Muammar Gaddafi's Legacy
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Political Actors, Camps and Conflicts in the New Libya
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Wolfram Lacher Fault Lines of the Revolution Political Actors, Camps and Conflicts in the New Libya RP 4 May 2013 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2013 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the author(s). SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 3−4 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (English version of SWP-Studie 5/2013) The English translation of this study has been realised in the context of the project “Elite change and new social mobilization in the Arab world”. The project is funded by the German Foreign Office in the framework of the transformation partnerships with the Arab World and the Robert Bosch Stiftung. It cooperates with the PhD grant programme of the Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung and the Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung. Table of Contents 5 Problems and Conclusions 7 Parameters of the Transition 9 Political Forces in the New Libya 9 Camps and Interests in Congress and Government 10 Ideological Camps and Tactical Alliances 12 Fault Lines of the Revolution 14 The Zeidan Government 14 Parliamentary and Extra-Parliamentary Islamists 14 The Grand Mufti’s Network and Influence 16 The Influence of Islamist Currents -
After Gaddafi 01 0 0.Pdf
Benghazi in an individual capacity and the group it- ures such as Zahi Mogherbi and Amal al-Obeidi. They self does not seem to be reforming. Al-Qaeda in the found an echo in the administrative elites, which, al- Islamic Maghreb has also been cited as a potential though they may have served the regime for years, spoiler in Libya. In fact, an early attempt to infiltrate did not necessarily accept its values or projects. Both the country was foiled and since then the group has groups represent an essential resource for the future, been taking arms and weapons out of Libya instead. and will certainly take part in a future government. It is unlikely to play any role at all. Scenarios for the future The position of the Union of Free Officers is unknown and, although they may form a pressure group, their membership is elderly and many of them – such as the Three scenarios have been proposed for Libya in the rijal al-khima (‘the men of the tent’ – Colonel Gaddafi’s future: (1) the Gaddafi regime is restored to power; closest confidants) – too compromised by their as- (2) Libya becomes a failing state; and (3) some kind sociation with the Gaddafi regime. The exiled groups of pluralistic government emerges in a reunified state. will undoubtedly seek roles in any new regime but The possibility that Libya remains, as at present, a they suffer from the fact that they have been abroad divided state between East and West has been ex- for up to thirty years or more. -
Libya Country Report Matteo Capasso, Jędrzej Czerep, Andrea Dessì, Gabriella Sanchez
Libya Country Report Matteo Capasso, Jędrzej Czerep, Andrea Dessì, Gabriella Sanchez This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement no. 769886 DOCUMENT INFORMATION Project Project acronym: EU-LISTCO Project full title: Europe’s External Action and the Dual Challenges of Limited Statehood and Contested Order Grant agreement no.: 769886 Funding scheme: H2020 Project start date: 01/03/2018 Project duration: 36 months Call topic: ENG-GLOBALLY-02-2017 Shifting global geopolitics and Europe’s preparedness for managing risks, mitigation actions and fostering peace Project website: https://www.eu-listco.net/ Document Deliverable number: XX Deliverable title: Libya: A Country Report Due date of deliverable: XX Actual submission date: XXX Editors: XXX Authors: Matteo Capasso, Jędrzej Czerep, Andrea Dessì, Gabriella Sanchez Reviewers: XXX Participating beneficiaries: XXX Work Package no.: WP4 Work Package title: Risks and Threats in Areas of Limited Statehood and Contested Order in the EU’s Eastern and Southern Surroundings Work Package leader: EUI Work Package participants: FUB, PSR, Bilkent, CIDOB, EUI, Sciences Po, GIP, IDC, IAI, PISM, UIPP, CED Dissemination level: Public Nature: Report Version: 1 Draft/Final: Final No of pages (including cover): 38 2 “More than ever, Libyans are now fighting the wars of other countries, which appear content to fight to the last Libyan and to see the country entirely destroyed in order to settle their own scores”1 1. INTRODUCTION This study on Libya is one of a series of reports prepared within the framework of the EU- LISTCO project, funded under the EU’s Horizon 2020 programme. -
Fragile Stability and Future Opportunities in Libya's Sirte
Issue 2019/21 December 2019 The City in the Middle: Fragile Stability and Future Opportunities in Libya’s Sirte Omar Al-Hawari1 Since 4 April, Libya has been witnessing its third civil conflict in eight years. The conflict was sparked when the General Command of the Libyan Arab Armed Forces (LAAF),2 a diverse coalition headquartered in eastern Libya, launched a military operation to wrest control of the capital from actors loosely affiliated to the internationally- recognised Government of National Accord (GNA).3 While fighting has continued in and around Tripoli, with neither side able to gain a decisive victory, there have been concerns that the conflict over the capital could precipitate violence in other areas across the country. The coastal city of Sirte4 appeared particularly exposed, with its proximity to forces allied to the two main warring camps indicating it could become a new frontline. In addition to its strategic location in the centre of Libya’s northern coast, Sirte has a particular symbolism in Libya’s recent history. Having been the stronghold of the Qadhadhfa tribe and of the Jamahiriyya regime between 1969 and 2011, it then 1. Omar Al-Hawari is a communications engineer and researcher from the Sirte region. He has been cooperating with the Middle East Directions Programme since 2018. This paper was written as part of Middle East Directions’ Libya Initiative, which includes a project mentoring junior Libyan analysts. This paper was origi- nally written in Arabic. BRIEF 2. The LAAF is an alliance of armed military and civilian groups led by Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar. -
Challenging the Assumptions of the Libyan Conflict
CrisesAlert 1: Challenging the assumptions of the Libyan conflict Kars de Bruijne Clingendael Report Floor El Kamouni-Janssen Fransje Molenaar CrisesAlert 1: Challenging the assumptions of the Libyan conflict Kars de Bruijne Floor El Kamouni-Janssen Fransje Molenaar Clingendael report July 2017 Clingendael CrisesAlerts Libya Unpacking conflict trends, theaters and assumptions forms the basis of the Clingendael CrisesAlerts on Libya: where are the theaters of war, what are trends in fault lines, success and conflict activity? European security interests at stake: this CrisesAlert explores why Europe should care about the ongoing conflict. What security interests are at stake? What are the mechanisms whereby the crises impact Europe and its member states? What should be done? Local conflict, local peace: this CrisesAlert explores variations in local power: who is cooperating with whom? What explains the coalitions of violence and coalitions of peace? What can be done? The EU in the world: this CrisesAlert probes into the regional and geopolitical power dynamics. How do fault lines develop and what does this suggest for the EU’s room for maneuver, foreign policy and actionable policy? July 2017 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: © Flickr – Courtney Radsch Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. -
Libya's Civil War, 2011
Factsheet : Libya’s Civil War, 2011 Factsheet Series No. 123, Created: May 2011, Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East What triggered protests in Libya in early 2011? Protests in Libya began on January 14, in the eastern town of al-Bayda over housing conditions. 1 The February 15 arrest of a human rights activist representing the families of victims of the Abu Salim prison massacre (see below) sparked protests by 500-600 people February 16 in the city of Benghazi, also in eastern Libya. On February 17, police killed 15 Benghazi protesters during a large organized protest. The army’s elite 32 nd Brigade, commanded by Muammar Gaddafi’s son Khamis, swept into Bayda and Benghazi February 17-18, killing dozens of people, sparking outrage and even larger protests. Protesters’ initial demands then morphed into calls for Gaddafi’s ouster. Benghazi remains a rebel stronghold. What are the protesters’ larger grievances? Regional disparities in the distribution of the benefits of oil revenues. Although most of Libya’s proven oil and gas reserves lie in eastern Libya, it has long been neglected in favour of the western province around Tripoli, the capital. According to a leaked US embassy cable, Gaddafi deliberately pursued policies to “keep the east poor.” Half of the men aged 18 to 34 in eastern Libya are unemployed, according to a local source quoted in the cable. 2 Periodic uprisings in eastern Libya have also been sharply suppressed over the years, intensifying resentment of Gaddafi there.3 Gross human rights violations. Gaddafi’s Libya has a history of gross human rights violations which remain unpunished and largely unacknowledged by the government. -
La Organización De Naciones Unidas
Rol de Naciones Unidas en los conflictos armados contemporáneos Casos de estudio: Libia, Siria y Nigeria ESCUELA MILITAR DE CADETES “General José María Córdova” Colección Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales El objetivo central de esta colección es profundizar en la discusión sobre los temas geopolíticos de mayor incidencia hoy en el mundo y los canales diplomáticos hasta ahora dispuestos para buscar una pronta solución a los problemas de carácter social más acuciantes en Colombia, América Latina y el mundo. De ahí la necesidad de ubicar estas diversas aristas de las relaciones entre Estados según su contexto local, regional e internacional. Rol de Naciones Unidas en los conflictos armados contemporáneos Casos de estudio: Libia, Siria y Nigeria Angie Arenas Piedrahita Juan Camilo Mejía Prieto Editores Bogotá, D. C., 2020 Catalogación en la publicación - Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova” Rol de Naciones Unidas en los conflictos armados contemporáneos. Casos de estudio: Libia, Siria y Nigeria / Editores Angie Arenas Piedrahita y Juan Camilo Mejía Prieto. -- Bogotá: Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova”, 2020. 180 páginas : mapas y cuadros ; 24 cm Incluye bibliografía al final de cada capitulo ISBN: 978-958-53183-1-1 E-ISBN: 978-958-53183-2-8 (Colección Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales. Miles Doctus) 1.Naciones Unidas - Administración 2.Organismos internacionales - Siglo XXI 3.Conflicto armado -- Siglo XXI 5.Libia - Condiciones sociales - Defensas 6.Siria - Condiciones sociales - Defensas 7.Nigeria - Condiciones sociales - Defensas i.Mejía Prieto, Juan Camilo (editor - autor) ii.Arenas Piedrahita, Angie Julieth (editora -autora) iii.Rayran Cortés, Manuel Alejandro (autor) iv.Colombia. -
The Role of the Islamists in the Maghreb Geopolitics of North Africa and the Middle East Tom O’Donnell Fall 2011 KJS – Tunisia Allison – Algeria Cehernandez – Libya
The Role of the Islamists in the Maghreb Geopolitics of North Africa and The Middle East Tom O’Donnell Fall 2011 KJS – Tunisia Allison – Algeria cehernandez – Libya 1 The Role of the Islamists in the Maghreb The main focus of the Maghreb reports will be to examine the role of the Islamists in Tunisia, Algeria, and Libya. With a crackdown in Algeria, the sweeping win of Ennahda in Tunisia, and the discussion of the Islamists in Libya, there is a clear role that each party plays in their respective countries. Using the Arab spring as a focal point, we will examine how these parties have affected the Maghreb, and what they have stood for historically as well as where they stand today. We will discuss what particular objectives the Islamists have in each country, as well as how the population receives them. Each group member has been assigned a country and will examine the history of that country leading up to the development of the Islamist parties. A Brief Look at Shari’a Law To understand the roles the Islamists have traditionally played, as well as what their objectives are today, it is important to understand Shari’a Law. While Sharia Law is not implemented in Tunisia, Algeria, or Libya, there is fear that it will play a part in future politics. Within the governments of Algeria, Tunisia and Libya, Islamic law is based off the idea of Shari’a; which means that it is based off customs and teachings of the Qur’an. Though this word has multiple meanings, it is the way that jurists find truth through exploration and analysis. -
Libya's Fight for Survival
LIBYA’S FIGHT FOR SURVIVAL DEFEATING JIHADIST NETWORKS September 2015 LIBYA’S FIGHTLIBYA’S FOR SURVIVAL: DEFEATING JIHADIST NETWORKS About the European Foundation for Democracy The European Foundation for Democracy is a Brussels-based policy institute dedicated to upholding Europe’s fundamental values of freedom and equality, regardless of gender, ethnicity or religion. We work with grassroots activists, media, policy experts and government officials throughout Europe to identify constructive approaches to addressing these challenges. Our goal is to ensure that the universal values of the Enlightenment – political pluralism, individual liberty and government by democracy and religious tolerance – remain the core foundation of Europe’s prosperity and welfare, and the basis on which diverse cultures and opinions can interact peacefully. About the Counter Extremism Project The Counter Extremism Project is a not-for-profit, non-partisan, international policy organi- sation formed to address the threat from extremist ideology. It does so by pressuring financial support networks, countering the narrative of extremists and their online recruitment, and advo- cating for effective laws, policies and regulations. CEP uses its research and analytical expertise to build a global movement against the threat to pluralism, peace and tolerance posed by extremism of all types. In the United States, CEP is based in New York City with a team in Washington, D.C. LIBYA’S FIGHT FOR SURVIVAL DEFEATING JIHADIST NETWORKS September 2015 Edited by Arturo Varvelli -
Responsabilidad De Proteger Y Revolución, El Rol De Las Naciones Unidas En La Guerra Civil Libia1 2
Responsabilidad de proteger y revolución, el rol de las Naciones Unidas en la guerra civil libia1 2 https://doi.org/10.21830/9789585318328.02 Juan Camilo Mejía Prieto2 Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova” Resumen El presente capítulo aborda las dinámicas que desencadenaron la primera guerra civil libia, a través de un recorrido histórico que termina con el inicio de la era repu- blicana, profundamente marcada por la ideología gadafista. Se exponen los antecedentes inmediatos que originaron las hostilidades, así como las partes enfrentadas y su respectiva valoración de potenciales. Se aborda, igualmente, la significativa participación de laotan (en cabeza, principalmente, de Estados Unidos., Reino Unido y Francia) en cumpli- miento de las resoluciones emitidas por el Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas, evidenciando la clara alianza militar entre actores estatales y no estatales, que finalmente derrocaron al régimen tras la muerte del dictador. Finalmente, se cierra con un recorrido cronológico a través del desarrollo de la campaña militar, para concluir, a través de una breve discusión, con las implicaciones de esta intervención en la seguridad internacional y, en particular, en la denominada ‘responsabilidad de proteger’. Palabras clave: Gadafi, intervención, Libia,otan , revolución, r2p. 1 Este capítulo hace parte de los resultados del proyecto de investigación “Mecanismos del sistema de Naciones Unidas para la resolución de conflictos armados contemporáneos”, del Grupo de Investigación en Ciencias Militares de la Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova, regis- trado con el código COL0082556 de Minciencias. Los puntos de vista y los resultados de este artículo pertenecen al autor y no reflejan necesariamente los de las instituciones participantes. -
Considerazioni Politiche E Militari Sulla Crisi in Libia
Considerazioni politiche e militari sulla crisi in Libia n. 34 - maggio 2011 A cura del CeSI (Centro Studi Internazionali) Considerazioni politiche e militari sulla crisi in Libia di Gabriele Iacovino Maggio 2011 Indice 1. Introduzione al conflitto 1 2. Forze alleate nell’Operazione Unified Protector 5 3. Le risorse militari a disposizione di Gheddafi 9 4. Il campo degli insorti 12 5. Conclusioni 22 Per la stesura del lavoro sono state utilizzate fonti della NATO, del Ministero della Difesa italiano, britannico e francese, del Dipartimento della Difesa americano e fonti CeSI. 1. Introduzione al conflitto Le rivolte popolari che hanno colpito l’intero arco nordafricano e mediorientale hanno avuto effetti diversi nei vari Paesi. Si è infatti visto come le manifestazioni abbiano portato in Tunisia ed Egitto alla cacciata dal potere, rispettivamente, di Ben Ali e Mubarak, mentre in Algeria e Marocco le autorità siano riuscite a trovare, per adesso, un compromesso tra istanze riformatrici e mantenimento del potere. Per quanto riguarda la Libia, invece, la situazione si è sviluppata fin da subito lungo direttrici differenti, delineandosi come una vera e propria guerra civile che vede scontrarsi da una parte le forze fedeli al Colonnello Gheddafi e dall’altra gli insorti. Tutto è cominciato il 17 febbraio, quando, in occasione di quello che era stato definito “il giorno della rabbia”, molti movimenti di opposizione avevano organizzato manifestazione contro il regime. Tuttavia, una protesta che sembrava circoscritta solo ad alcune zone del Paese, in particolare quelle orientali, e in grado di essere mantenuta sotto controllo dalle Forze di Sicurezza libiche, si è via via trasformata in un vero e proprio conflitto. -
The Libyan Power and Social Network: Qadhafi, Family, Friends, Tribes and Business Partners (Copyright Issandr El Amrani
THE LIBYAN POWER AND SOCIAL NETWORK: QADHAFI, FAMILY, FRIENDS, TRIBES AND BUSINESS PARTNERS (COPYRIGHT ISSANDR EL AMRANI / WWW.ARABIST.NET) Musa Kusa Foreign Minister, former External Services Org (Intel) chief OLD GUARD ✩ TECHNOCRATS ✩ FAMILY Mustapha Kharrub Revolutionary Committee member al-Hweildi al-Hmeidi Revolutionary Committee member Libyana Omar Suleiman Telecommunication Committee Hussein Salem, property deals, etc Hosni Mubarak Muhammad Qadhafi Eldest son and the only child of Gaddafi's Al Madar al Jadid first wife Fathia Khaled. Property portfolio Egypt Ahmed Qadhaf ad-Dam Libyan Olympic Committee 40% of Libyan Beverage Company Cousin, security and Fayoum Bedouins intelligence advisor DEFECTED? London School of Economics and Political Gaddafi International Charity and Development Science Foundation Minister of Defense Abu Bakr al-Yunis A brigadier general and de facto chairman of the Abdulhakim el-Ghami joint chiefs of staff Saif al-Islam, second son and first child of his second wife Safia Farkash. Long presumed heir-apparent. (Key fixer for Seif, Munich-based) Abdessalam Jalloud Former prime minister, aide Abdullah Sanussi al Megrahi Married to a sister of Gaddafi's wife, said to be behind 1970s and 1980s terrorist acts and attempt on Saudi King Abdullah's life Juventus (Through LAFICO) Italian League Colonel Gaddafi's third son, Al-Saadi, is known for his Perugina FC love of football. The WikiLeaks diplomatic cables claimed (former player) Abuzeid Dorda that Al-Saadi was briefly an officer in a Special Forces unit Di r e cto r o f Exte r nal Se r vi ce s and heads a military battalion; he has a turbulent past, Organization (Intelligence), former PM, including clashes with police in Italy.