Appendix: Residential Segregation in Baltimore City Residential Segregation Is a Result of Structural Racism, and Works to Affect Health, Education, and Policing

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Appendix: Residential Segregation in Baltimore City Residential Segregation Is a Result of Structural Racism, and Works to Affect Health, Education, and Policing Race, Racism, and Baltimore’s Future: A Focus on Structural and Institutional Racism Summary Report #SDH2016 The Fifth Annual Symposium on the Social Determinants of Health Introduction After the death of Freddie Gray on April 12, 2015, and Speakers participated in four panels sharing expertise on: the protests and demonstrations that shook the city 1. overcoming structural racism, soon after, Baltimore became a symbol of racial strife 2. how racism affects health, and inequity and gained the media attention of not just the United States but the entire world. This was 3. how racism, racial segregation, and the education not news for the people of Baltimore or for many of system are connected, and the organizations that work tirelessly toward positive 4. racism and policing. change in this city. To many, the death of Freddie The goals of this symposium were to: Gray did not come as a surprise. To them, inequitable 1. reiterate how salient structural racism is in the treatment of young, black men was nothing new; lives of people in Baltimore City, and it certainly was nothing that they had not heard, 2. acknowledge structural racism as a critical public witnessed, or personally experienced. With the whole health concern, and world watching, this tragedy brought determination; a 3. critically assess the changes that we can make to determination that his death was not in vain, that the reduce structural racism in our personal lives and spotlight would not go away, and that together, through in the institutions where we work. galvanized momentum, something would be done. Freddie Gray’s death and the events that followed On April 25, 2016, over 700 people came together to brought determination to the event—a determination attend the 5th annual Social Determinants of Health that his death was not in vain, that the spotlight would Symposium on Race, Racism, and Baltimore’s Future: not go away, and that together, through galvanized A Focus on Structural and Institutional Racism. The momentum, positive change would be made. symsposium was hosted by the Johns Hopkins Urban were a diverse group from the Baltimore area and This report summarizes key lessons learned and beyond.Health Institute Twenty-one and theinvited Office speakers of Provost. ranging Attendees from challenges as discussed by the symposium speakers. Additionally, successful Baltimore City organizations community organizations spent the day in an intense are highlighted throughout. discussionresearch and of legalrace experts and racism to leaders in Baltimore. from non-profit They participated in four panels, sharing poignant anecdotes about their personal experiences and presenting their research, all offering suggestions for ways forward. facilitated small breakout sessions in an effort to turn discussionThis year, intofor action,the first as tangibletime, the goals symposium are necessary also for making progress in Baltimore. 2 #SDH2016 Johns Hopkins Urban Health Institute Summary Report Race, Racism, and Baltimore’s Future: A Focus on Structural and Institutional Racism Appendix: Residential Segregation in Baltimore City Residential segregation is a result of structural racism, and works to affect health, education, and policing. In his book Stuck in Place, Historical Context for Residential Segregation capital,Patrick educationalSharkey arguesattainment, that economicaccumulated circumstances,deficits in humanand particular occupational positions cannot explain why African 1910 mid-1930s Americans remain in disadvantaged neighborhoods for generations. In the in an Instead, he argues that after the In 1910 mid-1930s civil rights movement, the poorest “racial zoning” in Baltimore City attempt to recover from the neighborhoods bore the brunt was passed., the52 first ordinance on Great Depression, the Home of four decades of economic Owner’s Loan Corporation restructuring and political (HOLC) was established.31b disinvestment, which led individuals The HOLC was responsible for living in them (in Baltimore’s case, 1930s-1943 predominantly African Americans) investing in a geographic area. A to be “stuck in place.”51 According redassessing color wasthe usedfinancial to designate risk of to Sharkey, African Americans The Housing Authority of the neighborhoods that were remain attached to places – often Baltimore City (HABC) ran considered greatest risk, and places with concentrated poverty two housing programs, one for generally this assessment was 53 and violence – due to a combination whites and one for blacks. based on age and condition of of “white discrimination, hostility Housing projects were used the buildings, as well as the and violence, housing and credit to reinforce residential ethnic or racial composition constraints, and social and family segregation, including the of the community. This well- ties.”51 McCulloh Homes, which were known practice in Baltimore became known as “redlining” How did Baltimore create a city development to prohibit the and had substantial implications “encroachmentbuilt as the first blackof housingcolored for homeownership for black African Americans are stuck in into the adjacent good white 31b where significant numbers of residents. place? The timeline below provides residential neighborhood.”52 some insights on residential This white neighborhood is now isolation in present day Baltimore known as Bolton Hill. City.* * Most of this information was obtained from a presentation on the history of housing segregation in Baltimore City developed by Samuels50 the Thompson v. HUD ruling in 2005.53 and the American Civil Liberties Union of Maryland in a fight against unfair housing projects in Summary Report Johns Hopkins Urban Health Institute #SDH2016 3 The Fifth Annual Symposium on the Social Determinants of Health 1930s 1950s 1967 By the 1930s, blacks comprised The Federal Housing As a result of civil rights 20% of the city population, Administration (FHA) activists, in 1967, Brooklyn, mortgage insurance program Claremont, and O’Donnell, of the City’s land area. There of the 1950s fueled an which were all white, were werebut were distinct confined neighborhoods to about 2% increase in rental housing and integrated. According to that emerged in West and East homeownership for whites.52, 55 Samuels,52 as of 1995, these Baltimore that were known as neighborhoods were all still the black “ghettos.”52 60% white with a waiting list of 90% black applicants. 1950-1964 Westport Homes were built, which were a public housing project for whites only. Between 1950 and 1964, 1968 25,000 residents of Baltimore were displaced by “urban renewal, public housing In 1968, the Fair Housing Act construction and school was passed just days after the construction.”52 According riots in Baltimore that occurred 1939-1945 to Samuels, 2008, 90% of after the assassination of Dr. the displaced residents were Martin Luther King, Jr. This law African American. Rental ads prohibited the discrimination During WWII, there was during this time designated on the basis of race, color, a severe housing shortage housing as “colored” or national origin, religion, sex, for African Americans who “white.”52 familial status, or disability in migrated to work in shipyards and defense plants. Opposition dwellings.56 from white residents of the city the sale, rental, and financing of prohibited housing to open for black workers, thus African 1960 Americans were forced into 1995 racially segregated space that became known as the “black In 1960, Baltimore City was belt.”52 Despite efforts to open 34.7% African American and In January 1995, Carmen a “Negro war housing” at 30.2% of the census tracts Thompson v. United States Herring Run area in Northeast in Baltimore City were 60% Department of Housing and Baltimore, and urging from African American.1 Urban Development (HUD) fought to eradicate segregated public housing in Baltimore.54 Hillthe Urbanarea was League, isolated the and NAACP, full ofCPHA, pollution and Afro, and thatenvironmental Cherry hazards, Mayor McKeldin dropped the Herring Run site.52 4 #SDH2016 Johns Hopkins Urban Health Institute Summary Report Race, Racism, and Baltimore’s Future: A Focus on Structural and Institutional Racism Figure 6. Baltimore’s redlining map (left) and current census tracts with persistently low homeownership rates (right). VCU Center on Society and Health.31a Maps created by the Governor Larry Virginia Network for Geospatial Health Research. 2014 Hogan stopped the 14-mile, 2.9 billion dollar plans to build a Red Line rail line, which was intended to connect the 2000 East-West corridor of Baltimore.57 2005 effort will disproportionately affectAccording low andto Sherrilyn middle income Ifill, this African Americans who would By 2000, Baltimore City was In January 2005, after ten have used the Red Line to get to 64.3% African American, and years of litigation, Federal work. Additionally, the money not 60% of the census tracts in District Judge Marvin J. Garbis spent on this project is likely to go Baltimore city were more than ruled in favor of Thomson, towards supporting transportation 60% African American which stating that HUD violated infrastructure for the suburbs. is double what they were in the Fair Housing Act of 1968 1960.1 by unfairly concentrating Defense and Educational Fund, African Americans to the most “whitesAccording will to receive the NAACP 228 percentLegal impoverished and segregated areas of Baltimore City. 54, 55 decision, while African Americans willof the receive net benefit -124 percent.”from [Hogan’s]58 Since
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