Pact for Mexico and Telecommunication Reform in Mexico
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Securitization of Narcotraffic in Mexico.Pdf (1.442Mb)
Master’s Thesis 2016 30 ECTS Department of International Environment and Development Studies (Noragric) Securitization of Narcotraffic in Mexico Sergio Arturo Chávez Rosales Master of Science in International Relations The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Eight departments, associated research institutions and the Norwegian College of Veterinary Medicine in Oslo. Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments. The Noragric Master theses are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Noragric Master programme “International Environmental Studies”, “International Development Studies” and “International Relations”. The findings in this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation contact Noragric. © Sergio Arturo Chávez Rosales, May 2016 [email protected] Noragric Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway Tel.: +47 67 23 00 00 Internet: https://www.nmbu.no/om/fakulteter/samvit/institutter/noragric II Declaration I, Sergio Arturo Chávez Rosales, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings. Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree. Signature………………………………. -
The Civil Society-Driven Anti-Corruption Push in Mexico During the Enrique
MEXICO CASE STUDY Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Roberto Simon AS/COA Anti Corruption Working Group Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Rise and Fall: Mexican Civil Society’s Anti-Corruption Push in the Peña Nieto Years Mexico City — “Saving Mexico” declared the cover of Time magazine, alongside a portrait of President Enrique Peña Nieto gazing confidently toward the future.1 Elected in 2012, Peña Nieto had been in power for only 15 months, yet already his bold reform agenda — dubbed the “Pacto por Mexico” (Pact for Mexico) — had made him a darling of global investors. Time noted that the president — “assisted by a group of young technocrats (including) Finance Minister Luis Videgaray and Pemex chief Emilio Lozoya” — was making history by breaking Mexico’s eight-decade state monopoly over the energy industry. “And the oil reform might not even be Peña Nieto’s most important victory,” the magazine said. There was “evidence” that Peña Nieto was about to “challenge Mexico’s entrenched powers.” While most investors focused on the deep regulatory changes under way, leading Mexican civil society organizations were looking at another critical promise in the Pacto por Mexico: fighting endemic corruption. “For centuries, corruption has been one of the central elements of the Mexican state (and) a constant in shaping the political system,” said Jorge Buendía, a prominent pollster and political analyst. A powerful governor from the 1960s to the 1980s allegedly once said that in Mexico “a poor politician is a poor politician.”2 And by the time Peña Nieto came to power, most in the country believed that things hadn’t really changed. -
Cómo Mejorar La Competitividad Y La Productividad De Una Empresa Utilizando Servicios Inalámbricos Móviles De Tercera Generación''
Jl s-Y. ~ioteca ea, u Ditdad de MéJdoo INSTITUTO TECNOLÓGICO Y DE ESTUDIOS SUPERIORES DE MONTEilREY Campus Ciudad de México Escuela de Graduados en Ingeniería y Arquitectura Maestría en Administracion de las Telecomunicaciones Centro de Investigación en Telecomunicaciones y Tecnologías de la Información .. CÓMO MEJORAR LA COMPETITIVIDAD Y LA PRODUCTIVIDAD DE UNA EMPRESA UTILIZANDO SERVICIOS INALÁMBRICOS MÓVILES DE TERCERA GENERACIÓN'' AUTORES: Adolfo Palma Garzón Felipe Octavio Gutiérrez Manjarrez ASESORES: Dr. Alfonso Parra Rodríguez Dr. José Ramón Álvarez Bada México D.F., Julio del 2004 "CÓMO MEJORAR LA COMPETITIVIDAD Y LA PRODUCTIVIDAD DE UNA EMPRESA UTILIZANDO SERVICIOS INALÁMBRICOS MÓVILES DE TERCERA GENERACIÓN" por Adolfo Palma Garzón Felipe Octavio Gutiérrez Manjarrez ha sido aprobada julio del 2004. APROBADA POR LA COMISIÓN DE TÉSIS: --------------------------, Presidente ----------------------' Sinodal ---------------------------, Sinodal ACEPTADA Titular de la Maestría Director del Programa de Maestría Dedica to ria A mis padres. por su carii'ío y apoyo. a mis hermanos. por su compn:nsi<Ín y ayuda y a mis grandes amigos que han estado siempre en los mejores momentos de mi vicia Adolfó Dedicatoria Dedico es/Cl tesis Cl ti Rodrigo. porc¡11e eres !Cl ilusión más grC111de de mi vida. A ti Ana. mi e.,posa. por todo el amor y /:1 paciencia c¡ue me has fenicio. Papcí. MC1111Ú. Tony y Raúl grC1cias por el apoyo c¡ue siempre me han dacio. Feli¡>e Agradecimientos Queremos agradecer el apoyo y entusiasmo con el que ~ 1em¡1re nos atendieron el Dr Guillermo Alfonso Parra Rodríguez y el Dr. José Ramón Álvarcz Bada. Los consejos recibidos de su parte fueron determinantes para la elaboración de este documento. -
Estudio De Las Políticas Públicas De Comunicación En México: La Reforma En Telecomunicaciones De 2013
ADVERTIMENT. Lʼaccés als continguts dʼaquesta tesi queda condicionat a lʼacceptació de les condicions dʼús establertes per la següent llicència Creative Commons: http://cat.creativecommons.org/?page_id=184 ADVERTENCIA. El acceso a los contenidos de esta tesis queda condicionado a la aceptación de las condiciones de uso establecidas por la siguiente licencia Creative Commons: http://es.creativecommons.org/blog/licencias/ WARNING. The access to the contents of this doctoral thesis it is limited to the acceptance of the use conditions set by the following Creative Commons license: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/?lang=en Tesis Doctoral: Estudio de las políticas públicas de comunicación en México: La Reforma en Telecomunicaciones de 2013 Presenta: Iván Daniel Montero García Directora: María Corominas Piulats Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Departament de Mitjans, Comunicació i Cultura Cerdanyola del Vallès, Barcelona. Septiembre 2019 Hay que investigar, no aquello que nos haga ser optimistas, sino aquello que nos dé esperanzas. En esto sigo y me remito a Walter Benjamin al pensar que la esperanza se nos da a través de los desesperados. Hoy en día hay muchos desesperados reinventando América Latina –que es de donde vengo y de lo que puedo haBlar–, con una enorme imaginación social; latinoamericanos apropiándose de los medios, transformando sus culturas y Buscando una transFormación radical del quehacer político. Lo que merece la pena investigarse es aquello que nos dé esperanzas de camBiar esta sociedad; no lo que nos provoque o Bien ganas de quedarnos tranquilos, o bien ganas de injuriar este mundo. Estamos hartos de gente que vive tranquila y no quiere que nadie le quite su tranquilidad, pero tamBién de aquellos que se quedan maldiciendo este mundo, pero no nos dan las herramientas, ni la menor esperanza o posiBilidad, para pensar en la manera de camBiarlo. -
The Resilience of Mexico's
Mexico’s PRI: The Resilience of an Authoritarian Successor Party and Its Consequences for Democracy Gustavo A. Flores-Macías Forthcoming in James Loxton and Scott Mainwaring (eds.) Life after Dictatorship: Authoritarian Successor Parties Worldwide, New York: Cambridge University Press. Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime. During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. By 2000, however, the regime came to an end when the PRI lost the presidency. Mexico became a democracy, and the PRI made the transition from authoritarian ruling party to authoritarian successor party. Yet the PRI did not disappear. It continued to be the largest party in Congress and in the states, and it was voted back into the presidency in 2012. This electoral performance has made the PRI one of the world’s most resilient authoritarian successor parties. What explains its resilience? I argue that three main factors explain the PRI’s resilience in the aftermath of the transition: 1) the PRI’s control over government resources at the subnational level, 2) the post-2000 democratic governments’ failure to dismantle key institutions inherited from the authoritarian regime, and 3) voters’ dissatisfaction with the mediocre performance of the PRI’s competitors. I also suggest that the PRI's resilience has been harmful in various ways, including by propping up pockets of subnational authoritarianism, perpetuating corrupt practices, and undermining freedom of the press and human rights. 1 Between 1929 and 2000, Mexico was an authoritarian regime.1 During this time, elections were held regularly, but because of fraud, coercion, and the massive abuse of state resources, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won virtually every election. -
The Missing Reform: Strengthening Rule of Law in Mexico
The Missing Reform: Strengthening the Rule of Law in Mexico EDITED BY VIRIDIANA RÍOS AND DUNCAN WOOD The Missing Reform: Strengthening the Rule of Law in Mexico EDITED BY VIRIDIANA RÍOS AND DUNCAN WOOD Producing a book like this is always a team effort and, in addition to the individual chapter authors, we would especially like to thank the Mexico Institute and Wilson Center team who gave so many hours to edit, design, and produce this book. In particular, we would like to mention Angela Robertson, Kathy Butterfield, and Lucy Conger for their dedication as well as their professional skill. Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20004-3027 www.wilsoncenter.org Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars ISBN 978-1-938027-76-5 Table of Contents ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS INTRODUCTION / 1 SECTION 1 / 18 Corruption / 18 The Justice System / 44 Democracy and Rule of Law / 78 Business Community / 102 Public Opinion / 124 Media and the Press / 152 SECTION 2 / 182 Education / 182 Transparency / 188 Competition / 196 Crime Prevention / 202 Civil Society / 208 Congress and Political Parties / 214 Energy / 224 Land Tenure / 232 Anticorruption Legislation / 240 Police Forces / 246 Acknowledgements This book collects the intelligence, commitment, and support of many. It comprises the research, ideas and hopes of one of the most talented pools of Mexican professionals who day-to-day, in different spheres, work to strengthen rule of law in their own country. Collaborating with them has been among the highest honors of my career. I cannot thank them enough for believing in this project. -
Latin America 2019
The Mobile Economy Latin America 2019 Copyright © 2019 GSM Association The GSMA represents the interests of mobile operators GSMA Intelligence is the definitive source of global mobile worldwide, uniting more than 750 operators with almost operator data, analysis and forecasts, and publisher of 400 companies in the broader mobile ecosystem, including authoritative industry reports and research. Our data handset and device makers, software companies, equipment covers every operator group, network and MVNO in every providers and internet companies, as well as organisations country worldwide – from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe. It is in adjacent industry sectors. The GSMA also produces the the most accurate and complete set of industry metrics industry-leading MWC events held annually in Barcelona, available, comprising tens of millions of individual data Los Angeles and Shanghai, as well as the Mobile 360 Series points, updated daily. GSMA Intelligence is relied on by of regional conferences. leading operators, vendors, regulators, financial institutions and third-party industry players, to support strategic For more information, please visit the GSMA corporate decision-making and long-term investment planning. The website at www.gsma.com data is used as an industry reference point and is frequently cited by the media and by the industry itself. Our team Follow the GSMA on Twitter: @GSMA of analysts and experts produce regular thought-leading research reports across a range of industry topics. www.gsmaintelligence.com [email protected] -
Mexico and the 112Th Congress
Mexico and the 112th Congress Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 29, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32724 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Mexico and the 112th Congress Summary The United States and Mexico have a close and complex bilateral relationship as neighbors and partners under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Although security issues have recently dominated the U.S. relationship with Mexico, analysts predict that bilateral relations may shift toward economic matters now that President Enrique Peña Nieto has taken office. Peña Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) defeated leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Josefina Vázquez Mota of the conservative National Action Party (PAN) in Mexico’s July 1, 2012 presidential election. As a result, the PRI, which controlled Mexico from 1929 to 2000, retook the presidency on December 1, 2012. Some analysts have raised concerns regarding the PRI’s return to power, but President Peña Nieto has pledged to govern democratically and to forge cross-party alliances. The outgoing PAN government of Felipe Calderón pursued an aggressive anticrime strategy and increased security cooperation with the United States. Those efforts helped Mexico arrest or kill record numbers of drug kingpins, but 60,000 people may have died as a result of organized crime- related violence during the Calderón Administration. Mexico’s ongoing security challenges overshadowed some of the Calderón government’s achievements, including its successful economic stewardship during and after the global financial crisis. U.S. -
The Pact for Mexico After Five Years: How Has It Fared?
CEPR CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND POLICY RESEARCH The Pact for Mexico after Five Years: How Has It Fared? By Mark Weisbrot, Lara Merling, Rebecca Watts, and Jake Johnston* June 2018 Center for Economic and Policy Research 1611 Connecticut Ave. NW tel: 202-293-5380 Suite 400 fax: 202-588-1356 Washington, DC 20009 http://cepr.net * Mark Weisbrot is Co-Director at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR). Lara Merling is a Research Associate at CEPR. Rebecca Watts is a Program Associate at CEPR. Jake Johnston is a Research Associate at CEPR. Contents Executive Summary ........................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................ 6 The Pact for Mexico: Promises and Results .................................................................................................. 8 Economic Policy During the Pact ................................................................................................................. 12 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................................ 19 References ......................................................................................................................................................... 21 Acknowledgements The authors thank Dan Beeton, -
Website Version Flores-Macias Mexico Stalled Reforms
Latin America’s New Turbulence: Mexico’s Stalled Reforms Gustavo A. Flores-Macías Cornell University [email protected] (forthcoming with changes in the Journal of Democracy, April 2016) After Enrique Peña Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) won the presidency in Mexico’s July 2012 election, both domestic and international media began heralding the prospect of “Mexico’s Moment.” Expectations of heightened development and lowered crime ran so high that some observers even started calling Mexico the “Aztec Tiger,” evoking the economic dynamism famously associated with South Korea and Taiwan. At first, these expectations seemed as if they might be realized. Reforms made early progress, and the economy seemed on its way out of stagnation and into a new day of much- needed growth and development. Peña Nieto’s administration crafted the Pact for Mexico—a formal agreement signed by the PRI and its rivals, the center-right National Action Party (PAN) and the left-of-center Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD)—to advance a common reform agenda. The state’s traditional monopoly control of the oil sector was ended, and the way cleared for private competition—a major political feat given Mexicans’ historical opposition to private involvement in this major part of the economy. The first year of Peña Nieto’s presidency saw fiscal, telecommunications, anti-trust, banking, education, and electoral reforms adopted as well. The return to the presidency of the PRI, which had been Mexico’s ruling party for seven decades until voters gave the presidency to the PAN in 2000, seemed to be going smoothly. -
The Public's Interest in Telecom Reform
THE PUBLIC'S INTEREST IN TELECOM REFORM: POST-REFORM PERFORMANCE OF THE MEXICAN TELECOM SECTOR DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Lilia Judith Pérez Chavolla, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2002 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Susan Kline, Adviser ___________________________ Adviser Professor Rohan Samarajiva, Co-adviser School of Journalism and Communication Professor Robert Graniere ___________________________ Co-adviser School of Journalism and Communication Copyright by Lilia J. Pérez-Chavolla 2002 ABSTRACT This dissertation analyzes the public interest discourse that accompanies the implementation of telecommunication institutional reforms in developing countries. Whereas previous research has focused on interpretations of the public interest concept by policymakers, this dissertation addresses the point of view of consumers affected by such reforms. Telecom reforms are often accompanied by official discourse emphasizing benefits in price, quality of service, and access that consumers expect to receive; this dissertation analyzes the extent to which consumers consider that these expectations have been fulfilled. The importance of the consumers' interpretation of the public interest is also emphasized by the increased attention of regulatory agencies and public utility commissions worldwide to consumer protection and education in the new regulatory environment. The dissertation focuses on the case of Mexico, a country representative of the political, economic, and social challenges faced by nations with low and middle levels of telephone penetration. Using argumentation analysis, the study reconstructs the consumers' public interest argument about telecommunications reform in Mexico, based on a purposive sample of letters to the editor published in the nationally distributed Mexican newspaper El Financiero from 1991 to 2001. -
State of Mobile Networks: Mexico (April 2016)
State of Mobile Networks: Mexico (April 2016) Mexico's mobile market is rapidly changing, and not everyone is changing by choice. Long dominant Telcel faces new regulations forcing owner América Móvil to find ways to shrink rather than grow. Meanwhile a new competitive threat has emerged in the form of AT&T. Drawing on 43 million measurements collected by 29,000 OpenSignal users, we took a closer look at the new competitive mobile landscape in Mexico, seeing how its three national operators compare. Report Facts 42,824,503 28,563 Dec 1, Mexico Measurements Test Devices 2015 - Feb Report 29, 2016 Location Sample Period Highlights AT&T's 4G investment is paying dividends Telcel wins out on availability When U.S. mega-operator AT&T took over Iusacell and Nextel Mexico's wireless giant Telcel won OpenSignal's award for best LTE last year, it promised to invest heavily in their combined availability. Its 4G customers were able to see an LTE signal 64.7% of networks. We definitely saw the results of that investment the time in our testing period. Telcel also had the most responsive 4G between December and February. AT&T Mexico matched its network, landing the award for lowest LTE latency. larger rivals in 4G speed and, thanks to its robust 3G infrastructure, lead in overall mobile data speed. A three-way tie for 4G speed Globally Mexico's LTE speeds lag The race for the 4G speed crown was so close we wound up Mexico falls squarely in the middle of the global operator pack when it measuring a statistical tie between Telcel, Movistar and AT&T, all comes to 4G availability, but its operators' 4G speeds are well short of of which averaged LTE download speeds between 9.3 and 10.2 the global download average of 13.5 Mbps.