of keeping natural hair hidden is normalised and naturalised. From this, the beautification of Black women’s hair is represented as an everyday practice, as well as a form of business or industry that is part of the economy. This is also reinforced in the following text:

Refiloe says that while it is good business, weaves do long-term damage to one’s natural hair, but women keep coming back. Why? A friend’s Facebook posting was telling. “Fake hair, fake nails, fake eyelashes…and yet they wonder why they can’t find a ‘real’ man!” That seems harsh. But really, selling hair and beauty products is a lucrative business. (Morudu, 2011, p. 9)

Adopting Foucault’s (1972) theory of the ‘subject and power’, the Commercialisation discourse can be understood as a communicative category that creates a world of economy, consumerism, and one centered around Eurocentric ideal beauty. The discourse appears to motivate Black women to practise beautification to gain meaning and power in a global society. The discourse thus promotes beautification for the Black woman as an act of consumerism and economic development— particularly with weaves. Oyedemi’s (2016) research on Black women’s hair in SA suggests that physical features representative of Eurocentric beauty ideals were necessary for economic survival 64

during the context of colonial rule and apartheid in SA. Oyedemi (2016) further argues that in postapartheid SA to date, the residue of colonial rule remains in the background of Black women’s beautification. A view similar to Oyedemi’s (2016) argument was made by Fanon (1952, 1968). Fanon (1952, 1968) advocates that skin tone and hair are direct identifiers of race; thus, these identifiers are at the forefront for manipulation in achieving a Eurocentric beauty ideal. Moreover, applying Fanon (1968)’s theory of a ‘White mask’ to the Commercialisation discourse, Black women can be understood to be engaging in an inauthentic self as they are motivated to practise beautification that detracts away from their natural beauty.

Furthermore, the ideas of Oyedemi (2016) and Fanon (1952, 1968) get reinforced by inferences made by other literature (hooks, 1989; Odhiambo, 2008; Ribane, 2006; Swain, 2012) that argues that Black women may practise beautification that is repetitively costly and likely to cause harm due to the influence of dominant beauty ideals. In contrast, Nyamnjoh and Fuh (2014)—who conducted an empirical study on South African Black women’s beautification—suggest that Black women engage rationally and freely in a multicultural articulation of beauty through beautification. They suggest that Black women are agentive in their actions when they engage in beautification. Correspondingly, the Commercialisation discourse represents Black women as agentive during beautification.

In short, the Commercialisation discourse commodifies the hair, making it an everyday product that can be willingly and readily purchased. The Commercialisation discourse allows Black women to be agentive by inviting them as consumers of a transformative product; however, it also persuades Black women to practise beautification as a means of achieving ideal beauty—regardless of the implications of how natural beauty is perceived and physically altered.

5.3.2 Chemical Opportunity Versus Chemical Harm Another discourse about beautification was concerned with the chemical (including biological) world of Black women’s beautification. The Chemical discourse has two distinctive features: Chemical Opportunity and Chemical Harm. Specifically, the Chemical Opportunity discourse emphasises the benefits gained by Black women who beautify themselves using chemical substances, whilst the Chemical Harm discourse uses objects and descriptions to emphasise the harmful invasive and biologically altering processes of beautification to the surface of the Black woman’s body as well as to the natural environment. Four articles (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013; Daniels, 1977; Ngcayisa, 2013; Rohan, 2013) described beautification using the chemical discourse.

5.3.2.1 Chemical Opportunity

The aim is to use the chemical opportunity afforded by bleaching to achieve a certain beauty ideal and spectacle that is not about devaluing blackness. Rather, it is about expressing one’s participation in the global fashion system, and showing off an ability to rework sociobiological “memes”. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

Skin bleaching can be seen as a form of adornment and bodily enhancement, just like plastic surgery, make-up or hair straightening. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

Bakare-Yusaf’s (2013) text, first listed, represents skin bleaching as a “chemical opportunity” and thus implies that skin bleaching is an intentional choice of advantage that Black women make. Further, in the text, skin bleaching is considered to not be about “devaluing” “blackness” therefore ideal beauty achieved through skin bleaching is depicted as being separate from devaluing blackness. Bakare-Yusaf’s (2014) second listed text, also depicts skin bleaching as means to achieve ideal beauty. Considering both texts, the Chemical Opportunity discourse describes beautification, in particular skin bleaching, as a process of enhancement or empowerment.

The Chemical Opportunity discourse portrays the idea that the surface of a Black woman’s body is a canvas. It represents beautification as an invasive mechanism for Black women to achieve ideal beauty. The discourse explicitly highlights that removing “blackness” (as part of an ideological oppressive tool discriminating against Black women with darker skin) is not the goal. Instead beautification is about enhancing the surface of the body as a means of participating in “sociobiological memes” (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14). Coupled with this, the discourse stresses that Black women can use beautification to biologically reinvent themselves and be whoever the wish to be; this is an opportunity to enhance and change themselves to be visually striking. This discourse, however, overlooks the influence of ideas in society. Specifically, adopting Wilbraham’s (1996) argument of the subjugation of women, the Chemical Opportunity discourse evades the notion that Black women may harvest the surface of their bodies to conform to dominant hegemonic ideas rather than to merely reinvent themselves. Wilbraham (1996) argues that women may be inclined to enhance or change their bodies due to the representations that associate self-worth with a body that has been physically transformed. In light of Wilbraham’s (1996) latter point, the Chemical Opportunity discourse is likely to encourage Black women to abandon their ‘true’ selves so they can become relevant, visible, and worthy.

In addition, adopting Biko’s (1978) theory of Black consciousness and Fanon’s (1952, 1968) theory of inferiorisation, the Chemical Opportunity discourse may undermine the internal processes that are parallel to beautification when many Black women reinvent their bodies. Specifically, the Chemical Opportunity discourse overlooks the historical and symbolic oppression of the Black aesthetic, as well as counteracting the collective psychological consequences of apartheid.

Overall, the Chemical Opportunity discourse celebrates a mutation of the Black woman’s body. Through beautification, this discourse makes the claim that Black women can not only alter their morphology (skin and hair), but also their programmed biochemical makeup. From this, a psychological dissociation from the natural body is achieved, as this body type is seen as unworthy, invisible, and socially inhibiting.

5.3.2.2 Chemical Harm Alternatively, in the Chemical Harm discourse, beautification (skin beaching and hair straightening or the use of weaves) is represented as negative (harmful to the surface of Black women’s bodies). Here, Black women’s beautification is linked to danger, and described as, “toxic” as well as “endangering” to elements in the environment:

It is weaved with the oddest colours—as long as it is straight—and it is relaxed with some of the most toxic treatments that…can burn through a tin can. (Rohan, 2013, p. 11)

Recently, African-American comedian, Chris Rock did a documentary called Good Hair, which focused on black women being hell-bent on having straight hair by putting on their wigs and weaves and treating their hair with chemicals to relax the kinkiness. (Rohan, 2013, p. 11)

And let’s not forget the thousands of rands spent on the weaves and relaxers, the painful tugging and pulling and the extraordinary amounts of time spent having the treatments done. (Rohan, 2013, p. 11)

Rohan’s (2013) extracts represent Black women’s hair beautification as a costly physically invasive process. Furthermore, in Rohan’s (2013) texts, beautification is emphasised as strange or bizarre, thus denaturalising the process of Black women’s beautification. In support of the former and the latter, Oyedemi (2016) maintains that Black women exert physical violence of their natural hair through the process of chemical hair relaxers to straighten African hair. Oyedemi (2016) avers that this harmful process of straightening the hair as appropriated by Black women in the salon promotes straight hair as opposed to kinky frizzy hair. From this, Oyedemi (2016) ascertains that 67

dominant norms are naturalised by businesses that are key in Black women’s beautification, such as the salon. The Chemical Harm discourse also constructs Black women’s beautification as harmful to the environment:

UmMemezi is prepared from the bark of certain indigenous tree, such as Cassiorea flanaganii, Casiorea gerrardii and Sideroxylon inerme. Many of the species are already on the endangered list as a result of unsustainable harvesting in the wild, Khan says. She says the bark is first scraped off the tree. Water in added and the paste is applied to the face and neck, sometimes the paste is mixed with bleach or baking soda, which can cause serious damage to the skin. (Daniels, 1997, p. 13)

The EAU says until these perceptions are addressed, the use of UmMemezi and the threat posed to endangered plant species will continue. (Daniels, 1997, p. 13)

Daniels’s (1997) texts imply that Black women’s skin bleaching is a thorough chemical process, specifically aimed at achieving lighter skin. Specifically, the text emphasises the chemical process involved in the preparation of a traditional skin-bleaching product. From this, two points are raised: (1) the rate that “UmMemezi” is being used is unsustainable to the environment and, (2) the preparation of “UmMemezi” is toxic and thus the side effects from using the product on the skin are harmful. Through the former point, Black women who bleach their skin using the traditional method of harvesting “UmMemezi” are constructed as irresponsibly affecting the environment and being at risk for skin damage. This is depicted as negative as the words “serious damage to the skin” and “threat posed to endangered plant species” highlight the physical harm beautification entails to the skin of Black women, as well as to the environment. However, despite this, Daniels (1997) indicates that physical damage to the skin, as well as harm caused to the environment, is not enough to end Black women’s beautification due to the influence of beauty ideals:

The use of dangerous skin lighteners will continue until the issue of lighter-is-better is addressed. (Daniels, 1997, p. 13)

In South Africa, the perception that a light skin is a visual and economic asset lies at the root of prevailing notions of beauty and has encouraged the practice of skin-lightening, says Farieda Khan, the projects director of the Environmental Advisory Unit (EAU) in Cape Town. (Daniels, 1997, p. 13)

When black people contest and reassert their renewed humanity, it is the skin that they return to as their primary canvas. This is why skin bleaching is viewed as such a negating experience, a sign of

low self-esteem, self-loathing, and reflecting the triumph of the corrosive effect of Eurocentric norms of beauty. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

Specifically, the texts imply that the “unsustainable harvesting” of “UmMemezi” is a result of perceptions of beauty in society. Bakare-Yusaf’s (2013) text thereafter illuminates why perceptions of beauty in society are difficult to resist for Black women. Specifically, the text implies that dominant beauty ideals are persuasive due to the Black aesthetic being represented as inhumane, and that Eurocentric norms motivate Black women to bleach their skin so Black women can increase self-esteem. This dominance of Eurocentric norms is represented as not only influential to the adult Black aesthetic but also the aesthetic of a Black child. Simply, the Chemical Harm discourse is used to present beautification as a hindrance to the innocence of childhood:

I was only five-and-a-half, I had just started talking and all I was concerned about was her safety as I had spent countless nights worried sick that one day she would injure herself with the dangerous paraphernalia used to ‘modify’ her hair. (Ngcayisa, 2013, p. 17)

All the black children were frolicking by the seaside and running into the water. As the waves broke they came running out with priceless smiles on their faces. They ran back into the water, again exuding fun and happiness. All except one little child. She must have been about five years old and sat playing all alone at the waters’ edge … as small as she was, she was wearing a full wig with straight hair and she could not go into the water to get wet, she cut a pitiful sight as she looked on with envy at her companions. (Rohan, 2013, p. 11)

Although the Chemical Harm discourse highlights the danger in skin bleaching, it also emphasises the privileges of this act of body alteration. Oyedemi (2016) argues that invasive processes of styling African hair to reflect European or Asian hair types have become accepted. In this way, Black women accommodate burns and chemical methods of straightening the hair (Oyedemi, 2016). These invasive processes are viewed as a small sacrifice in the event of achieving ideal beauty at the end of it all (Oyedemi, 2016). Furthermore, these ideas are taught to young Black females and males from a young age, thus normalising the invasive process of Black women’s beautification and legitimating the idea that the Black aesthetic requires harvesting in order to be beautiful or to have worth. The Chemical Harm discourse also portrays beautification as an activity that Black women may engage in passively, thus it also undermines the agency that may be undertook by Black women when beautifying themselves.

5.3.3 Empowerment In the Empowerment discourse, news reports engaged with beautification practices as a hugely conscious practice aimed at achieving psychological and self-advancement rewards. The Empowerment discourse represents beautification as being located between underprivileged and affluent areas—depicting beautification as an empowering act. One article (Damane, 2000), in particular, expressed Black women’s beauty practices using terms related to empowerment:

“Hairdo’s are very important to females. They make a lady feel good,” explains Fernanda Bhaktawer; owner of Hair Images. “We wanted these girls to feel exactly that way. They should realize that some people really care for them”. (Damane, 2000, p. 13)

Damane’s (2000) text represents beautification as a conscious act that results in “females” feeling “good”. Thus, beautification is depicted as an intentional process aimed at achieving psychological health. In the following texts, beautification is not only constructed as an act intended to gain emotional or psychological wellbeing, but also as an act that bridges an underprivileged and affluent lifestyle. Specifically, beautification is located between “Sandton City” (an affluent area) and “Noord Street” (a less privileged area) to envision beautification as an act of empowerment:

A snazzy hairdo goes a long way. A Sandton City salons opens its doors once a week to street girls for a free hair style - and dose of self-esteem. (Damane, 2000, p. 13)

The project started some time ago when teenage streetgirl Nomsa was blinded in one eye in a street rumble. Shock turned her hair white overnight and staff at the Thembalethu Street Girls Centre in Noord Street decided that Nomsa’s self-esteem needed boosting and her hair should be dyed black again. A helper rang the top salons to see if anyone was prepared to help. (Damane, 2000, p. 11)

The salon Hair Images attracts a celebrity clientele—stars like Yvonne Chaka-Chaka, Dennis ‘Chesa Mpama’ [song] Lota of Orlando Pirates, and Boom Shaka’s Lebo, On Tuesdays, sitting alongside such clients are streetgirls, getting the trendiest styles. (Damane, 2000, p. 11)

Damane’s (2000) texts appropriate two meanings: first, Black women from underprivileged areas who participate in beautification in affluent areas (representative of economic wealth) gain beautification (i.e., “snazzy hairdo” [compared to a normal “hairdo”] that “goes a long way” [implying that it is durable]) that is superior. Second, this beautification provides a “dose of self- esteem” that empowers Black women. This is also emphasised in the following texts:

Jennifer (21) talks of the boost to self-esteem the women get from having a luxury hairdo. “Before we felt isolated, like outcasts. Now we are confident that we belong and are accepted by society.” (Damane, 2000, p. 11)

Hlengiwe (18) ran away from home four years ago. “We used to style each other’s hair at Thembalethu’ she says. “With Hair Images all that has changed. Now my hair is growing and looks healthier.” (Damane, 2000, p. 11)

Carol Bews, an assistant director of Johannesburg Child Welfare, which operates the drop-in centre, agrees: “If the girls could be taught the skills of hair care, such as braiding, this would empower them to earn an income,” she says. “They could set up their own salon on the pavement outside Thembalethu.” (Damane, 2000, p. 11)

In Damane’s (2000) texts, information is provided in a testimonial format to represent beautification as life changing. The texts also depict beautification within an affluent area as ‘healthier’ as compared to beautification in an underprivileged area ‘Noord Street”. Furthermore, the text appropriates beautification created in an affluent area as a practice that receives recognition. Through this, beautification is constructed as being empowering when being practised in an affluent area. Moreover, in the last text, beautification is represented as financially empowering. Considering the former and the later, an overlap between the Empowerment and Commercialisation discourses is observed in two ways: (1) Wealth is depicted as a mediating factor in the quality of beautification produced and therefore is a measure of empowerment gained from beautification and; (2) the skill of beautification itself is represented as financially empowering. With finance as a mediating factor, the Empowerment discourse links psychological health or well-being and class to beautification. This is challenged in the following text:

Clinical psychologist Dr Marc Joffe comments: “This sort of engagement can make a modest contribution to a factor such as self-esteem. However, it might be understood as an attempt by an indulged middle class, engaged in a Sandtonian practice of gratuitous beautification, to assuage guilt.” (Damane, 2000, p.11)

Damane’s (2000) text presents the comments from the ‘Clinical psychologist’ as an expert opinion. From this, the text suggests that ‘professional’ or ‘constructive’ criticism is engaged about beautification. Two points are raised in the comments: (1) beautification offered by ‘Hair Images’ can have a ‘modest’ impact on ‘self-esteem’, (2) beautification offered by ‘Hair Images’ can be interpreted as ‘an indulged middle class’ (or privileged) offering beautification to ‘streetgirls’ due to

having ‘guilt’ from being privileged. Thus, beautification is depicted as a privilege. It is also represented as an empowering privilege that comes from privilege.

The Empowerment discourse represents beautification as a way for Black women to achieve internal rewards. For example, it depicts Black women who beautify themselves as achieving a sense of self-esteem and confidence. The discourse also emphasises beautification as socially uplifting Black women from being less advantaged to achieving success.

According to Butler (1999), who adopts a poststructural view of feminism, discourses use language to give meaning to a woman’s body. Butler (1999) highlights that this meaning limits the existence of women who do not identify with normalised discourses. Considering Butler’s theory, Black women who do not beautify themselves may be discriminated against because they do not fit into the Black women category or role. In other words, the Empowerment discourse that frames the role for a Black woman who wears a weave thus excludes a myriad of identities for other Black women, and especially for those who choose not to beautify themselves with popular weaves and braids.

In addition, literature (P. H. Collins, 1990; Lindsey, 2011) suggests that beautification has been normalised or accepted as a way for Black women to empower themselves and that this is representative of alleviating past oppressive systems that denied basic grooming opportunities to Black women. However, other literature (Bryd & Tharps, 2014; hooks, 1989; Tate, 2009) criticises beautification for being superficially empowering because Black women remain subjected to Eurocentric beauty ideals.

5.3.4 Activism The Activism discourse constructs beautification as a process aimed at either enhancing natural African beauty, or replicating African beauty but with the use of synthetic products.

The Activism discourse depicts beautification as a cultural process supporting beautification that enhances the natural features or Africanness of Black women, as opposed to the pursuit of beautification to achieve ideal Eurocentric beauty. In other words, this discourse emphasises the motivation behind beautification to be a performance of natural beauty. This performance may not exclude the use of synthetic products.

Five press reports (Buller-Muller, 2005; Daniels 1997; Morudu, 2011; Ndlovu, 2013; Rohan, 2013) construct beautification using the Activism discourse. 72

History has it that, in order to further distance blacks from their culture roots and denigrate any attempt to hang on to African hair traditions during slavery, European scientists began to categorise the appearance of blacks, including hair and skin tone. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

Former SA Reserve Bank governor Tito Mboweni, saying: ‘What is wrong with beautiful African hair? Why these attachments? Is it to look European? (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

In Ndlovu’s (2013) text, first listed, Africanness is located in history and represented as being devalued by “Eurocentric Scientists”. The following text then represents beautification as a process that achieves or emulates ‘European’ beauty and, for this reason, beautification is depicted as negating ‘African hair’ as ‘beautiful’. From this, the text represents beautification as symbolic of the devaluing of Africanness. In the following text, beautification that enhances the natural African hair is represented as promoting “Ubuntu” or Africanness:

All Zuma is saying is don’t lose your dignity and spirit of Ubuntu. That is a brave thing to say and it needed to be said. And I won’t be surprised if more and more people start returning to the beautiful and natural Afros and pets are left to be in their natural habitats and not forced to wear cutesy little ribbons in their hair with tartan tops. (Rohan, 2013, p. 11)

Specifically, In Rohan’s (2013) text, ‘natural’ is associated with the ‘Afro’ and concepts such as Ubuntu (humanness or Black humility) are emphasised and normalised. Here, the Activism discourse constructs beautification as a process that culturally or ethnocentrically enhances the features natural to Black women thus implying that Black is Beautiful, a concept emphasised in the next text:

Thabiseng Mogale, director of People Opposing Women Abuse, says black women should be proud and confident of who they are, because “Black is Beautiful”. (Daniels, 1997, p.13)

The use of the “Black is Beautiful” in Daniels’s (1997) text implies that Black women ‘should’ exude ‘pride’ and ‘confidence’ from their natural features. Specifically, the Black is Beautiful slogan is historically located in the South African context, as a focus on natural features formed part of the ‘Black Consciousness’ movement aimed at liberating the Black aesthetic from colonial oppression (Biko, 1978). The Activism discourse, thus promotes the political agency of Black women when engaging in beautification. The following texts further represent Black women’s beautification through an Activism discourse, with a political focus: 73

We will never forget the 20 000 women who marched to the Union Buildings 55 years ago to protest against the indignity of the pass laws. Our contemporary choices are far less heroic: on August 9 we could opt for a rally, a braai, a picnic or the hair salon. (Morudu, 2011, p. 9)

President Jacob Zuma knows what he is saying when he is talks about people—whites—who care more about their pets and who are lacking in humanity …he also knows what he is talking about when he talks about black people slavishly and punishingly putting themselves through painful and expensive processes to put hair on their heads that make them look more white than black. (Rohan, 2013, p. 11)

Because the rigid hierarchical structure of apartheid was based on colour, people involved in the skin lightening trade between the 1960s and the 1980s enjoyed a lucrative business. (Daniels, 1997, p. 13)

During apartheid, the disturbing discrimination practice of “comb-testing” would determine one’s racial classification. (Bohler-Muller, 2005, p. 12)

Do we realize that by conforming to straight and long hair standards, we are perpetuating white supremacist ideology? (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

In all the texts highlighted, beautification is located, juxtaposed, or associated with political meaning. From this, the Activism discourse describes beautification as directly influenced by past colonial regimes. A few of these texts referred to the colonial and racial oppression of Black individuals. Furthermore, in the last text (Ndlovu, 2013), it is implied that a political focus within the Activism discourse rejects the mimesis that Black individuals or Black women should confirm Eurocentric ideal to participate in something valuable. Through this, the political focus of the Activism discourse challenges beautification being monopolised by dominant discourses in society. According to Khumalo (2011), dominant narratives of beauty have influenced the multibillion dollar industry that sells skin lighteners and hair straighteners to Black woman globally.

Historically, Europeans held more power over the market and trends (Blay, 2011). This meant that circulated beauty ideals were strongly affiliated with European features and culture. This has filtered down into mainstream society through lifestyle choices that guide social behaviour for all individuals that participate in the global market. From this, ideals that have been manufactured in small groups and Eurocentric cultures are inducted on a larger scale through the global market. Consequently, when Black women partake in Eurocentric ideals of beauty, they risk being subjected

to beauty trends that do not cater to their unique morphology. They also do not consider the implication of their participation in dominant beauty trends. Nevertheless, if Black women do not participate in this ideal beauty, their bodies are represented as not having worth. Wilbraham (1996) argues that through the flow of ideals in society the bodies of women become scored or rated as attractive and unattractive. From this, attractiveness can be attained through the body’s physical transformation (Wilbraham, 1996). Considering this, the Activism discourse rejects the idea that Black individuals or Black women should embrace Eurocentric ideals to participate in something valuable. However, the following examples (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013) propose an alternative reason behind Black women engaging in beautification:

Both colonial and slave societies created a world where lighter skinned and white people received more social and economic privileges. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

That bleaching should induce shame in the participant is more a projection of the bourgeois world that is so angst-ridden it fears that yellow fever threatens to expose its own indebtedness to the European beauty ideal. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

To continue to explain why millions of people can knowingly continue to use products that contain hydroquinone and mercury, which can lead to blood poisoning as well as skin disfiguration, only in terms of ‘colonial mentality’ is to deny the agency of those involved and their power of choice. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

While I would not argue against the view that white supremacy continues to wreak havoc on the black world in its economic policies, representational regimes, political manipulation and ideological impositions, I doubt that this is the only explanation for what Fela Kuti refers to as ‘yellow fever’. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

Bakare-Yusaf’s (2013) texts occupy a position to challenge the accepted notion that skin bleaching represents past colonial influence. Specifically, his third quoted text implies that Black women who practise beautification by skin bleaching are aware of their harmful beauty choices while continuing to bleach their skin willingly. From this, the text disputes that colonisation continues to have influence or power over the beautification choices that Black women make. Furthermore, the first listed text implies an agentive or collaborative action in both Black and White communities. In other words, subjection occurs both when oppressed in slavery but also when Black inhabitants of Black communities assent to subjugation.

Oyedemi (2016) argues that the globalisation and the mixing of cultures result in the self being expressed through multiplicity (i.e., the adopting of multiple identities). However, Oyedemi (2016) emphasises that Black women do not temporarily or through such multiplicity practice hair modification for amusement, but to fulfil a template. This template affirms European or Asian cultural features. Therefore, Black women practice beautification (e.g., weave) to intentionally achieve ideal beauty (Oyedemi, 2016). Similarly, a study by Glapta and Majali (2017), which highlighted that a South African celebrity (Khanyi Mbau) had an increase in financial status after she lightened her skin, constituted this beautification as an intentional act. Glapta and Majali (2017) indicate that, after skin lightening, Mbau was referred to as a “yellowbone”, a term used to describe Black women with lighter skin (Appendix I).

Considering both points by Oyedemi (2016) and Glapta and Majali (2017), the Activism discourse may obscure the agency of Black women’s participation in beautification to gain recognition or wealth. On the other hand, the Activism discourse depicts beautification as a means for Black women to enhance their ethnocentric features (i.e., dreadlocks, braids, and embracing darker skin tones). Adopting Cross’s (1971) nigrescence model (Immersion-Emersion stage), this may create a fixed category of what it means to be Black and may coerce Black women to occupy an extreme ethnic position. This extreme positioning shows underlying mechanisms of ways in which Black women are recruited by dominant (White) ideals while, at the same time, they consent to being governed by the macrosystem (Foucault, 1982).

In short, the Activism discourse represents Black women’s beautification as a process of either achieving Afrocentric ideals of beauty artificially or as a process of enhancing the phenotypes that Black women naturally inherit. Alternatively, in its representation of beautification as a process to enhance Black women’s ethnic features, this discourse attempts to increase Black consciousness and facilitate the psychopolitics behind Black is Beautiful.

5.4 Research Question 2 (RQ2) How are Black women constructed in relation to beautification practices in newspaper reports? In fulfilling RQ2: I focused on how Black women were positioned within pervasive patterns, created by discourses. Here, two categories of Black women are discussed: Black women who do practise beautification and Black women who do not. This involved highlighting the way in which the text depicted how Black women spoke regarding themes of beautification. It also emphasised the way in which the text referred to women (the addressed) according to their beautification preferences. The study also found the Black entrepreneur or business woman (i.e., the hairdresser 76

and salon owner). However, these subject positions were not discussed. This was because Black women under these subject positions were constructed as orchestrating beautification rather than practising or not practising it.

5.4.1 Black Women Who Practise Beautification Here, I present the subject positions of the Empowered Black Woman and the Alchemist. Although both these positions describe practising beautification, the Empowered Black Women is positioned as engaging in beautification to achieve internal rewards (i.e., self-esteem and gaining self-worth) as well as self-advancement (economic), whilst the Alchemist is positioned as engaging in beautification to achieve external transformation, such as attractiveness, turning the surface of the body from common to radiant or shimmering.

5.4.1.1 The Empowered Black Woman The Empowered Black Woman is a positioned within the Empowerment, Commercialisation, and Chemical Opportunity discourses. The Empowered Black Woman is the stereotypical figure presented in the media. This is a woman who may identify as a celebrity, or important CEO of a company.

The portrayal of an ideal black women in the media also contributes to the distortion. From the media emerge certain stereotypes of beauty. The media will explicitly target the weave women for prestigious roles. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17).

Although criticising the position of the Empowered Black Woman as a “distortion” the text Ndlovu (2013) affirms that the Empowered Black Woman occupies “prestigious roles” in the media. Further, through the mentioning of the “media” the text places the position of the Empowered Black Woman within the entertainment industry or within public institutions that engage in public broadcasting. This is also reinforced in the following text:

I challenge you to look at any soapie movie or show. I promise you, the ideal black girl will probably have a weave. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17).

In Ndlovu’s text (2013), the Empowered Black Woman is depicted as almost guaranteed to occupy a role in a soapie or a movie. From this, the Empowered Black Woman is represented as having opportunities due to engaging in hair beautification using a weave. With this focus, Black women who are empowered are identified through a “weave”. Furthermore, the Empowered Black Woman position affirms and normalises influence and power associated with ideals in the South African 77

public, thus subjecting Black women who use weave to dominant narratives of beautification and gender-based feminism. In the following text the Empowered Black Woman is represented as being more than just having power or gaining power through her outer appearance.

I am reminded of the selfless women in long weaves who are always there to assist in many community development projects we are involved in. Are they un-African? Have they lost their values? Can black women be free to do what they want with their hair? (Ngcayisa, 2013, p. 17)

These are women who command resources that educate their offspring in private schools in England and Switzerland. They support entire extended families, neighbourhoods and political parties, as well as often errant and inept husbands. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

In Ngcayisa’s (2013) text, Black women are depicted as ‘selfless’. The text then characterises the Empowered Black Woman (wearing weaves) as not only being positioned in the media or in contexts of public display or performance, but also as sacrificing individuals who engage in ‘community development project’. Through this, the Empowered Black Woman is purported as having a deeper purpose or meaningful role in society, other than to be performing as a prototype ideal in the media. Moreover, in Bakare-Yusaf’s (2013) text, Black women who beautify themselves are depicted as occupying multiple positions of power in society. Black women who beautify themselves are also represented as being eligible for intimate relationships:

A small part of how we view ourselves is moulded by how the opposite sex perceives us. Our black men are the biggest hypocrites when it comes to the weave debate. They denigrate the use of weaves, but given a choice between a girl with weave and a conscious sister with natural hair, they instantly jump at the former. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

Ndlovu’s (2013) text depicts the Empowered Black Woman as being expected to prepare herself for the male gaze. Thus, in addition to being positioned by the use of weave and by engagement in powerful economic institutions, the Empowered Black Woman is positioned by the opposite sex. This demonstrates a patriarchal ideology in the positioning of the Empowered Black Woman. Specifically, the Empowered Black Woman is recognised by men through beautifying herself using weave. Further, Black women who occupy the role within the empowered position, are depicted as successful and advantaged in comparison to Black women who choose to wear their hair naturally. Therefore, not occupying the position of the Empowered Black Woman can result in not being ‘chosen’ by the opposite sex. Moreover, if the Black woman does not beautify herself she loses power and meaning within the Empowered Black Woman position: 78

The ‘weave’ has apparently connected the women of the Brics (Brazil, Russia, India, China and SA) nations. (Morudu, 2011, p. 9).

Morudu’s (2011) text normalises social interaction as important when associated with the weave. Considering this, discursive practice that position the Empowered Black Woman legitimate ideologies that associate the weave with notions of success and achievement. Thus, the lack of weave beautification reinforces the notion of a lack of ‘connection’ or isolation of the Black woman. From this, Black women are appropriated as practising beautification as a way to advance themselves and preserve their productivity, recognition, and worth in society. This is further reinforced in the next text:

Many women who care about themselves will tell you their hair is their crown. (Ngcayisa, 2013, p. 17)

In Ngcayisa’s (2013) text, the ‘crown’ is used as a metaphor to describe hair. From this, Black women are represented as being self-monitoring through the use of weave. Considering this, I adopt the position of Butler (1997, 1999), in concluding that Black women who occupy the Empowered Black Women position do so as a means to affirm power and develop and identity that gives them meaning in society.

5.4.1.2 The Alchemist The Alchemist is a Black woman who uses chemically or physically enhancing apparatus to transform her outer appearance or image from ordinary to a kind of treasure. This woman purposefully engages in beautification to achieve bodily transformation.

These women want to be seen as they enter the dance floor and have everyone attest to the fact that the flashing, mascared eyes are speaking Latin, the shimmering red lips are talking Spanish and the hydroquinoned skin is radiating beauty. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

Far from self-hatred, these women ae so self-possessed they would find the idea of desiring whiteness quite ludicrous. For them, skin bleaching provides the opportunity to change what they don’t like about their appearance or to further enhance what they find beautiful with cream or a “concoction”. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

The artifice of beauty is there to be revealed so that others can pause, wonder and hail their triumph against nature. Heir glowing skin, flickering eyelashes, charcoaled knuckles and French-tipped nails communicate multilingually. (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013, p. 14)

Just over half the respondents in a random survey of 150 women confirmed they used the traditional skin lighter… one women says she uses the mixture “to be beautiful and for luck”. She says her mother told her that light-skinned women were attractive “and lucky, especially to men.” (Daniels, 1997, p.11)

In all the texts, the Alchemist subject is represented as an individual who uses artificial or chemical substances to enhance or transform her outer appearance. The Alchemist is positioned through the ‘radiance’ of beauty that has been harvested or cultivated. Furthermore, in the second listed text (Bakare-Yusaf, 2013), the Alchemist is represented as engaging in beautification to address “what they don’t like about their appearance”, thus depicting beautification as a process above nature or as a process that’s able to correct the natural features that Black women inherit. In addition, in the last text (Daniels, 1997) two points are raised: (1) Black women may engage in beautification in order to be favourable to men and, (2) the practice of beautification is passed down generationally from mothers to daughters. Both points are associated with having “luck” depicted as advantages or ‘getting a man’. And the second point maintains dominant heterosexuality and attractiveness narratives. Thus, the text demonstrates that through skin bleaching the Alchemist actively transforms the surface of her body to facilitate the likelihood of success in a romantic relationship. Further, the Alchemist is also positioned through discourses of femininity passed down generationally. This also adopts a discourse of mothering and nurturing. In short, The Alchemist is a position that arises from discourses of mothering and femininity. It is also a position that is located within a traditional discourse of using ingredients from the environment to enhance or alter natural features.

5.4.1.3 Discussion of Black Women Who Practise Beautification Both the Alchemist and the Empowered Black Woman represent Black women who wear weave and lighten the skin. This Black woman is naturalised through discourses of Commercialisation, Chemical Opportunity versus Chemical Harm, and Empowerment. In these discourses, she occupies a role associated with success, attractiveness, and empowerment. Considering this, lighter skin and the weave are symbolic of power and international recognition. Both these symbols are frequently represented as being more powerful than a husband. From this, the woman who does engage in beautification is depicted as the ideal Black female, and she thus associated with ideals of (westernised) femininity. 80

Applying Butler’s (1999) theory of performativity, Black women who beautify themselves are continuously recruited to commit to or continue to wear a weave and lighten their skin to maintain its symbolic and globalised meanings. Specifically, Black women must continue to ‘perform’ the role or character of the Empowered woman through beautification. Their bodies become material representations of powerful gender and historically positioned ideologies. Butler (1998) further suggests that these roles are not isolated from an individual’s identity formation, and they can be limiting. Furthermore, in agreement with this and following Foucault’s (1972) ideas, an individual becomes disciplined within a certain subject position that has been created by a discourse that then objectifies the person too. Considering both the points by Butler (1998, 1999) and Foucault (1972), extreme identification with subject positions associated with the practise of beautification may cause internal conflict or a crisis of identity.

5.4.2 Black Woman Who Does Not Practice Beautification 5.4.2.1 The Activist The Activist is positioned from the Activism and Empowerment discourse. The Activist is also positioned as a Black woman that resists the Commercialisation and Chemical discourse. This is a woman who is constructed as a revolutionary, agitating for change regarding the practice of harmful beautification methods (i.e., chemical skin lightening, hair relaxing, and extensive weave use) and who is conscious of the pernicious effects of Eurocentric ideals adopted by Black women. This is also, however, a woman who promotes hairstyles and an aesthetic that represents Afrocentricity, which may include beautification that is not extreme (i.e., cornrows, Afro, braids, and dreadlocks):

Before I made a conscious decision to question the motive behind my behaviour, I used to be so obsessed with weaves that I would never be caught dead with anything else in my hair. It was my crowning glory. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

I used to feel so ugly with my own hair that I never liked what was staring back at me in the mirror when I’d just taken my weave off. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

It shocks me when I hear pro-weave sisters use the “I am not my hair” rhetoric to justify their obsession with weaves. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

In Ndlovu’s (2013) texts an anti-weave debate is implied through the use of a testimonial of being transformed and being empowered from abstinence of using weave. Specifically, in Ndlovu’s (2013) first extract, weaves are represented as a social matter of life and death. Furthermore, this 81

implies that without a weave the Black body is so devalued is might as well be dead. Through this, the text infers that not only does a weave allow a Black woman’s body to be perceived as royalty or worthy, but also that the weave gives life to the Black woman’s body. In the text, however, Ndlovu (2013) represents this as her past belief and that now, through scrutinising her behaviour and becoming more aware of the reasons why she practiced beautification, she has ceased her use of weaves. From this the Activist gains meaning as a position that is occupied by a Black woman who has been rehabilitated from harmful beautification practices, as well as a position specifically occupied by a Black woman who does not use weaves. This is also reinforced in the next texts:

Why are black women so morbidly obsessed with using other races’ hair? (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

Ladies, we live in the information age, and a vast information has been freely given to us on research into the root causes of such psychotic behaviour. I call it psychotic because we black females would be the first to raise our eyebrows if we were to see an Indian, Brazilian or white person who was as obsessed with black hair as we are with theirs. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17).

Come on sisters, am I preaching to someone out there? From a young age, I was fascinated with long, shiny hair. I often think that my first Barbie doll played a huge role in feeding this madness. I recall how I used to play with my doll’s hair, brushing it from the roots to the end while secretly hoping that one day I would wake up and miraculously have long, straight hair. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

I’ve vowed that should I have a baby girl one day, I will never buy her a doll that is of any skin colour other than her own. (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17)

Ndlovu’s (2013) texts occupy a strong aversion to beautification using weave. Specifically, in Ndlovu’s last listed text, she questions weave beautification in her depiction of childhood toys that Black women may have been exposed to as children. From this, the text proposes that exposure to certain toys (i.e., the Barbie) contributes to Black women’s choices of beautification in their adult years. Through this, the reader is positioned to think about what motivates beautification from childhood into adulthood. Furthermore, the questioning of beautification through the use of weave, is also challenged. Through this The Activist position is asserted, particularly in the words ‘am I preaching to someone out there’ (in the third listed text). In the next text, however, the Activist position occupied by Black women is challenged:

The weave debate is infested with contradictions and ironies. Braids and the synthetic hair used in cornrows are not frowned upon, while weaves (mostly hair bought from Brazilian and Indian women) are seen as an affront to blackness and Africanness. (Ngcayisa, 2013, p. 17)

Ncayisa’s (2013) text created two positions: Black women who style their natural hair using synthetic extensions (fibre braids) and Black women who style their hair using mostly other women’s hair (weave sourced from woman in Brazil and India). From this, two positions are created Black women who are pro weave and Black women who tend to practise a more natural beautification. The text highlights how The Activist position may privilege the use of beautification that enhances ‘Africanness’ yet still use synthetic hair to accentuate this ‘Africanness’. From this, Ngcayisa (2013) highlights a false dichotomy whereby the Activist position privileges the use of artificial beautification methods (synthetic hair, etc.) that enhance ‘Africanness’, yet criticises the use of other women’s hair as an affront to blackness and Africanness. Consequently, the author maintains that the Activist position also responds to ideals or constructs of beauty, with ‘blackness’ or ‘Africanness’ also being a construct. The Activist position is thus demonstrated as a contradictory role. Further, the Activist position is depicted as a role that subscribes to ideals or constructs of ‘Africanness’.

In short, the Activist position emerges from counteracting the dominance of Eurocentric ideals. The Activist position is similar to the role a Black individual may occupy in Cross’s (1971) nigrescence model in the Immersion-Emersion stage. The position is depicted as protecting or preventing Black women from overidentifying with the White race or Eurocentric ideals which may be harmful to the Black psyche. However, the position also purports an extreme occupation that may not be entirely representative of Black women’s subjectivity. Moreover, the Activist may use a form of beautification (hairstyling, fibre extensions in the form of braids) to enhance natural features. However, she considers this not to be an affront to blackness as it is not invasive or a way to look European.

5.5 Chapter Summary This chapter presented and discussed the findings. The following discourses were identified: Commercialisation, Chemical Opportunity versus Chemical Harm, Empowerment, and Activism. Within these discourses, Black women were positioned along three subject positions: The Empowered Black Woman, The Alchemist, and The Activist. From the discourses and subject positions, a key finding was that Black women are constructed as actively engaging in beautification that achieves artificial beauty equivalent to a standard of Eurocentric beauty ideals. 83

This was represented as a way for Black women to feel empowered and to be recognised. This was also represented as devaluing and physically harmful to the features natural to Black women. The following chapter highlights the study’s conclusions, implications, limitations, and recommendations of the study.

CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY AND EVALUATION

6.1 Conclusions 6.1.1 Key Features of the Discourses about Beautification Practices of Black Women Beautification by Black women was constructed through the following discourses: Commercialisation, Chemical Opportunity versus Chemical Harm, Empowerment, and Activism. Within these discourses, Black women were positioned along three subject positions: The Empowered Black Woman, The Alchemist, and The Activist. The following conclusive key elements and relationships are prevalent in these discourses and subject positions: Black women’s beautification is a means to an end, Black women’s beautification is symbolic of colonial oppression, and Black women’s beautification is a global phenomenon.

6.1.1.1 Beautification is a Means to an End In all press reports, Black women’s beautification was constructed as a means to an end, and not for the sole purpose of achieving glamour or ‘beauty’. One reason for this may be due to constructions of beautification being identified in press reports, which confirm to a genre of debates, opinions, and civic engagement, rather than image and lifestyle (common to the genre of magazines). Simply, press reports in newspapers have a social duty to inform readers.

One discourse, in particular, that represented beautification as a means to an end was the Empowerment discourse. Another discourse that constructed beautification as a means to an end was the Commercialisation discourse. This discourse focused on beautification as rewarding success and thus economic improvement. These discourses, as well as the Activism discourse contributed to beautification being represented as a means to an end.

6.1.1.1.1 Beautification is a Process to Achieve Artificial Beauty Press reports constructed beautification as a process aimed at achieving artificial beauty. Simply, they constructed beautification as processing the natural surface of Black women’s bodies to cultivate (refashioning, reforming, or reinventing) beauty. Reports only differed in their stance towards beautification being used to cultivate a type of ‘beauty’ that satisfied standards of either Eurocentric beauty ideals or Afrocentric beauty ideals. Considering this, Black women’s beautification was represented as a phenomenon that can be used to perform different types of beauty. Of note is that Black women were presented in the press reports as commonly or frequently engaging in beautification to achieve Eurocentric beauty ideals. This beautification was constructed as being both harmful and advantageous to Black women. Specifically, it was constructed as 85

harmful by representing beautification as a process that physically alters the surface (particularly hair and skin) of Black women’s bodies, causing damage. The Chemical Opportunity or Harm discourse engaged vibrantly with this key idea of artificiality. Alternatively, beautification was constructed as advantageous by being depicted as empowering Black women.

6.1.1.1.2 Beautification is Empowering Discourses are never unitary ideas or constructions, and discourses interrelate with other discourses. This was part of the case in the discourse of Empowerment that seemed to intrude upon the other discourses. Specifically, through the discourse of Empowerment, press reports constructed Black women’s beautification as advantageous through representing beautification as a means to achieve self-esteem, self-empowerment, and recognition in society. Furthermore, beautification was constructed as physically transforming thereby giving worth to the surface of the Black body. This way of constructing beauty maintained that Black women’s bodies have less value before being processed, and therefore inform the process of beautification as a way for Black women to achieve recognition and gain value in society. This preserves historically hegemonic and dominant ideals that devalue the Black aesthetic.

6.1.1.2 Black Women’s Beautification is Symbolic of Colonial Oppression Press reports constructed beautification as symbolic of colonial oppression. This construction of beautification is relevant when considering the transition from a previously unequal society towards an equal society. Specifically, beautification was represented as achieving Eurocentric beauty, devaluing the aesthetic natural to Black women. In the press reports, Black women were constructed as believing that their natural aesthetic is sinister and ugly. This was associated with ideas of beauty learnt from early childhood in different contexts and past on into adulthood. From this, press reports depicted Eurocentric beauty ideals as being dominant in the public, in the media, and within the minds of Black women. Thus, through the internalisation of dominant ideals and the belief that the Black body is inferior, beautification is represented as a way to achieve a standard maintained by dominant Eurocentric ideals.

Individuals often do not question the daily representations or their habitual responses to information in society (Harris, 2006). Similarly, the daily beauty representations and, thus, beautification responses by Black women have been taken for granted. Although Black women’s beautification is arguably no longer due to direct colonial force, the study finds that colonial force influences the belief that the Black aesthetic is inferior. This is compounded by the infrequent representations of beauty ideals that celebrate Afrocentric or ethnocentric ideals in the media. 86

Due to the historical and contemporary influence of beauty discourses on the beautification choices of Black women, Black women and community stakeholders are challenged to monitor beauty discourses that negate their natural image. Furthermore, the findings suggest that Eurocentric discourses historically influenced but no longer directly define the space that beauty ideals are created. Thus, Black women may engage in beautification practices that aspire to Eurocentric beauty ideals due to internalised Eurocentric beauty standards, as well as being motivated by representations of beauty in the media. Following this, Black women have the responsibility of consciously practising beautification to alleviate the historical residue of their oppression. Biko (1978) advocates that the conscious practice of beauty may assist Black individuals in SA to form positive associations to their Black identity. Moreover, Black women are encouraged to develop positive ethnocentric and Afrocentric discourses of beauty.

6.1.1.3 Black Women’s Beautification is Global Press reports reified beautification as global. With this focus, Black women’s beautification was constructed as a global fashion influenced by dominant trends. Here, beautification was depicted as connecting different women from different parts of the world (e.g., India, USA, SA, China, and Brazil).

Black women and non-Black women living in close proximity motivate acculturation and, therefore, a sharing of beautification techniques and styles. This exchange of beautification occurs on a global platform through trends, media, and travel. Here, I assume the position of Manichean (as cited in Blay, 2011), in that choice is challenged as the view of the world as Black and White is no longer clear. Considering this, a White woman can wear braids on her hair to be viewed as cool and trendy, whilst a Black woman can straighten her hair or dye it blonde.

Cross (1978) stipulates in the nigrescence model that accepting both White and Black identities is crucial when focusing on the greater issues of society, rather than emphasising race. However, the discourses show that although beauty is created, swapped, or made, it is shared equally and swapped freely. Thus, beautification occurs through participation, rather than being dominated by a culture that privileges some subjects over others. However, in the press reports, Eurocentric beauty ideals were depicted as oppressive rather than just being mutually celebrated as beautiful. Moreover, press reports depicted the possibility of celebrating features natural to Black women as being marginal. Thus, the study finds that because there is a lack of Afrocentric beauty ideals that balance the power of Eurocentric beauty ideal, Eurocentric beauty ideals are depicted as very 87

influential to the degree of being oppressive. Thus, Black women who take part in beautification to cultivate beauty to the standard of Eurocentric beauty ideals are viewed as engaging in oppression.

6.1.2 Civic Engagement of Press Reports Debates, opinions, and critical commentary were identified frequently in the analysed SA press reports. For instance, in the fulfilment of both research questions, not only were the opinions and debates of the journalists identified, but also opinions from experts and the layperson. These included commentaries about the beautification practices of Black women—both sympathetic and critical. Furthermore, critical opinion and debates in newspapers scrutinised the media and openly discussed the influence of media on public behaviour. This was illustrated in the Activism discourse. One journalist expressed this idea: “From the media emerge certain stereotypes of beauty. The media will explicitly target the weave women for prestigious roles. The persuasion is so deep that one must be radical not to be swayed by it” (Ndlovu, 2013, p. 17).

In addition to texts in the identified newspaper reports offering diverse opinions about the beautification practices of Black women, public platforms such as ‘Twitter’ and ‘Facebook’ were mentioned. Also, the newspaper reports attempted to engage in civic involvement presenting: academic research, reports from surveys, as well as feedback received about beautification from public social circles.

The texts tended to offer a critical or argumentative viewpoint consistent with the notion of debates that newspapers engage the public in. The texts, purposefully included political involvement, celebrity comments, and popular debates from other contexts, in constructing their opinions about the beautification of Black women. This often entailed the use of words such as “why”, “but”, “I”, and sentences that were aimed as rhetorical questions to the reader (e.g., “Come on sisters, am I preaching to someone out there?” in Ndlovu’s (2013, p. 17) news report). In conclusion, both the appraisal and critique of various constructions of Black women’s beautification were found in newspapers reports. From this, newspapers endeavoured to investigate publically shared meanings, as well as educate the public against harmful socially sanctioned beautification behaviours. In addition, statistics highlighted in the ‘Plan of Inquiry’ section supported the assumption adopted by the research that newspapers disseminate content broadly.

6.2 Reflexivity 6.2.1 Personal Reflexivity Personal reflexivity was exercised in the introduction of this research. Here, I began with the assumption that my identity—formed around beauty—was largely influenced by socially sanctioned Eurocentric dominant discourses in SA. From this, I held the view that beautification was constructed to complement ideal Eurocentric dominant beauty standards in society, alternatively promoting beautification that does not cater to Afrocentric/ethnocentric features, leading to low self-esteem in Black women. However, in my view of these dominant ideals, I neglected the impact and influence of agency in the participation of beautification by Black women and myself as a Black woman, and the influence of existing Afrocentric or Ethnocentric discourses.

Throughout the process of the research, I became aware of the socially sanctioned influence of ethno/Afrocentric discourses in South African society. Specifically, in addition to dominant Eurocentric discourse contributing to the construction of beautification that complements ideal Eurocentric beauty, negative or limited positive ethnocentric discourses negate the Black aesthetic. From this, I found that the existence of dominant Eurocentric norms contributes to the meaning made from certain constructions of Black women’s beautification, but did not completely define it. Simply, Black worth is not automatically emphasised by the cessation of dominant ideas, therefore harmful beautification by Black women—to emulate Eurocentric beauty ideals—is not entirely dependent on dominant ideals. This means that Black women may actively practise harmful beautification to be seen or recognised.

The beautification of Black women in SA is constructed to incorporate both Afrocentric and Eurocentric discourses to arrive at how meaning is made from beauty. However, the construction of Afrocentric features is not overlooked in the dominant Eurocentric discourses; they are still incorporated into beautification practices that cultivate standardised beauty. Here, ethnocentric discourses of beauty appropriate dominant narratives. Furthermore, positive ethnocentric discourses are limited and not recognised in society. Ethnocentric discourses that are negative describe black beauty as inherently unattractive and needing beautification to become attractive and valuable. This is associated with the belief held by Black women themselves that their physical features are inherently worth less. Alternatively, limited positive ethnocentric discourses of black beauty may be abandoned by Black women in sacrifice to attain the power associated with dominant discourse to be recognised in South African society. Both these ideas of ethnocentric beauty influence the constructions of beautification in South African press reports, and thus shape black beauty and beautification practices adopted by Black women. 89

Through the extensive and thorough process of the literature review, theory, and reading of the eight newspaper reports, I realised I do not despise the idea of wearing a weave; however, I am more curious about how it would have been to see Black females use these without the need to hide their natural hair. This, for me, means that wearing a weave and practising beautification is not necessarily negative, but when Eurocentric beautification becomes monopolised, discourses and subject positions created under these undermine the worth of Black women.

6.2.2 Epistemological Reflexivity This research was informed by theories such as those of Fanon, Bourdieu, and feminist poststructuralism, along with the sociopsychological ideas discussed in the preliminary theories section.

The way I understand the world is not exempt from how I identify in it. Simply, my own experiences as a Black woman and investment in the research topic were included in the research. However, distance from the research topic was necessary to achieve academic objectivity. This balance of optimising personal reflexivity in the research, whilst also maintaining research objectivity, was achieved through personal reflexivity discussed in the first section of the research and again in this section. Furthermore, through free association during the analysis, personal meaning made from the newspaper press reports was acknowledged by myself as the researcher and exposed to the reader.

6.2.3 Methodological Reflexivity Parker’s (1992) discourse analysis was purposefully used to investigate newspaper reports within the spatiotemporal context of SA. The use of discourse analysis, facilitated the understanding of how individuals are using language within the South African context and assigning subject positions of beauty practices to Black women. Moreover, the supervisor acted as a quality check in procedures such as making, free associations, identifying discourses, and confirming interpretations.

6.3 Limitations The conclusions made in this study were informed by a thorough analysis of eight press reports. Nevertheless, several research limitations were identified:

 The large number of articles excluded from the study resulted in searching for relevant research material as most articles did not specifically refer to beautification practices by Black women. Thus, the study finds that the search terms were too broad.  Another limitation is from the critique of methodology. Discourses and subject positions may be described in manner that depicts individuals as not having much choice, for example, the assumption that the construction of beautification limits the reality and positions of Black women in SA. Furthermore, discourses are not able to completely account for the existence or activity of phenomena. Similarly, subject positions identified in this study may not explain or account for the experiences of Black women who participate in beautification. However, this study assumes that the identified discourses and subject positions are linked and aligned to, or are parallel to the beautification experiences of all Black women in South Africa in some way.

 Overall, although research conclusions were generated from the research in its entirety, findings from the analysis were based on the opinions and dialogue compiled by writers for certain newspapers. Following this, beautification may have been constructed in relation to the newspaper’s agenda rather than being completely reflective of public opinions or SA society.

 Finally, although the texts represented in the analysis were quoted word for word to highlight discourses and subject positions, newspaper reports were excluded. This may have led to the overall meaning of individual newspaper reports not being fully represented; all newspaper reports have been included in the reference list for further reading.

6.4 Recommendations In response to the limitation highlighted in the first paragraph of the Limitations section, the study recommends adopting more specific search terms at different intervals (combined with those searched for this study) that directly refer to beautification practices. This recommended search could include terms such as: skin bleaching, skin lightening, weave etc. Moreover, the researcher may search for the construction of beautification in online newspapers rather than print media as black beauty and beautification may be discussed more in these platforms.

The most prevalent discourse in the study was one that represented beautification through Activism. The Activism discourse refers to how beautification was debated in the texts. Specifically, five

press reports (out of eight) used the discourse of Activism to describe beautification practices. Natural black hair was linked to Africanness and cultural roots. This was pitted against Eurocentric constructions of beauty. The Activism discourse is more commonly and historically known as the ‘Black is Beautiful’ discourse. Considering this, a recommendation is to study how beautification, as constructed under the Activism discourse in the South African context, may reveal important academic aspects about Black women’s beautification in SA.

Due to the study’s approach of using archived newspaper materials, the research findings are based on what other individuals have said about Black women’s beautification. Thus, the study recommends research that interviews the subjects (Black women) of beautification to engage in a thorough investigation about Black women’s beautification.

6.5 Final Comment Decolonisation focuses on restoring worth to the Black aesthetic whilst globalisation focuses on the merging of identities. Perhaps this is why the Activism discourse received the most attention in South African press reports and is reflective of a collective need in the South African context to resist dominant discourses and restore dignity to the Black aesthetic. Although this is crucial, acknowledging agency in how discourses gain power in society may assist in achieving a balance rather than occupying an extreme position within another discourse to resist an oppressive one.

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Thompson, C. (2009). Black women and identity: What's hair got to do with it? Michigan Feminist Studies, 22(1), 78–90. Retrieved from http://quod.lib.umich.edu/cgi/p/pod/dod-idx/black- women-and-identity-whats-hair-got-to-do-with-it.pdf

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Analysed Newspaper Press Reports Reference List

Bakare-Yusaf, B. (2013, March 10). Affirmation is only skin deep: People who bleach their skin don’t hate being black. City Press, p. 14. Retrieved from http://0- reference.sabinet.co.za.ujlink.uj.ac.za/sa_media

Bohler-Muller, N. (2005, December 7). Blonde girl’s braids challenge preconceived SA attitudes. The Herald, p. 5. Retrieved from http://0-reference.sabinet.co.za.ujlink.uj.ac.za/sa_media

Damane, B. (2000, April 7-13). A snazzy hairdo goes a long way. Mail & Guardian, p.11. Retrieved from http://0-reference.sabinet.co.za.ujlink.uj.ac.za/sa_media

Daniels, G. (1997, June 19). Skin-deep beauty remains elusive for many SA women. The Star, p. 13. Retrieved from http://0-reference.sabinet.co.za.ujlink.uj.ac.za/sa_media

Morudu, P. (2011, August 16). How ‘weave’ connects women of the Brics states. Business Day, p. 9. Retrieved from http://0-reference.sabinet.co.za.ujlink.uj.ac.za/sa_media

Ndlovu, S. (2013, June 30). Why are black women so morbidly obsessed with using other races’ hair? Sunday Independent, p. 17. Retrieved from http://0- reference.sabinet.co.za.ujlink.uj.ac.za/sa_media

Ngcayisa, L. (2013, June 30). Does hair belong to our roots? Times now to let progressive women do what they want to do with their hair. Sunday Independent, p. 17. Retrieved from http://0- reference.sabinet.co.za.ujlink.uj.ac.za/sa_media

Rohan, R. (2013, January 03). Dare to be proudly black: Zuma’s remarks about blacks aping white reviled because they’re disturbingly true. The New Age, p. 11. Retrieved from http://0- reference.sabinet.co.za.ujlink.uj.ac.za/sa_media

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Figure 2.1. Reference List

Image 1-3 Adapted from The perfect bob: Beautiful asymmetrical bob, In YouTube, 2015, Retrieved February 28, 2017, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rj4KdXPUxp0

Image 4 Adapted from Ehairexperts, by (n.a.), (n.d.), Retrieved from http://www.ehairexperts.com/braids/the-beehive-braid-track/

Image 5 Adapted from Hairspiration, by (n.a.), (2014), Retrieved from http://fuzionmag.com/2011/sagacious-culture-of-hair-be-weave-it-or-not/

Image 6-7 Adapted from Weaves, In Gumtree, Retrieved February 28, 2017, from https://www.gumtree.com/p/mobile-hairdressers/mobile-hairdressers-for-weave-braids-hair- extension-tracks-cornrow-dread-tightening-plait-etc/1179681619

Image 8 Adapted from ClassyAHairsay, by (n.a.), (n.d.), Retrieved from http://shop.classahairsay.com/style-guide/net-weave-method-netting/969

Image 9 Adapted from SisHair, by Lisa, 2017. Retrieved from https://www.sishair.com/how-to- apply-hair-tracks-for-a-weave/

Image 10 Adapted from The perfect bob: Beautiful asymmetrical bob, In YouTube, 2015, Retrieved February 28, 2017, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rj4KdXPUxp0

Image 11-12Adapted from Updated: Side part sew-in with leaveout/Esme Hair Review, In Youtube, Retrieved February 28, 2017 from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rj4KdXPUxp0. I

Image 13 Adapted from The perfect bob: Beautiful asymmetrical bob, In YouTube, 2015, Retrieved February 28, 2017, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rj4KdXPUxp0

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Appendix A South African Kwaito Music Group from 1986, Boom Shaka (2 females to the left and right: Braids; Males in center: dreadlocks)

Nhlengethwa, T. (2016, December 2). Retrieved from http://www.sowetanlive.co.za/entertainment/2016/12/02/the-pressure-of.-being-famous-was-too- much-for-me-says-boom-shaka-s-theo-nhlengethwa

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Appendix B African Hairstyles

Herbert Lang Expedition (1909-1915). Nasara, one Bernatzik (n.d.). Woman with feather and other of the wives of Akenge with typical fan-shaped hair ornaments, Oulad-Hamid, Sudan. Retrieved style of the Zande, Democratic Republic of Congo. from Retrieved from http://kalamu.com/neogriot/2014/02/02/culture- http://kalamu.com/neogriot/2014/02/02/culture- hairstyles-in-african-culture/ hairstyles-in-african-culture/

Serpa Pinto, A. A. (1846-1900). History of mankind. Retrieved from http://kalamu.com/neogriot/2014/02/ 02/culture -hairstyles-in-african-culture/

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Appendix C Plantations Labour and Apartheid Domestic Worker

1. Minor, K. (November 6, 2015). Visiting a plantation but no mention of slaves. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kelsey-minor/visiting-a-plantation- but_b_8492104.html

2. Wienand, A. (2012). Portraits, publics and politics: Gisele Wulfsohn's photographs of HIV/AIDS, 1987-2007. Retrieved from http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0259- 01902012000100009

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Appendix D Apartheid South Africa and South African Colonialism

1. A white baby is bottle- fed by her African nanny as her brother plays behind the nanny’s only seat in an all-white park in Johannesburg, South Africa, May 18, 1966. (AP Photo). Retrieved from http://www.citi.io/2015/02 /20/life-in-apartheid-era- south-africa/

2. This is a photo of the entrance to the Zoological Gardens in Johannesburg, South Africa, in June 1965. Under Apartheid law, separate entrances are designated for whites and non-Whites. (AP 3. Adams, M.V. (2007). The sable venus on the Photo). Retrieved from middle passage: Images of the transatlantic slave http://www.citi.io/201 trade [image]. Proceeding delivered at the congress 5/02/20/life-in- of the international association for analytical apartheid-era-south- psychology, Cape Town. Retrieved from africa/ http://www.jungnewyork.com/venus.shtml

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Appendix E Art in the 1800s

Nattier, J-N. (1733). Mademoiselle de Clarmont en Sultane.jpg. Retrieved from http://commons.m.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Mademoiselle_de_Clermont_en_Sultane.jpg

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Appendix F 1897 Hair and Skin Beautification Advertisements

Lindsey, T. B. (2011). Black no more: Skin bleaching and the emergence of new negro womanhood beauty culture. The Journal of Pan

African Studies, 4, (4), 97-116. Retrieved from http://www.jpanafrican.com/docs/vol4no4/LINDSEY/Final.pdf

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Appendix G Hair-Straightening Hot Comb and Afro Hairstyle

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Walter_Sammons_hot_comb.png

http://thirstyroots.com/black-hair-history/discovering-our-roots-do-i-hate-my-hair

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Appendix H Extensive Hair and Skin Beautification Damage

1. http://city-press.news24.com/News/dying-to- 2. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-2185897/Naomi-Cambells-shocking- be-white-20160220 bald-patches-years-relying-hair-extentions.html

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Appendix I Colourism: Celebrity Comments and “Yellowbones”

1. Blay, Y. (January 2, 2013). Skin Bleaching, self-hatred, and “Colonial Mentality”. Retrieved from http://yabablay.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/Male-artists-and-colorism.jpg

2. Youth Village. (October 28, 2015). Thuli 3. Modisakeng, K. (March 7, 2016). 6 times Phongolo shows off her sexiness in ‘Mzansi’s Pearl Thusi’s hair slayed. Retrieved from Sexiest 2016’ photoshoot. Retrieved from https://www.bona.co.za/6-times-pearl-thusis- http://www.youthvillage.co.za/2015/10/thuli- hair-slayed/ phongolo-shows-off-her-sexiness-in-mzansis- sexiest-2016-photoshoot/

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Appendix J ‘Brazilian’ Keratin Blow Out (Before and After)

(n.a.). (September 19 ,2012). Keratin Treatments and Curly Hair. Retrieved from http://hollistics.com/2012/09/19/keratin-treatments-and-curly-hair/

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Appendix K Microbonding (Clusters of synthetic or real hair strands are individually fused onto natural hair)

https://www.volure.co.za/collections/micro-bonding-hair-extensions/products/chocolate-brown-micro- ring-hair-extensions

https://za.pinterest.com/pin/521925044286483384/

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Appendix L Example of Newspaper Report

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Appendix L Example of Analysis of Press Report: Step 1 and 2

Step 1 Step 2 NEWSPAPER RELEVANT TEXT FREE ASSOCIATION Business Day (1997) ‘how weave connects the women of status, power, importance BRICS state’ Business Day (1997) ‘on August 9, we could opt for a rally, a choice, femininity, celebration, significant braai, a picnic or the hair salon. Women’s month got me thinking about the business of black woman’s hair’ Business Day (1997) ‘natural look’ chemical free, hair food, deadlocks, afro, unprocessed

Business Day (1997) ‘cheap and practical option because I was natural is cheap, natural is for people with our unemployed and broke’ jobs, easy

Business Day (1997) ‘African American look’ Polished, fresh, trendy, more Caucasian, better hair, well established Business Day (1997) ‘urban chic look was the future of fashion natural is for the future, evolving in post-apartheid SA’

Business Day (1997) ‘Biko T shirt worn by women with shaved advocacy, free, daring, bold, hair symbolic heads of ‘locked’ hair’ Business Day (1997) ‘self-confident sense of style among black gracious, free, individualism, fashionable women’

Business Day (1997) ‘yet is was the hair that grabbed me’ hair is focused on, important, a matter of concern, fascinating

Business Day (1997) ‘so many women were wearing their hair wear your hair straight, common, frequent, this is long and straight’ what a woman is Business Day (1997) ‘I thought I was watching US TV’ foreign, overseas, different, alien, better Business Day (1997) ‘so, I consulted an expert-my hairdresser’ business transaction, specialist, Business Day (1997) ‘latest hair craze that has taken trendy, obsession, popular, dominating, Johannesburg by storm’ unexpected, everybody is doing it

Business Day (1997) ‘the ‘weave’ has apparently connected bonding, networking, success, importance, global women of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, hair story, international, covenant India, China and SA) nations’ Business Day (1997) ‘some women in Brazil, India and China pretty, beautiful, well groomed, experts, highly grow their hair, cut it at a certain length, esteemed, possessing power and sell it to buyers, who sell it to South African women’ Business Day (1997) ‘agents in this trade include flight pretties, beautiful, well groomed, experts, highly attendants and salon owners’ esteemed, possessing power

Business Day (1997) ‘Indian hair is apparently the most rich, lush, exotic, luxury, high quality, attainable expensive because of its texture’

Business Day (1997) ‘followed by the Brazilian and Chinese international, exotic, beautiful, industrial, global, hair’ worldwide, countries

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Step 1 Step 2 NEWSPAPER RELEVANT TEXT FREE ASSOCIATION Business Day (1997) ‘one shouldn’t exclude that Russian access, fit, competitive, strong women will enter the trade’

Business Day (1997) ‘perhaps the next time the Brics ministers Chemical, capital, human, hair, money, important, meet that can discuss follicular finances’ significant, advocate Business Day (1997) ‘for the more “natural” look, hairdressers biological, Chemical, structured, experiment, use a process called “micro bonding’ chemical intervention

Business Day (1997) ‘to fuse Brics hair on to the African head’ evolving, changing, genetic, human DNA, cloning, advancing, hair

Business Day (1997) ‘if done right, the hair will “look and feel temporary, fake, illusion, scientific accuracy, natural” and last about six months’ flawed

Business Day (1997) ‘but this can set you back R5000 or more’ capital, money, expensive, elite

Business Day (1997) ‘this is the famous “weave” - colloquially celebrity, celebrated, famous, popular, exoticised known as “a Brazilian’ Business Day (1997) ‘there are cheaper options, styled mediocre, cheap, easily messy, manual, skill less, appropriately, bonded hair, which is alternative mainly a hairpiece attached to hair, can have a similar effect’ Business Day (1997) ‘It doesn’t promise a natural look, but lower, inferior, cheaper seems a preferred option for the not-so- well-heeled women’

Business Day (1997) ‘…at the salon, I also saw a woman discomforting, painful, bonding, sticky, getting fake eyelashes attached - a tearful decorating process involving glue and a hairdryer’

Business Day (1997) ‘“Bontle boa patelwa”, remarked her commodity, purchasing privilege, sacrificing to friends (You pay for beauty)’ acquire, motivated

Business Day (1997) ‘Refiloe says that while it is good hurting, temporary gain, permanent damage business, weaves do long-term damage to one’s natural hair’

Business Day (1997) ‘But women keep coming back’ confusion, repetition, repetition to harm, natural to do, unprocessed Business Day (1997) ‘Why? A friend’s Facebook posting was plastic, Barbie doll, unreal, process, industrialised, telling. “Fake hair, fake nails, fake chemical eyelashes…”’

Business Day (1997) ‘... “yet they wonder why they can't find isolated world, separated, alone, not able to be ‘real’ men.”’ accessed

Business Day (1997) ‘that seems harsh. But really, selling hair inevitability, profitability, commodity, popular and beauty products is a lucrative business’

Business Day (1997) ‘the model is not highly complicated - it’s feelings are significant, self-image, self- worth, based on how women feel about perspective themselves’ Business Day (1997) ‘…and army of marketers and a celebrity- journey, assisted by media, growth, femininity,

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Step 1 Step 2 NEWSPAPER RELEVANT TEXT FREE ASSOCIATION focused media are there to help along this what it means to be a woman, how to be a woman process of discovery’

Business Day (1997) ‘aggressive marketing campaigns aim to forced, unthoughtful, media, strict regime, define standards of beauty’ imposing, oppressing, vicious Business Day (1997) ‘which is often that of a tall, thin woman Barbie, doll, perfect, perfect women, fit, healthy, with glossy long hair and long eyelashes’ beautiful, flawless, clean, nice/kind, lovely

Business Day (1997) ‘while I am happy Refiloe is doing well in nostalgia, longing, seeking alternative, accepting, her business, and I support anyone’s right wondering, ambivalence, uncertainty to their hairstyle choice, I do miss seeing the Stoned Cherrie sort of girls.’

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Appendix M Analysis of all newspaper reports: Steps 3 to 5

OBJECTS WORLD THEY DISCOURSES CREATE (OBJECTS AND FREE ASSOCIATIONS) Trade, Business, hair dresser, marketing campaigns, These objects represent or Commercialisation consumption, company, opportunity, industry, rupees, envision a world of money, discourse multibillion-dollar industry, thousands of rands, two buying, purchasing, and cents, price, economic freedom, money, income, Nobel business. They also Prise money, funds, corporal styling, middle class, wealth, represent status, source, reserve bank, old money, banks, currency, invest, commodities, and corporate ladder, salaries, R5000, finances, asset, power, commercialisation. TRADE transfiguration power, token BRICS state, Orange Farm, Brazil, India, China, The world created by the Commercialisation Johannesburg, United Nations, Sandton, climate change, objects is international or discourse Lagos, Los Angeles, conference, lifeworld’s, global fashion across nations. Objects

system, global, states, India, US, America, English, global describe internationally competitiveness, territory, world, Vietnam War, located institutions and University of Witwatersrand, Spanish, Latin, Lagos organisations. They also Island, England and Switzerland, BRICS represent the merging of GLOBAL global states or areas. Skin lightening, mixture, relaxers, hair relaxers, Sheen, The listed objects envision Chemical opportunity or Rhoda, Soft’ n Easy, relaxed hair, Attachment, craft, a world of chemicals and harm discourse synthetic hair, straight, surface, skin bleaching, physics. Objects identified charcoaled knuckles, artifice, hydroquinone, bleach, created a world of helmets, hydroquinone cream, micro bonding, chemicals, experiments and science.

hydroquinone, sunscreens, substance, UmMemezi (x2), They describe a chemical, experiment, paraphernalia, hot iron, treatments, treat, hazardous world that is unnatural, treatments, tin can, skincare lotion, chemicals, predominantly damaging to relax, baking soda, micro bonding, fuse, bonded hair, the skin. glue, hairdryer, corrosive, products, mercury, cream, CHEMICAL concoction, hydroquinone, chemical, bleaching, hair, skin

Flesh, skin, blue eyes, scalp, heads, eyes, blood, hair, nails, A world of biology is Chemical opportunity or eyelashes, face created by the listed harm discourse objects. This world is focused on the human body. BIOLOGICAL

pet’s hair, cat, fur Objects itemised depict a Activism discourse world of hair shedding (a biological process of hair having outlasted its stay). PETS

health, birth control, contact lenses, psychology, yellow The listed objects describe Empowerment fever, bile, pigmentation, skin disfiguration or shape a world of discourse medicine. MEDICAL

Storm, EAU (Environmental Advisory Unit), natural The listed objects envision Chemical opportunity or

habitats, roots, garden, seaside, water, nature, night, a reality focused on the harm discourse bark, aloe ferox, tree, plant, winter, season, bug physical natural environment or elements (climate and earth). ENVIRONMENTAL

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Media, US TV, Facebook, newspaper, headlines, A world of social Empowerment Hollywood industry, Twitter, documentary, hip-hop appearances, image, and discourse culture, movie, show, dance floor, behind-the-scenes, media (being seen or being Phone, calls heard) is emphasised by the listed objects. APPEARANCE

legacies, slavery, racism, government, democracy, Objects listed shape a world Activism discourse

colonialism, apartheid, bondage, radical, politics, political that is politically motivated statement, policies, laws, legislation, regulations, or influenced. The objects constitution, rules, right, new democracy policy, white depict or emphasise a world supremacy, black is beautiful, political, political, army, t- of justice, Black politics, shirt, post-apartheid SA, Women’s month, rally, Ubuntu, activism, and Africanness.

POLITICAL natural Afros, kinky hair, African head sociobiological ‘memes’, private school, silver stockings, The listed objects create a Empowerment French perfumes, make-up, acrylic nails, tartan tops, world of glamour, beauty, discourse ribbons, mirror, fashion, hats, vanity fair, Hair Images, extravagance, and fashion.

celebrity, stars, Sandton City, styles, clothes, Garlicks store, window shopping, outfits, clutch bag, shoes, gloves, dish, pearls, canvas, fashion, mascara, rouge, eyeshadow, painted lips, crown, cocktail umbrellas, photoshoots, salon, Sandtonian, Self-esteem, mimicry, mimeses, self- GLAMOUR possessed, Weave, Blonde girl, hair, hair craze, beauty products, The listed objects portray a Empowerment fashion statement, braids, hairstyle, dreadlocks, braids, world of beauty and discourse Afro, cornrows, wigs, weaves, Brylcream, ducktails, glamour, with a particular

multicultural spikes of punks, comb, hairdo, hair care, focus on gender (females). brush, fashion system, mascaraed eyes, French-tipped nails, flickering eyelashes, bob, locked hair, artificial eyelashes, foundation, hairstyles, lotion, hairpiece, salon, BEAUTY vanity fair, bra’s, dolls, School, building, block, harbour, church, doors, These objects create a Empowerment

Thembalethu, shelter, Soweto, Noord Street, world of the immediate discourse Thembalethu Street Girls Centre, street rumble, city environment such as centre, Main street, Joburg, township, suburb, Walmer, buildings and areas that Alexander, Sandton, cities, territory, house, church, make up the community as temples, neighbourhoods well as an emphasis on people living in close COMMUNITY proximity.

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