DOCSLIB.ORG

Iran's Political, Demographic, and Economic Vulnerabilities

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Support RAND WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND Project AIR FORCE View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Iran’s Political, Demographic, and Economic Vulnerabilities Keith Crane, Rollie Lal, Jeffrey Martini Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited PROJECT AIR FORCE The research described in this report was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-01-C-0003. Further information may be obtained from the Strategic Planning Division, Directorate of Plans, Hq USAF. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Crane, Keith, 1953– Iran’s political, demographic, and economic vulnerabilities / Keith Crane, Rollie Lal, Jeffrey Martini. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-8330-4304-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Iran—Politics and government—1997– 2. Iran—Strategic aspects. 3. Iran— Economic conditions—1997– I. Lal, Rollie. II. Martini, Jeffrey. III. Title. DS318.825.C73 2008 955.06—dc22 2008019809 The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research organization providing objective analysis and effective solutions that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors around the world. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. R ® is a registered trademark. Cover: IranPix.com. © Copyright 2008 RAND Corporation All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from RAND. Published 2008 by the RAND Corporation 1776 Main Street, P.O. Box 2138, Santa Monica, CA 90407-2138 1200 South Hayes Street, Arlington, VA 22202-5050 4570 Fifth Avenue, Suite 600, Pittsburgh, PA 15213-2665 RAND URL: http://www.rand.org To order RAND documents or to obtain additional information, contact Distribution Services: Telephone: (310) 451-7002; Fax: (310) 451-6915; Email: [email protected] Preface This monograph is intended to help analysts and policymakers assess the political, demographic, and economic vulnerabilities of Iran to potential U.S. policy measures. The study dissects the political com- plexities and vulnerabilities of the Iranian government, evaluates ethnic and demographic tensions in Iran, and assesses recent economic devel- opments and potential trajectories of future economic growth. It con- cludes with a set of policy recommendations for the U.S. government based on the analysis. The research documented here was sponsored by the Deputy Chief of Staff, Plans and Programs, Headquarters United States Air Force and was conducted within the Strategy and Doctrine Program of RAND Project AIR FORCE. This work was carried out under a fiscal year 2005 project, “The USAF’s Role in the Future Middle East,” and updated in 2007. This work is part of the RAND Corporation’s ongo- ing research on Iran and the Middle East. RAND Project AIR FORCE RAND Project AIR FORCE (PAF), a division of the RAND Corpo- ration, is the U.S. Air Force’s federally funded research and develop- ment center for studies and analyses. PAF provides the Air Force with independent analyses of policy alternatives affecting the development, employment, combat readiness, and support of current and future aero- space forces. Research is conducted in four programs: Aerospace Force Development; Manpower, Personnel, and Training; Resource Manage- ment; and Strategy and Doctrine. iii iv Iran’s Political, Demographic, and Economic Vulnerabilities Additional information about PAF is available on our Web site: http://www.rand.org/paf/ Contents Preface ............................................................................. iii Figures ............................................................................. ix Tables .............................................................................. xi Summary .........................................................................xiii Acknowledgments ............................................................ xxiii Glossary ......................................................................... xxv CHAPTER ONE Introduction ....................................................................... 1 The Problem ........................................................................ 1 Purpose .............................................................................. 2 Organization ........................................................................ 3 Research Approach ................................................................. 4 CHAPTER TWO Domestic Politics ................................................................. 7 The Historical and Religious Basis of Iran’s Political System ................. 7 Major Political Actors .............................................................10 The Supreme Leader ............................................................10 Assembly of Experts ............................................................11 Guardian Council ..............................................................11 Expediency Council ............................................................12 The Judiciary ....................................................................12 The President ....................................................................12 Majlis .............................................................................13 v vi Iran’s Political, Demographic, and Economic Vulnerabilities Military ..........................................................................13 The Supreme National Security Council .....................................14 Informal Decisionmaking ........................................................15 Bonyads: Influential Power Brokers ...........................................16 Security Interests ................................................................18 Iranian Factions .................................................................. 20 Other Political Actors .............................................................25 Against Velayat-e-Faqih ........................................................25 Clerics ............................................................................25 Mojahedin-e-Khalq ............................................................ 26 Religious Intellectuals ......................................................... 28 Iranian Political Participation and the Public .................................29 Politics and Legitimacy in Iran ..................................................32 The Political Outlook ............................................................ 34 CHAPTER THREE The Challenge of Ethnicity and Identity Politics ..........................37 The Ethnic and Religious Composition of Iran .............................. 38 Past Iranian Ethnic Policies ......................................................41 Present Challenges ................................................................51 Irredentism and Ethnonationalism ...........................................51 Iran’s Minorities and Political Reform ...................................... 54 Foreign Intervention and Iranian Nationalism ............................... 56 CHAPTER FOUR Demographic Change ...........................................................59 Population and Rate of Growth .................................................59 Urbanization .......................................................................62 CHAPTER FIVE Economic Development and Vulnerabilities ...............................67 Energy and the Iranian Economy ...............................................67 Reserves and Output of Oil and Natural Gas ...............................67 The Role of Energy in Gross Domestic Product, Exports, and the Budget ..................................................................72 Nuclear Power ...................................................................78
Recommended publications
  • Reconciling Islam and Modernity the Role of Ayatollah Khomeini in Shaping Iranian Discourses on Islam and Democracy

    Reconciling Islam and Modernity the Role of Ayatollah Khomeini in Shaping Iranian Discourses on Islam and Democracy

    Reconciling Islam and Modernity The Role of Ayatollah Khomeini in Shaping Iranian Discourses on Islam and Democracy Adam Lewis Religion Senior Thesis Haverford College May 2010 Adviser: Supriya Gandhi Table of Contents Acknowledgements iv Abstract v Introduction 1 CHAPTER I Imagining a Role for Islam in the Public Sphere The Political Thought of Ayatollah Khomeini 5 CHAPTER II The Unexpected Underpinnings of a Theocratic Vision The Mystical Thought of Ayatollah Khomeini 28 CHAPTER III The Standard Bearers of a Progressive Islamic Project Iranian Discourses on Islam and Democracy 41 Conclusion The Increasingly Global Implications of Iranian Reform 65 Bibliography 67 Acknowledgements For my family who has given me unending educational opportunities and the unconditional support that has allowed me to take advantage of them to the fullest. For Lauren, for patiently listening to my “inspired” epiphanies about Ayatollah Khomeini and my desperate rants about the thesis I thought I would never finish. For the baseball team who has made sure I haven’t made it through a single day of the semester without having at least a little fun. And lastly, for the Haverford Professors who have challenged and inspired me over the past four years. I hope that this project serves as a testament to your labors as well as mine. iv Abstract This thesis attempts, through an analysis of Ayatollah Khomeini’s political thought, to show the way in which the widely accepted western caricature of the late Iranian leader as “backward” and “fundamentalist” masks the complexities of his political philosophy and of his legacy as a political and religious leader.
  • Can Iranian Women Compensate for Their Absence from the World of Fiqh?

    Can Iranian Women Compensate for Their Absence from the World of Fiqh?

    Can Iranian Women Compensate for Their Absence From the World of Fiqh? Minoo Mirshahvalad Abstract: It has been maintained that the violation of women’s human rights, in countries governed by Islamic law, derives from the lack of women’s contribution to the exegesis of the sacred texts. Therefore, the access of women to the realm of ijtihad in all likelihood should eliminate, or, at least, hinder these violations. To verify this assumption, I have taken the imposition of the veil in Iran as a touchstone to compare the roles of male and female mujtahids in this respect. The instance of the veil will help us understand whether and to what extent Iranian female mujtahids can and want to have a say in the elimination of what is considered to be a violation to women’s human rights. [Keywords: Shi’a tradition, mujtahid, veil, Iran, fiqh] Among Shi’as we have a wide range of different and contradictory narratives on women’s attire.1 Given this particularity of the second source of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), one needs long training in medieval Arabic, knowledge of chains of narrators and terminology to single out reliable reports. Even among the most cited accounts, only an expert can distinguish daif (weak) and morsala (unauthentic) from sahih (authentic) ones. Indeed, it was the second source of fiqh that brought into play the professionalism in the field of Islamic knowledge, when the Science of Hadith fell into the exclusive expertise of ulama. In Women’s Identity and Rethinking the Hadith, Barazangi maintains that various injustices to women, such as imposition of the veil, stemmed from the exclusion of women from the elaboration of the Science of Hadith.
  • Introduction

    Introduction

    Notes Introduction 1. Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States (London, 1982), 5. 2. Ibid., 3. 3. Tom Nairn, The Break-up of Britain (London, 1977), 41–2. 4. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflection on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983), 15. 5. Ibid., 20. 6. Ibid. 7. Miroslav Hroch, ‘From National Movement to the Fully Formed Nation,’ New Left Review 198 (March/April 1993), 3–20. 8. Ibid., 6–7. 9. Ibid., 18. 10. Seton-Watson, Nations and States, 147–8. 11. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 127. 12. Ibid., 86. 13. Ibid., 102. 14. In the case of Iran, the Belgian constitution was the model for the Iranian constitution with two major adaptations to suit the country’s conditions. There were numerous references to religion and the importance of religious leaders. The constitution also made a point of recognizing the existence of the provincial councils. Ervand Abrahamian, Iran between Two Revolutions (Princeton, NJ, 1982), 90. 15. Peter Laslett, ‘Face-to-Face Society,’ in P. Laslett (ed.), Philosophy, Politics and Society (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1967), 157–84. 16. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 122. 17. Arjun Appadurai, ‘Introduction, Commodities and the Politics of Value,’ in A. Appadurai (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspec- tive (Cambridge, 1986), 3–63. 18. Ibid., 9. 19. Luca Anderlini and Hamid Sabourian, ‘Some Notes on the Economics of Barter, Money and Credit,’ in Caroline Humphrey and Stephen Hugh- Jones (eds), Barter, Exchange and Value (Cambridge, 1992), 75–106. 20. Ibid., 89. 21. The principal issue in the rise of Kurdish national awareness is the erosion in the fabric of the Kurdish ‘face-to-face’ society.
  • Disintegration of Iranian National Front: Causes and Motives

    Disintegration of Iranian National Front: Causes and Motives

    World Journal of Islamic History and Civilization, 2 (4): 237-245, 2012 ISSN 2225-0883 © IDOSI Publications, 2012 DOI: 10.5829/idosi.wjihc.2012.2.4.2406 Disintegration of Iranian National Front: Causes and Motives 11Masoumeh Banitalebi, Kamaruzaman Yusoff and 2Zahra Khajeh Department of Political History, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia School of Language Studies and Linguistics, Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Malaysia Abstract: National Front was a unique self-motivated political process whose main goal was considered as observing Iranians certain rights, manipulating free elections and preventing foreign forces from their negative influence on national benefit and interests and running regulations. This front was formed in 1949 by the leader of Dr. Mosaddeq. It was the most significant front against dictatorship and colonialism.1949 until 1979 the National Front was formed within four periods of times. The causes of National Front frustration can be accounted as weakness of organization and ideology, mistakes made by its leadership and different branches with the National Front. What were the reasons that National Front leaders could not pursue the same aim and it failed to form a coherent party? And it could not unite the political parties, unions, national communities and social groups? Why did not they learn anything from Mosaddeq’s failure and after 25 years, Bakhtiar experienced the same failure? The main purpose of this paper will be introducing the National Front’s leaders and their aims and that all these leaders followed the same route to achieve the countries benefits. Through a variety of mottos, Shah, U.S and Britain were not eager to give the National Front the power.
  • Evaluation of the Social Reasons for Defeating Political Parties in Iran Between the Years of 1942-1954

    Evaluation of the Social Reasons for Defeating Political Parties in Iran Between the Years of 1942-1954

    EVALUATION OF THE SOCIAL REASONS FOR DEFEATING POLITICAL PARTIES IN IRAN BETWEEN THE YEARS OF 1942-1954 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Mottov of $t|iIos;opIip IN SOCIOLOGY BY Naser Haghi Ghareh Darvishlou UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF Dr. Mohammad Akram DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL WORK ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (IIMOIA) 2012 -S5LM9 Political parties appeared on the scene when actions of an erstwhile political system attained a point of complexity that needed the introduction of a new political setup. Usually, political parties emerge when different classes of society become aware of their own interests, and the people of a country want the right to take part in political issues. The nineteenth century was an important phase in Iranian history, wherein political, social and economic corruption were the most obvious problem that Iranians faced. Tremendous increases of such problems have been the reason for the occurrence of all revolutions and reforms in Iran. With the allied occupation of Iran and the exile of Reza Shah, social chaos increased in the 1940s. Also, as a resuU of the Second World War, and because of the lack of a steady government, the country was led to anarchy. This problem offended Iranians more when they became aware of the degree and speed of development in the western countries. When Iranian intellectuals came into direct contact with western countries, they tried to regenerate the political structure of their own country to bring about political stability. After Reza Shah, especially between 1942 and 1954, there came a unique historical opportimity for Iranian elites to form a democratic political structure, whereas during the reign of Reza Shah, political parties and other active groups had been inactive.
  • Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Rise of the Revolutionary Guards

    Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Rise of the Revolutionary Guards

    Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh Political Succession in the Islamic Republic of Iran: The Rise of the Revolutionary Guards Ali Alfoneh February 5, 2018 Issue Paper #1 2019 The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington (AGSIW), launched in 2015, is an independent, nonprofit institution dedicated to providing expert research and analysis of the social, economic, and political dimensions of the Gulf Arab states and how they impact domestic and foreign policy. AGSIW focuses on issues ranging from politics and security to economics, trade, and business; from social dynamics to civil society and culture. Through programs, publications, and scholarly exchanges the institute seeks to encourage thoughtful debate and inform the U.S. policy community regarding this critical geostrategic region. © 2019 Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. All rights reserved. AGSIW does not take institutional positions on public policy issues; the views represented herein are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the views of AGSIW, its staff, or its board of directors. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from AGSIW. Please direct inquiries to: [email protected] This publication can be downloaded at no cost at www.agsiw.org. Cover Photo Credits: Khamenei.ir/Wikimedia Commons About the Author Ali Alfoneh is a senior fellow at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. He is the author of Iran Unveiled: How the Revolutionary Guards are Transforming Iran from Theocracy into Military Dictatorship, published by AEI Press in April 2013.
  • BEFORE the IRAN-UNITED STATES CLAIMS TRIBUNAL the Hague

    BEFORE the IRAN-UNITED STATES CLAIMS TRIBUNAL the Hague

    BEFORE THE IRAN-UNITED STATES CLAIMS TRIBUNAL The Hague The Netherlands The Islamic Republic of Iran, Claimant, v. Claim No . A/30 United States of America, Full Tribunal Respondent. STATEMENT OF DEFENSE OF THE UNITED STATES Sean D . Murphy Agent of the United States Counsel: Michael J . Matheson Jeffrey D . Kovar BEFORE THE IRAN-UNITED STATES CLAIMS TRIBUNAL The Hague The Netherlands The Islamic Republic of Iran, Claimant, v. Claim No . A/30 United States of America, Full Tribunal Respondent. STATEMENT OF DEFENSE OF THE UNITED STATES On August 12, 1996, the Islamic Republic of Iran filed a Statement of Claim (Doc . 1) in a new interpretive dispute against the United States, Case No . A/30, alleging that the United States has violated its commitments under the Algiers Accords by interfering in Iran's internal affairs and implementing economic sanctions against Iran . Pursuant to the Tribunal's Order of August 21, 1996 (Doc . 3), and subsequent extension orders (Docs. 5, 9, and 12), the United States submits this Statement of 1 Defense. 1 In the event the Tribunal permits Iran to file further written statements or other materials in this case (Rules of Procedure, Art . 22-23), the United States requests that the Tribunal accord it the right to respond thereto . - 2 ­ I . INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY The Government of Iran, which has a long record of using terrorism and lethal force as an instrument of state policy, is seeking a ruling from the Tribunal that the United States has violated the Algiers Accords by intervening in Iran's internal affairs and enacting economic sanctions against it .
  • Shia-Sunni Sectarianism: Iran’S Role in the Tribal Regions of Pakistan

    Shia-Sunni Sectarianism: Iran’S Role in the Tribal Regions of Pakistan

    SHIA-SUNNI SECTARIANISM: IRAN’S ROLE IN THE TRIBAL REGIONS OF PAKISTAN A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Shazia Kamal Farook, B.A. Georgetown University Washington, D.C. April 1, 2015 Copyright © Shazia Kamal Farook 2015 All Rights Reserved ii ABSTRACT SHIA-SUNNI SECTARIANISM: IRAN’S ROLE IN THE TRIBAL REGIONS OF PAKISTAN SHAZIA KAMAL FAROOK, B.A. MALS Mentor: Dr. John Esposito This thesis analyzes Shia-Sunni sectarianism in the northern tribal areas of Pakistan, and the role of Iran in exacerbating such violence in recent years. The northern tribal regions have been experiencing an unprecedented level of violence between Sunnis and Shias since the rise of the Tehreek-e-Taliban militant party in the area. Most research and analysis of sectarian violence has marked the rise as an exacerbation of theologically- driven hatred between Sunnis and Shias. Moreover, recent scholarship designates Pakistan as a self- deprecating “failed” state because of its mismanagement and bad governance with regard to the “war on terror.” However, the literature ignores the role of external factors, such as Iranian’s foreign policy towards Pakistan playing out in the tribal areas of Pakistan in the period since the Soviet-Afghan War. Some of the greatest threats to the Shia population in Pakistan arise from the Islamization policies of General Zia-ul-Haq in the 1980s. Policies in favor of Sunni Islam have since pervaded the nation and have created hostile zones all over the nation.
  • Khomeinism, the Islamic Revolution and Anti Americanism

    Khomeinism, the Islamic Revolution and Anti Americanism

    Khomeinism, the Islamic Revolution and Anti Americanism Mohammad Rezaie Yazdi A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Political Science and International Studies University of Birmingham March 2016 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract The 1979 Islamic Revolution of Iran was based and formed upon the concept of Khomeinism, the religious, political, and social ideas of Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini. While the Iranian revolution was carried out with the slogans of independence, freedom, and Islamic Republic, Khomeini's framework gave it a specific impetus for the unity of people, religious culture, and leadership. Khomeinism was not just an effort, on a religious basis, to alter a national system. It included and was dependent upon the projection of a clash beyond a “national” struggle, including was a clash of ideology with that associated with the United States. Analysing the Iran-US relationship over the past century and Khomeini’s interpretation of it, this thesis attempts to show how the Ayatullah projected "America" versus Iranian national freedom and religious pride.
  • Political Islam: a 40 Year Retrospective

    Political Islam: a 40 Year Retrospective

    religions Article Political Islam: A 40 Year Retrospective Nader Hashemi Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver, Denver, CO 80208, USA; [email protected] Abstract: The year 2020 roughly corresponds with the 40th anniversary of the rise of political Islam on the world stage. This topic has generated controversy about its impact on Muslims societies and international affairs more broadly, including how governments should respond to this socio- political phenomenon. This article has modest aims. It seeks to reflect on the broad theme of political Islam four decades after it first captured global headlines by critically examining two separate but interrelated controversies. The first theme is political Islam’s acquisition of state power. Specifically, how have the various experiments of Islamism in power effected the popularity, prestige, and future trajectory of political Islam? Secondly, the theme of political Islam and violence is examined. In this section, I interrogate the claim that mainstream political Islam acts as a “gateway drug” to radical extremism in the form of Al Qaeda or ISIS. This thesis gained popularity in recent years, yet its validity is open to question and should be subjected to further scrutiny and analysis. I examine these questions in this article. Citation: Hashemi, Nader. 2021. Political Islam: A 40 Year Keywords: political Islam; Islamism; Islamic fundamentalism; Middle East; Islamic world; Retrospective. Religions 12: 130. Muslim Brotherhood https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12020130 Academic Editor: Jocelyne Cesari Received: 26 January 2021 1. Introduction Accepted: 9 February 2021 Published: 19 February 2021 The year 2020 roughly coincides with the 40th anniversary of the rise of political Islam.1 While this trend in Muslim politics has deeper historical and intellectual roots, it Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral was approximately four decades ago that this subject emerged from seeming obscurity to with regard to jurisdictional claims in capture global attention.
  • The Gap Between Media Portrayals and the Reality of Islam and Islamism in Iran and Turkey

    The Gap Between Media Portrayals and the Reality of Islam and Islamism in Iran and Turkey

    ISSN 2601-8632 (Print) European Journal of January - April 2019 ISSN 2601-8640 (Online Social Sciences Volume 2, Issue 1 The Gap between Media Portrayals and the Reality of Islam and Islamism in Iran and Turkey Mahdieh Aghazadeh Abstract Since the Islamic revolution in Iran in 1979, the western media has mainly perceived Iran as an extremist, fundamentalist and terrorist country. While there is an anti-Iranian sentiment, Turkey is defined as a country of modern Muslims. However, developments in both countries have led them to a crossroads in the media and in reality. The current study aims to understand the existing gap between media portrayals and the reality of Islam and Islamism in Iran and Turkey – two old rivals in the Middle East. This paper argues that while Iran is portrayed as a more conservative, Islamist and suffocated country, Turkey is regarded as experiencing a more conservative walk on its Islamisation path. Keywords: Iran and Turkey, Islamisation, Political Islam, Media Portrayal. Introduction Wherever there is talk about threat and terrorism, Iran’s name is there. However, on the other hand, when one speaks of a ‘model of Islam and democracy’ Turkey’s name is the pioneering one. The media portrayal of Iran and Turkey can be considered as black and white, evil and angel. Iran, portrayed as ‘an axis of evil,’ has been associated with a number of things in western media: terrorist, extremist, operation, fundamentalist, deceptive and irrational. Turkey does not have the same stance. Although President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his government have received a considerable amount of criticism, still most of the time the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and Turkey are referred to as a positive model for Islamist movements.
  • Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy

    Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy

    Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs August 14, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32048 Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy Summary Since the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, a priority of U.S. policy has been to reduce the perceived threat posed by Iran to a broad range of U.S. interests, including the security of the Persian Gulf region. In 2014, a common adversary emerged in the form of the Islamic State organization, reducing gaps in U.S. and Iranian regional interests, although the two countries have often differing approaches over how to try to defeat the group. The finalization on July 14, 2015, of a “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” (JCPOA) between Iran and six negotiating powers could enhance Iran’s ability to counter the United States and its allies in the region, but could also pave the way for cooperation to resolve some of the region’s several conflicts. During the 1980s and 1990s, U.S. officials identified Iran’s support for militant Middle East groups as a significant threat to U.S. interests and allies. A perceived potential threat from Iran’s nuclear program emerged in 2002, and the United States orchestrated broad international economic pressure on Iran to try to ensure that the program is verifiably confined to purely peaceful purposes. The international pressure contributed to the June 2013 election as president of Iran of the relatively moderate Hassan Rouhani, who campaigned as an advocate of ending Iran’s international isolation.