Somalia: a Failed State?
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
USIP's Work in Somalia
USIP’s Work in Somalia Making Peace Possible UNMISS Photo/JC Mcilwaine CURRENT SITUATION After decades of civil war and the collapse of the central government in 1991, Somalis and international supporters have made progress in re-establishing state structures, such as a provisional 2012 constitution and the country’s first elections for a government since 1969. The African Union and the United Nations, with U.S. assistance, support the Federal Government of Somalia in restoring President Hassan Sheikh institutions. Still, continued attacks by the al-Shabab Mohamud on His Plan for extremist group, plus corruption and regional and clan Peace disputes, have complicated the government’s efforts to Somalia’s president spoke hold popular elections and establish stable governance. For example, consensus still must be at USIP in April 2016 to lay reached about the composition, boundaries, and powers of Somalia’s constituent states. The out his government’s plan government was unable to hold a direct vote for president in 2016 and scheduled an indirect for stabilizing his country— election in parliament for February 2017. Of an estimated 10 million Somalis, more than 2 million and Somalia’s need for are displaced and 5 million need humanitarian assistance, according to U.N. agencies. international support in that USIP’S WORK effort. The U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP) provides education, grants, training, and resources to help Somalis strengthen the institutions and skills needed to build a more stable, resilient society and state. USIP works through partnerships with Somali civil society organizations and government institutions, the U.S. State Department, non-governmental organizations, and the large Somali diaspora around the globe. -
Briefing Paper
NEW ISSUES IN REFUGEE RESEARCH Working Paper No. 65 Pastoral society and transnational refugees: population movements in Somaliland and eastern Ethiopia 1988 - 2000 Guido Ambroso UNHCR Brussels E-mail : [email protected] August 2002 Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit Evaluation and Policy Analysis Unit United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees CP 2500, 1211 Geneva 2 Switzerland E-mail: [email protected] Web Site: www.unhcr.org These working papers provide a means for UNHCR staff, consultants, interns and associates to publish the preliminary results of their research on refugee-related issues. The papers do not represent the official views of UNHCR. They are also available online under ‘publications’ at <www.unhcr.org>. ISSN 1020-7473 Introduction The classical definition of refugee contained in the 1951 Refugee Convention was ill- suited to the majority of African refugees, who started fleeing in large numbers in the 1960s and 1970s. These refugees were by and large not the victims of state persecution, but of civil wars and the collapse of law and order. Hence the 1969 OAU Refugee Convention expanded the definition of “refugee” to include these reasons for flight. Furthermore, the refugee-dissidents of the 1950s fled mainly as individuals or in small family groups and underwent individual refugee status determination: in-depth interviews to determine their eligibility to refugee status according to the criteria set out in the Convention. The mass refugee movements that took place in Africa made this approach impractical. As a result, refugee status was granted on a prima facie basis, that is with only a very summary interview or often simply with registration - in its most basic form just the name of the head of family and the family size.1 In the Somali context the implementation of this approach has proved problematic. -
The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions
Istituto Affari Internazionali IAI WORKING PAPERS 12 | 15 – May 2012 The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions Rossella Marangio Abstract The long-lasting Somali conflict is profoundly linked to the country’s historical development and its socio-cultural specificities. The political milieu and the struggle for power in Somalia reflect the cleavage between tradition and modernity. This rift has led to a legitimacy vacuum, which has made it difficult for the warring parties to find enough common ground for a compromise. Furthermore, external influences, at both regional and international levels, have contributed to the fragmentation of the political arena, due notably to the emphasis on the use of force as the principal tool for acquiring or maintaining power. In this unfolding crisis, regional pressures and rivalries, international interventions, economic and strategic interests as well as piracy, corruption and Islamic extremism all play an interlocking role. In view of this, a new approach to the crisis is badly needed. The EU, in particular, should promote a new strategy based on three components: enhancement of social cohesion through local cooperation programmes, state-building and development. Keywords : Somalia / Civil conflict / Society / European Union / Military intervention / European Union Training Mission (EUTM) Somalia / Piracy / European Naval Force Somalia- Operation Atalanta (EUNAVFOR Atalanta) / Regional Maritime Capacity Building (RMCB) / African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) © 2012 IAI IAI Working Papers 1215 The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions The Somali Crisis: Failed State and International Interventions by Rossella Marangio ∗ Introduction The civil war in Somalia has been ravaging the country for two decades. The difficulties in achieving peace have highlighted the powerlessness of the international community. -
Report on Minority Groups in Somalia
The Danish Immigration Service Ryesgade 53 DK-2100 Copenhagen Ø Phone: + 45 35 36 66 00 Website: www.udlst.dk E-mail: [email protected] Report on minority groups in Somalia Joint British, Danish and Dutch fact-finding mission to Nairobi, Kenya 17 – 24 September 2000 Report on minority groups in Somalia Table of contents 1. Background ..................................................................................................................................5 2. Introduction to sources and methodology....................................................................................6 3. Overall political developments and the security situation in Somalia.......................................10 3.1 Arta peace process in Djibouti...............................................................................................10 3.2 Transitional National Assembly (TNA) and new President ..................................................10 3.2.1 Position of North West Somalia (Somaliland)...............................................................12 3.2.2 Position of North East Somalia (Puntland)....................................................................13 3.2.3 Prospects for a central authority in Somalia ..................................................................13 3.3 Security Situation...................................................................................................................14 3.3.1 General...........................................................................................................................14 -
CLAIMING the EASTERN BORDERLANDS After the 1997
CHAPTER SEVEN CLAIMING THE EASTERN BORDERLANDS After the 1997 Hargeysa Conference, the Somaliland state apparatus consolidated. It deepened, as the state realm displaced governance arrangements overseen by clan elders. And it broadened, as central government control extended geographically from the capital into urban centres such as Borama in the west and Bur’o in the east. In the areas east of Bur’o government was far less present or efffective, especially where non-Isaaq clans traditionally lived. Erigavo, the capital of Sanaag Region, which was shared by the Habar Yunis, the Habar Ja’lo, the Warsengeli and the Dhulbahante, was fijinally brought under formal government control in 1997, after Egal sent a delegation of nine govern- ment ministers originating from the area to sort out local government with the elders and political actors on the ground. After fijive months of negotiations, the president was able to appoint a Mayor for Erigavo and a Governor for Sanaag.1 But east of Erigavo, in the area inhabited by the Warsengeli, any claim to governance from Hargeysa was just nominal.2 The same was true for most of Sool Region inhabited by the Dhulbahante. Eastern Sanaag and Sool had not been Egal’s priority. The president did not strictly need these regions to be under his military control in order to preserve and consolidate his position politically or in terms of resources. The port of Berbera was vital for the economic survival of the Somaliland government. Erigavo and Las Anod were not. However, because the Somaliland government claimed the borders of the former British protec- torate as the borders of Somaliland, Sanaag and Sool had to be seen as under government control. -
Faithless Power As Fratricide: Is There an Alternative in Somalia?
Faithless Power as Fratricide: Is there an Alternative in Somalia? Abdi Ismail Samatar I. The Meaning of Faith Mohamed Suliman’s lovely and famous song for the Eid is not only suggestive of the joys of the past but reminisces about the great values that the Somali people shared and which served them well during test- ing times of yesteryear. Here is a line from the song: Hadba kii arrin keena Ka kalee aqbalaaya Ilaahii ina siiyay isagaa ku abaal leh Simply put, this line and the spirit of the whole song echo Somalis’ traditional acumen to generate timely ideas and the competence to lis- ten and heed productive compromises. These attributes that nurtured their collective best interests have been on the wane for three decades and are now in peril or even to perish for eternity. As a result, much despair is visible in the Somali landscape. Yet it is worth remembering that there is no inevitability about the extension of the present despon- dency into the future as long as civic-minded Somalis are resolute and remain wedded to their compatriots’ well-being and cardinal values. The concept of Faith has triple meanings in the context of this brief essay (Figure 1). First, it means devotion to the Creator and the straight path of Islam. This is clear from the core principles of Islam (not as defined by sectarian ideologues but by the Qur’an and the Haddith), one of which is imaan. Second, Faith enshrines self-reliance and the effort to pull oneself up by the bootstraps as well as attend to the needs 63 Bildhaan Vol. -
Immunity of Current Or Former Foreign Officials Who Are Sued for Acts Per- Formed in an Official Capacity
No. 15-1345 In the Supreme Court of the United States YUSUF ABDI ALI, PETITIONER v. FARHAN MOHAMOUD TANI WARFAA ON PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT BRIEF FOR THE UNITED STATES AS AMICUS CURIAE JEFFREY B. WALL Acting Solicitor General Counsel of Record EDWIN S. KNEEDLER Deputy Solicitor General ELAINE J. GOLDENBERG Assistant to the Solicitor General DOUGLAS N. LETTER SHARON SWINGLE LEWIS S. YELIN Attorneys RICHARD C. VISEK Department of Justice Acting Legal Adviser Washington, D.C. 20530-0001 Department of State [email protected] Washington, D.C. 20520 (202) 514-2217 QUESTION PRESENTED In Samantar v. Yousuf, 560 U.S. 305 (2010), this Court held that the common law, rather than the For- eign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976, 28 U.S.C. 1330, 1602 et seq., governs the immunity of current or former foreign officials who are sued for acts per- formed in an official capacity. The question presented is: Whether the court of appeals erred in finding that petitioner is not immune from suit on the ground that a categorical judicial exception to foreign official im- munity applies in civil suits alleging violations of jus cogens norms. (I) TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Interest of the United States....................................................... 1 Statement ...................................................................................... 1 Discussion .................................................................................... 12 A. The decision of the court of appeals rests on erroneous circuit precedent ........................................... 13 B. This Court should deny certiorari ................................. 20 Conclusion ................................................................................... 23 Appendix A — Letter from Omar Sharmarke (Nov. 23, 2016)......................................... 1a Appendix B — Diplomatic Note (Jan. 11, 2017) .................... 6a Appendix C — Letter from Omar Sharmarke (Jan. -
Intellectualism Amid Ethnocentrism: Mukhtar and the 4.5 Factor
Intellectualism amid Ethnocentrism: Mukhtar and the 4.5 Factor Mohamed A. Eno and Omar A. Eno I. Background The prolonged, two-year reconciliation conference held in Kenya and the resulting interim administration, implemented under the dominant tutelage of Ethiopia, are generally considered to have failed to live up to the expectations of the Somali people. The state structure was built on the foundation of a clan power segregation system known as 4.5 (four-point-five). This means the separation of the Somali people into four clans that are equal and, as such, pure Somali, against an amalga- mation of various clans and communities that are unequal to the first group and, hence, considered “impure” or less Somali. The lumping together of all the latter communities is regarded as equivalent only to a half of the share of a clan. In spite of the inherent segregation and marginalization, some schol- ars of Somali society, like historian Mohamed H. Mukhtar, believe that the apartheid-like 4.5 system is an “important accomplishment.”1 In a book chapter titled “Somali Reconciliation Conferences: The Unbeaten Track,” Mukhtar chronicles this episode as one of various “success sto- ries”2 that have emerged from the Sodere factional meeting of 1997. As the historian posits it, this could be called an achievement, particularly considering the fact that “for the first time Somali clans agreed about their relative size, power and territorial rights.”3 Then the professor emphasizes that, “the conference also recognized another segment of the Somali society which included minority groups not identified with one of the above clans, i.e., the Banadiris and the Somali Bantus, just to 137 Bildhaan Vol. -
Failed States in Theoretical, Historical, and Policy Perspectives
Failed States in Theoretical, Historical, and Policy Perspectives Jean-Gennaln Gros 1 Introduction Olobalizalion and interdependence compel .. 10 think aftuh about how w. man. our joint acllvities and shared in ....su. for many chan..... that we confront today "'" beyond the "",c/l of anyone slate 10 meel o. I.. OWn. At the national level we must govern beI..r; Dnd at the international leve1 we must gO\'tm beuer wge.ther-. Bff'cctive states are es&erl(ial 10 both task •• Kofl Annan (2000) These words from a former secretary-general of the United Nations underscore one of the NAlilies and challenges of the post-Cold War era: the unsuitabilily of failed Slates in a world in which the solution 10 problems from global warming to poverty requires stales that can al:lon their own. as well as in unison with other stalCS and non-stale institulions. Annan's statement also confirms Ihat the sludy oHailed Slales has taken center slage in international relations. Some oflhe mosl innuential works include LWilliam Zanman's Col1opsed Slates 1995, which is concerned primarily with Africa. Robert Rotherg's Whell States Fail (2004) provides detailed and graphic descriptions of state failure and its conse quences. Rother,'s description of the failed state as "a polily that is no longer able Of willing to perform the fundamental IaSks of a nation-stale in the IIlQdern world" and his notion that "failure is a Iluid halting place, with movemenl back 10 weakness and forward into collapse always possible" underscore a fundamental aspect ofstate failure that is often ignored: its dynamic nature. -
S/2016/919 Consejo De Seguridad
Naciones Unidas S/2016/919 Consejo de Seguridad Distr. general 31 de octubre de 2016 Español Original: inglés Carta de fecha 7 de octubre de 2016 dirigida al Presidente del Consejo de Seguridad por el Presidente del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea En nombre del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea, y de conformidad con lo dispuesto en el párrafo 32 de la resolución 2244 (2015) del Consejo de Seguridad, tengo el honor de transmitir adjunto el informe sobre Somalia del Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea. A este respecto, el Comité agradecería que la presente carta y el informe adjunto se señalaran a la atención de los miembros del Consejo de Seguridad y se publicaran como documento del Consejo. (Firmado) Rafael Darío Ramírez Carreño Presidente Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea 16-16743 (S) 021116 021116 *1616743* S/2016/919 Carta de fecha 28 de septiembre de 2016 dirigida al Presidente del Comité del Consejo de Seguridad dimanante de las resoluciones 751 (1992) y 1907 (2009) relativas a Somalia y Eritrea por el Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea De conformidad con el párrafo 32 de la resolución 2244 (2015) del Consejo de Seguridad, tenemos el honor de transmitir adjunto el informe sobre Somalia del Grupo de Supervisión para Somalia y Eritrea. (Firmado) Christophe Trajber Coordinador -
Five Challenges in Somalia's Game of Thrones
DIIS POLICY BRIEF OCTOBER 2015 Somali elections in 2016 FIVE KEY CHALLENGES IN SOMALIA’S GAME OF THRONES The security situation and infighting between RECOMMENDATIONS clans and politicians in Somalia have made it impossible to carry out the planned full-scale ■ Develop better models to engage productively elections in August 2016. More realism must with questions of clans. guide expectations of Somalia in the short and ■ Maintain pressure on the offices of the President medium-term. and the Prime Minister to clarify and consolidate roles and responsibilities. Somalia is at a critical juncture. The current ■ Maintain a strong focus on existing and emerging government’s mandate is ending and a constitutional interim administrations, including Puntland. referendum and elections are planned for August 2016. In 2012, when President Hassan Sheikh ■ Establish a better understanding of how to engage Mohamoud took office, it was clear that ending in security matters beyond al-Shabaab. conflict and building state institutions were Sisyphean ■ Ensure that the humanitarian situation does not tasks. In the course of the last few months, it has turn into a crisis, which would undermine progress become increasingly apparent that there are made. Working explicitly with the question of clans in Somalia constitutes a considerable and unavoidable dilemma “It’s the pinnacle of democracy that everyone who is eligible votes to elect, but there is a big gap between there and where we stand. There are different phases and different models for elections, but we have not yet agreed on a format to transition in 2016.” President Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud, July 2015 unreasonable expectations of what the government state-building and reconciliation. -
Fragile Contexts in 2018
CHAPTER ELEVEN Leaving No Fragile State and No One Behind in a Prosperous World: A New Approach Landry Signé undreds of millions of people are left behind in fragile states despite the efforts of the international community to make progress on development Hand alleviate conflict. People in fragile states are victim to persistent poverty,1 enduring violence, poor public facilities, deteriorating infrastructure,2 limited civil and political liberties,3 deteriorating social conditions,4 minimal to nonexistent economic growth,5 and, often, humanitarian crises.6 Research and policies on state fragility build on concepts of limited state capacity, legitimacy, insecurity, stability and socioeconomic, demographic, human development, environmental, humanitarian, and gender contexts to determine states’ apparent effectiveness or ineffectiveness in fulfilling the role of the state. Within this -con text, fragility has become a catch- all concept encompassing fragile states, weak states, failed states, collapsing or decaying states, conflict- affected countries, post- conflict countries, brittle states, and states with limited legitimacy, author- ity, capacity, governance, security, and socioeconomic and human development. 1. Collier (2007). 2. Rotberg (2011). 3. Bah (2012). 4. Van de Walle (2004). 5. Brainard and Chollet (2007). 6. Nwozor (2018). The author would like to express his sincere appreciation to Payce Madden, Genevieve Jesse, and Elise El Nouchi, who contributed to the research, data analysis, fact- checking, and visual elements of this chapter. 239 Kharas-McArthur-Ohno_Leave No One Behind_i-xii_1-340.indd 239 9/6/19 1:57 PM 240 Landry Signé When used without conceptual clarification and contextual consideration, as is often the case, the concept of fragility lacks usefulness for policymakers, as the various types, drivers, scopes, levels, and contexts of fragility require differ- ent responses.