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No. 21 TRONDHEIM STUDIES on EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES
No. 21 TRONDHEIM STUDIES ON EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES & SOCIETIES David R. Marples THE LUKASHENKA PHENOMENON Elections, Propaganda, and the Foundations of Political Authority in Belarus August 2007 David R. Marples is University Professor at the Department of History & Classics, and Director of the Stasiuk Program for the Study of Contemporary Ukraine of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. His recent books include Heroes and Villains. Constructing National History in Contemporary Ukraine (2007), Prospects for Democracy in Belarus, co-edited with Joerg Forbrig and Pavol Demes (2006), The Collapse of the Soviet Union, 1985-1991(2004), and Motherland: Russia in the 20th Century (2002). © 2007 David R Marples and the Program on East European Cultures and Societies, a program of the Faculties of Arts and Social Sciences, Norwegian University of Science and Technology. ISSN 1501-6684 ISBN 978-82-995792-1-6 Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies Editors: György Péteri and Sabrina P. Ramet Editorial Board: Trond Berge, Tanja Ellingsen, Knut Andreas Grimstad, Arne Halvorsen We encourage submissions to the Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies. Inclusion in the series will be based on anonymous review. Manuscripts are expected to be in English (exception is made for Norwegian Master’s and PhD theses) and not to exceed 150 double spaced pages in length. Postal address for submissions: Editor, Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies, Department of History, NTNU, NO-7491 Trondheim, Norway. For more information on PEECS and TSEECS, visit our web-site at http://www.hf.ntnu.no/peecs/home/ The photo on the cover is a copy of an item included in the photo chronicle of the demonstration of 21 July 2004 and made accessible by the Charter ’97 at http://www.charter97.org/index.phtml?sid=4&did=july21&lang=3 TRONDHEIM STUDIES ON EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES & SOCIETIES No. -
Evaluation of the Partnership for Democracy in Respect of the Parliament of Morocco
http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 13807 08 June 2015 Evaluation of the partnership for democracy in respect of the Parliament of Morocco Report1 Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy Rapporteur: Mr Bogdan KLICH, Poland, Group of the European People's Party Summary The report is a follow-up to Resolution 1942 (2013) whereby the Assembly resolved to continue reviewing the implementation of the partnership for democracy with the Parliament of Morocco, and to make a new assessment within two years. It takes stock of the state of political reform in the country and of the respect of political commitments undertaken in the framework of the partnership. The report makes an overall positive assessment of the results achieved, and welcomes the fact that the partnership has been instrumental in launching and developing crucial reforms in a number of key areas, and in triggering multi-faceted co-operation between the Council of Europe and Moroccan institutions. The partnership must remain an important tool aimed at streamlining the programme of reforms and increasing the role and responsibility of the parliament in this process. In this context, the report notes that the pace of legislative and institutional reforms needs to be stepped up so as to implement fully the ambitions of the 2011 Constitution. More efforts are needed, on the part of the Moroccan Parliament, to make progress towards the abolition of death penalty, preventing human rights violations, and ensuring equal opportunities for women and men. The report suggests that the Parliamentary Assembly should continue reviewing the implementation of political reforms in Morocco and offering its assistance to the Moroccan Parliament, and make a new assessment of the partnership when appropriate. -
European Parliament
EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 2004 2009 Session document 13.9.2004 B6-0053/2004 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION further to the Commission statement pursuant to Rule 103(2) of the Rules of Procedure by Konrad Krzysztof Szymański, Rolandas Pavilionis and Anna Elzbieta Fotyga on behalf of the Union for Europe of the Nations Group on Belarus RE\541355EN.doc PE 347.467 EN EN B6-0053/2004 European Parliament resolution on Belarus The European Parliament, – having regard to the forthcoming elections and referendum on further extending the Presidential term of office in Belarus, – having regard to the resolutions adopted by the UN Commission on Human Rights on Belarus in April 2003 and 2004 and the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly's Resolution No 1371/2004 on disappeared persons, – having regard to the decision of the UN Commission on Human Rights to appoint a special rapporteur on the situation in Belarus, – having regard to Rule 103(2) of the Rules of Procedure, A. whereas the situation as regards human rights, citizens’ rights and fundamental freedoms has reached a critical stage in Belarus, B. whereas the Belarusian authorities continue to demonstrate their unwillingness to tolerate any form of political opposition, C. alarmed at the numerous cases of opposition activists and independent journalists being detained, imprisoned, fined and expelled from universities, D. concerned at the continuing repression of the independent media and NGOs, E. deeply concerned at the reports of 'disappeared' persons in Belarus, 1. Calls on the Belarusian authorities to immediately guarantee the holding of free and fair elections by inviting the representatives of the opposition parties to play a full role as members and observers at every level of the work of electoral commissions; 2. -
Long-Range Ballistic Missile Defense in Europe
Long-Range Ballistic Missile Defense in Europe Steven A. Hildreth Specialist in Missile Defense Carl Ek Specialist in International Relations September 23, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34051 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Long-Range Ballistic Missile Defense in Europe Summary In early 2007, after several years of internal discussions and consultations with Poland and the Czech Republic, the Bush Administration formally proposed deploying a ground-based mid- course defense (GMD) element in Europe of the larger Ballistic Missile Defense System (BMDS) to defend against an Iranian missile threat. The system would have included 10 interceptors in Poland, a radar in the Czech Republic, and another radar deployed in a country closer to Iran, all to be completed by 2013 at a reported cost of at least $4 billion. The proposed European BMD capability raised a number of foreign policy challenges in Europe and with Russia. On September 17, 2009, the Obama Administration announced it would cancel the Bush- proposed European BMD program. Instead, Defense Secretary Gates announced U.S. plans to develop and deploy a regional BMD capability that can be deployed around the world on relatively short notice during crises or as the situation may demand. Gates argued this new capability, based primarily around current BMD sensors and interceptors, would be more responsive and adaptable to growing concern over the direction of Iranian short- and medium- range ballistic missile proliferation. This capability would continue to evolve and expand over the next decade. This report is updated for Senate consideration of the defense appropriations bill (H.R. -
Review–Chronicle
REVIEWCHRONICLE of the human rights violations in Belarus in 2005 Human Rights Center Viasna ReviewChronicle » of the Human Rights Violations in Belarus in 2005 VIASNA « Human Rights Center Minsk 2006 1 REVIEWCHRONICLE of the human rights violations in Belarus in 2005 » VIASNA « Human Rights Center 2 Human Rights Center Viasna, 2006 REVIEWCHRONICLE of the human rights violations in Belarus in 2005 INTRODUCTION: main trends and generalizations The year of 2005 was marked by a considerable aggravation of the general situation in the field of human rights in Belarus. It was not only political rights » that were violated but social, economic and cultural rights as well. These viola- tions are constant and conditioned by the authoritys voluntary policy, with Lu- kashenka at its head. At the same time, human rights violations are not merely VIASNA a side-effect of the authoritarian state control; they are deliberately used as a « means of eradicating political opponents and creating an atmosphere of intimi- dation in the society. The negative dynamics is characterized by the growth of the number of victims of human rights violations and discrimination. Under these circums- tances, with a high level of latent violations and concealed facts, with great obstacles to human rights activity and overall fear in the society, the growth points to drastic stiffening of the regimes methods. Apart from the growing number of registered violations, one should men- Human Rights Center tion the increase of their new forms, caused in most cases by the development of the state oppressive machine, the expansion of legal restrictions and ad- ministrative control over social life and individuals. -
Technical Report
THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND COMMITTEE FOR THE RE-INVESTIGATION OF THE SMOLENSK AIR CRASH TECHNICAL REPORT Facts regarding the crash of the TU-154M No. 101, (Fight PLF101), that took place in Smolensk, Russia on the 10th of April 2010 This crash is being investigated by the Committee for the Re-Investigation of Air Crashes (hereby referred to as the “Committee”) and is a part of the Committee for the Investigation of National Aviation Accidents. The Committee has been tasked with the responsibility of determining the circumstances and causes of this air crash, and with the issuance of appropriate preventive recommendations. This Technical Report includes findings concerning the most important technical aspects of this crash. According to Art. 134, Sec. 1, Item 2 of the Act of July 3, 2002, Aviation Law (Unified Journal of Laws of 2017, Item 89): "The Committee does not adjudicate blame and liability", therefore any form of use of this Technical Report for purposes other than prevention of accidents and serious aviation incidents, should be considered as unauthorized, as it may lead to wrong conclusions and interpretations. 1 Chairman 1. Antoni Macierewicz First Vice Chairman 2. Kazimierz Nowaczyk Second Vice Chairman 3. Wiesław Binienda Secretary 4. Marta Palonek Members 5. Janusz Bujnowski 6. Wiesław Chrzanowski 7. Marek Dąbrowski 8. Wojciech Fabianowski 9. Kazimierz Grono 10. Andrzej Łuczak 11. Ewa Anna Gruszczyńska-Ziółkowska 12. Marcin Gugulski 13. Paweł Jacek Jabczyński 14. Glenn Jørgensen 15. Jacek Kołota 16. Beata Majczyna 17. Bogdan Nienałtowski 18. Grzegorz Szuladziński 19. Janusz Więckowski 20. Piotr Witakowski 21. Tomasz Ziemski 22. Krystyna Zieniuk 2 PREFACE.......................................................................................................................................... -
Poland's Second Return to Europe?
BRIEF POLICY POLAND’S SECOND RETURN TO EUROPE? Paweł Swieboda´ SUMMARY The parliamentary elections on 21 October 2007 produced Donald Tusk, the new Polish Prime Minister, wants to bring Poland back to the heart of Europe, a new governing coalition between the Civic Platform and the rebuilding ties with Germany and France to create Polish People’s Party, prompting a sigh of relief in Warsaw’s a ‘Weimar Triangle’, lessening tensions with Russia, foreign policy establishment. The new government, headed and trying to make the country a genuine player by Donald Tusk, is set on changing the country’s foreign in European foreign policy. policy profi le and wants to erase memories associated with The new Government will try to rebalance its the self-centred style of their predecessors. The Kaczyn´ski relationship with the United States, slowing down twins wholeheartedly believed that Poland needed to use the move towards missile defence and withdrawing every opportunity to assert its national interests, and its troops from Iraq. eagerly used their veto power on a range of issues, including the new EU-Russia partnership agreement, the January Although there will be a change of style on contentious issues like Russia, the new government 2006 tax package, the directive on the transfer of prisoners, will still be an ‘assertive partner’ opting out of the and the European Day Against the Death Penalty. Donald Charter of Fundamental Rights; unlikely to join Tusk’s new team will follow a different logic, working more the euro; and likely to put up a fi ght against reform through discussion and persuasion rather than obstruction. -
Straddling Russia and Europe
Straddling Russia and Europe A Compendium of Recent Jamestown Analysis on Belarus January 2013 Straddling Russia and Europe A Compendium of Recent Jamestown Analysis on Belarus Washington, D.C. January 2013 THE JAMESTOWN FOUNDATION Published in the United States by The Jamestown Foundation 1111 16th St. N.W. Suite 320 Washington, D.C. 20036 http://www.jamestown.org Copyright © The Jamestown Foundation, January 2013 All rights reserved. No part of this report may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written consent. For copyright permissions information, contact The Jamestown Foundation. The views expressed in this report are those of the contributing authors and not necessarily those of The Jamestown Foundation. For more information on this report or The Jamestown Foundation, email [email protected]. JAMESTOWN’S MISSION The Jamestown Foundation’s mission is to inform and educate policymakers and the broader policy community about events and trends in those societies, which are strategically or tactically important to the United States and which frequently restrict access to such information. Utilizing indigenous and primary sources, Jamestown’s material is delivered without political bias, filter or agenda. It is often the only source of information that should be, but is not always, available through official or intelligence channels, especially with regard to Eurasia and terrorism. Origins Launched in 1984 after Jamestown’s late president and founder William Geimer’s work with Arkady Shevchenko, the highest-ranking Soviet official ever to defect when he left his position as undersecretary general of the United Nations, the Jamestown Foundation rapidly became the leading source of information about the inner workings of closed totalitarian societies. -
Technical Report
THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND COMMITTEE FOR THE RE-INVESTIGATION OF THE SMOLENSK AIR CRASH TECHNICAL REPORT Facts regarding the crash of the TU-154M No. 101, (Fight PLF101), that took place in Smolensk, Russia on the 10th of April 2010 This crash is being investigated by the Committee for the Re-Investigation of Air Crashes (hereby referred to as the “Committee”) and is a part of the Committee for the Investigation of National Aviation Accidents. The Committee has been tasked with the responsibility of determining the circumstances and causes of this air crash, and with the issuance of appropriate preventive recommendations. This Technical Report includes findings concerning the most important technical aspects of this crash. According to Art. 134, Sec. 1, Item 2 of the Act of July 3, 2002, Aviation Law (Unified Journal of Laws of 2017, Item 89): "The Committee does not adjudicate blame and liability", therefore any form of use of this Technical Report for purposes other than prevention of accidents and serious aviation incidents, should be considered as unauthorized, as it may lead to wrong conclusions and interpretations. 1 PREFACE ..................................................................................................................................... 3 Previous investigations ............................................................................................................... 5 Overhaul of the TU-154M, PLF101 .............................................................................................. 8 Access to evidence -
Silitski-16-4
PREEMPTING DEMOCRACY: THE CASE OF BELARUS Vitali Silitski Vitali Silitski is a 2004–2005 Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy. In 2003, he was forced to leave his position as associate professor at the European Humanities University in Minsk after publicly criticizing Belarus’s government. In 2001, ten years after the breakup of the Soviet Union, the prospects for democracy in its successor states (outside the Baltic) seemed in- creasingly bleak. Even countries that had begun their independence from the USSR in relatively promising fashion seemed to be sliding back toward autocracy. But then things suddenly seemed to change. A series of dramatic events—Georgia’s 2003 Rose Revolution, Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, and the Tulip Revolution that ousted Kyrgyz president Askar Akayev following rigged February 2005 parliamentary elections—created a very different set of expectations. Many thought that this new wave of change would spread democratic impulses through- out the region, leading to the ouster of autocrats in other countries. In reaction to the events in Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan, poli- tics is indeed changing in postcommunist Eurasia—but in many places it is changing for the worse. Several of the region’s surviving autocra- cies have tightened the reins: Kazakhstan recently outlawed its major opposition party; Tajikistan introduced new regulations restricting con- tact between foreign diplomats and local civil society groups; Azerbaijan’s opposition groups and independent press face a new round of attacks in advance of the November 2005 parliamentary elections; in Uzbekistan, a May 2005 rebellion against President Islam Karimov was violently suppressed; and Russian president Vladimir Putin recently announced an upcoming ban on civil society assistance from abroad and implemented an electoral reform that makes it impossible for par- ties independent of the presidential administration to win representation in parliament. -
Peaceful Assembly; Fair Trial; Torture, Ill-Tre
Belarus1 IHF FOCUS: freedom of expression and the media; freedom of association; peaceful assembly; fair trial; torture, ill-treatment and police misconduct; prison conditions; death penalty and disappearances; religious intolerance; conscientious objection; ethnicity; intolerance and hate speech. Belarus’ human rights record remained one of the worst in Europe, with the almost complete absence of democracy and the rule of law. High officials who had come to power by undemocratic means showed little respect for the law, and kept in motion a vicious cycle that made the situation of people living in Belarus insecure and unstable. Continued violations of political, social and economic rights created an atmosphere of fear: according to public opinion polls, almost one third of the Belarusian population were contemplating leaving the country and settling abroad. Meanwhile, Belarus faced increasing international isolation. On October 29, the last foreign staff member of the OSCE Advisory and Monitoring Group in Minsk - the officer-in-charge - left the country after the Belarusian government had refused to extend her diplomatic accreditation. Prior to that, the Belarusian authorities had successively expelled OSCE mission members while at the same time making it impossible for the mission to operate normally.2 There were almost no state institutions in Belarus whose officials were elected or appointed according to democratic procedure: most of them were appointed directly by President Aleksandr Lukashenka or his administration. As a result of non-observance of the rule of law, the power of officials increased. The Criminal Code and legislation governing economic activities allowed arbitrary accusations to be made against any person of various forms of violations and this was used to intimidate critically- minded officials and to manipulate them. -
Zaufanie Do Polityków W Lutym
Warszawa, luty 2011 BS/21/2011 ZAUFANIE DO POLITYKÓW W LUTYM Znak jakości przyznany CBOS przez Organizację Firm Badania Opinii i Rynku 4 lutego 2010 roku Fundacja Centrum Badania Opinii Społecznej ul. Żurawia 4a, 00-503 Warszawa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] http://www.cbos.pl (48 22) 629 35 69 W lutym1 największym zaufaniem Polaków niezmiennie cieszy się prezydent Bronisław Komorowski. Ufa mu – według ich własnych deklaracji – prawie dwie trzecie respondentów (65%). Dystans między prezydentem, a pozostałymi uwzględnionymi w naszym badaniu przedstawicielami sceny politycznej jeszcze się powiększył. Nieco inny niż miesiąc temu jest też układ sił na kolejnych pozycjach naszego rankingu. Drugie miejsce wśród najczęściej obdarzanych zaufaniem przedstawicieli sceny politycznej zajmuje Grzegorz Napieralski (51%), który pod względem liczby pozytywnych ocen wyprzedził premiera Donalda Tuska oraz szefa MSZ Radosława Sikorskiego (po 47% deklaracji zaufania). Awans na drugie miejsce przewodniczący SLD zawdzięcza jednak przede wszystkim pogorszeniu ocen obu polityków, przy utrzymujących się dobrych własnych notowaniach. Mniej osób, około dwie piąte badanych, deklaruje zaufanie do wicepremiera i szefa resortu gospodarki Waldemara Pawlaka, prezesa NBP Marka Belki oraz Leszka Balcerowicza (po 41% deklaracji zaufania). Niemal tyle samo respondentów ma zaufanie do minister zdrowia Ewy Kopacz (40%), nieco mniej do przewodniczącego międzyresortowej komisji ustalającej przyczyny katastrofy smoleńskiej – szefa MSWiA Jerzego Millera (37%). Zaufaniem nieco ponad jednej trzeciej respondentów cieszą się marszałek Sejmu Grzegorz Schetyna (35%) oraz doradca prezydenta Tomasz Nałęcz (34%). Kolejne miejsca w lutowym rankingu zajmują: minister obrony Bogdan Klich (29% deklaracji zaufania), przewodniczący Rady Gospodarczej przy Prezesie Rady Ministrów Jan Krzysztof Bielecki, liderka PJN Joanna Kluzik-Rostkowska (po 28% wskazań) oraz prezes PiS Jarosław Kaczyński (27%).