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Effectiveness and Evaluation of Crime Prevention Programs in Minas Gerais Claudio Beato* and Andréa Maria Silveira†

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Effectiveness and Evaluation of Crime Prevention Programs in Minas Gerais Claudio Beato* and Andréa Maria Silveira† Beato, C and Silveira, A M 2014 Effectiveness and Evaluation of Crime stability Prevention Programs in Minas Gerais. Stability: International Journal of Security & Development, 3(1): 20, pp. 1-18, DOI: http://dx.doi. org/10.5334/sta.dr RESEARCH ARTICLE Effectiveness and Evaluation of Crime Prevention Programs in Minas Gerais Claudio Beato* and Andréa Maria Silveira† This essay analyzes previous studies evaluating the effectiveness of the crime prevention policies adopted by the Government of Minas Gerais (Brazil). In this work, greater emphasis is placed on studies evaluating outcomes than on studies dealing with the process of setting up and implementing programs and projects. In order to allow a more systematic discussion, the Maryland Scale, which cat- egorizes research and evaluations according to the methodological strengths and weaknesses in five levels, is employed. Subsequently, the authors draw a parallel between Brazil and other settings. Finally, this essay lays out the implications of this discussion regarding the prevention programs. Introduction broader reach in the execution of programs A mix of social policy and crime prevention targeting more specific groups such as the programs is often proposed to keep crime young, high-risk families, youths on proba- rates low. Although the association between tion schemes or street dwellers just to name general social programs and specific pro- a few, that can be more directly linked to the grams to fight crime is unclear, this type of issue of violence prevention (Banco Mundial social intervention is commonly associated 2003; Soares 2006). Nevertheless, the with a reduction in crime (Welsh and Far- power of the municipal police is restricted rington 2012; Rolim 2006). to Municipal Guards, which represents a What are the most important effects of limiting factor for the structuring of ‘Weed these policies for reducing crime? The dif- and Seed’ projects that involve elements of ficulty of evaluating these policies partly qualified enforcement and crime prevention stems from the fact that social policies are through social development (Banco Mundial devised and implemented at different levels 2003; Soares 2006; Rigakos 1996; Kelly et al of public administration (municipal, state, 2005). Consequently, many programs of this and federal). In Brazil for instance, such poli- nature aimed at bringing together different cies are under the control of state govern- control strategies are derived from state-level ments. Municipal districts however, have a agencies, such as UPPs (Pacification Police Units), Pacto pela Vida (Pact for Life) or Fica Vivo (Stay Alive). * Professor of Sociology, Universidade Federal de To make things worse, there is often a prob- Minas Gerais, Brazil lem with how crime prevention programs are [email protected] conceptualized. Treating crime prevention † Professor of Public Health, Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Brazil programs distinctly and separately from pro- [email protected] grams connected with policing is a common Art. 20, page 2 of 18 Beato and Silveira: Effectiveness and Evaluation of Crime Prevention Programs in Minas Gerais mistake. Many of the assessment projects focus of such projects greatly reduces their are run by the police or feature the police potential for generalization toward applica- in an active role. The IGESP (Integration and tion in broader policies. Management of Public Security), and GEPAR The Brazilian tradition entails a broader (Group Specialized in Policing Risk Areas) of strategy, with groups of projects comprising a the Fica Vivo (Stay Alive) are highly successful state policy, as opposed to specific programs examples of prevention programs involving within localized institutional settings (Beato the police. The Patrulhamento Ativo (Active 2012; Soares 2006). As a result, in Brazil, Patrol) program has also shown promise, many discussions are centered on evaluat- although more systematic assessment is nec- ing how programs were run rather than their essary (Beato 2008; Soares et al 2013). outcomes. While it is true that this type of Another aspect to consider is the scope of strategy is virtually inevitable, given Brazil´s the interventions, which directly influences context of short-term urgency, institutional the difficulty of conducting evaluations. In and constitutional constraints, and cognitive Latin American literature, particularly from capacity prevailing in public security, it also Brazil, there is a predominance of analyses severely limits the ability to critically assess concerning institutional projects of a broader which components and elements work in and more systemic nature (Beato 2012). crime prevention (Beato 2012; Silveira 2007). Thus, as a general rule, these analyses range This renders the programs more vulnerable from interventions of a managerial nature to the development of inefficient, expensive for integrating actions at different levels, to and largely ineffective policies. There are specific programs and projects aimed at dif- exceptions however, some of which will be ferent audiences. Examples include urban discussed below. restructuring and requalification projects, or schemes for the reeducation and reinte- Prevention of crime and violence in gration of juvenile offenders or individuals Brazil leaving the prison system. It therefore fol- The Federal Government of Brazil began lows that the most renowned policies of this incorporating ‘elements of prevention’ pro- nature are endorsed by state governments, posing interventions upon known causes of which often seek federal funding for them. crime and violence by setting up the Public One of the texts most central to the dis- Security Fund established by Minister Jose cussion of evidence-based crime-prevention Gregorio. More recently, since 2003, the Fed- policies is the work of Lawrence Sherman eral Government has proposed a National (Sherman et al 2002), which draws on over Policy for Public Security whose agenda fea- 500 studies, assessing their effectiveness in tures the prevention of crime and violence. the United States and England. These stud- In particular, the reformulation of the Law of ies are grouped into seven institutional set- the National Fund for Public Security opened tings for evaluation: a) family; b) schools; the door for possible municipal financing c) communities; d) job market; e) places; f) for crime prevention programs. Although police agency; and g) courts and correctional these programs have not yet been formally facilities. The North American and English assessed by the Ministry of Justice, a database cases comprise numerous experiences, pro- has been built to compile, systematize and jects and programs specifically focusing on disseminate the public’s experience with the particular violence and crime-related issues. programs. In 2005, through the document These consist of highly specific projects with entitled ‘Profile of the Practices Recorded at a well-defined focus, enabling robust scien- the Democratic Monitoring Unit of Practices tific evaluation in which causal relationships for the Prevention of Violence and Crime in can be established. However, the narrow Brazil,’ the Ministry of Justice reported the Beato and Silveira: Effectiveness and Evaluation of Crime Prevention Art. 20, page 3 of 18 Programs in Minas Gerais basic characteristics of 168 prevention prac- cent of public respondents deemed the tices registered at the Unit up to May 2005 actions successful (MJ 2005). (MJ 2005). In all, only half of the programs Although the database listed only 168 were found to have undergone some type of initiatives, professionals from the field have evaluation (Silveira 2007). acknowledged the existence of a greater The report revealed that the Military Police number of prevention programs and pro- and Fire Service were the institutions that jects in place, many conducted by NGOs, reli- most promoted prevention of violence and gious institutions, and OSCIPs (Civil Society crime, accounting for 56 per cent of all such Organizations of Public Interest). The major- actions. The Civil Police conducted 23 per ity of these initiatives operate at the commu- cent, while the state secretariats and other nity level with a target population of children NGOs accounted for 11 and 10 per cent of and young adults. Most of the projects offer actions, respectively. The most commonly workshops for recreation, sports, vocational cited problems, particularly by the police training, remedial tutoring, culture and art. forces, were drug trafficking and use along The idea of keeping youths occupied in a with drug addiction. Among state secretari- venue for socializing—and therefore off the ats, Civil Police and other organizations, a streets—is prevalent. third of the projects were dedicated to the In the field of health policy, Administrative prevention of juvenile crime and to promot- Rule no. 737/GM 16 of May 2001 concern- ing the Child and Adolescent Statute (ECA). ing the National Policy for Reducing Morbi- The main obstacles cited in attaining pro- mortality by Accidents and Violent Acts gram objectives included a lack of coordina- plays an important role in establishing dif- tion of ‘counter-advertising’, skepticism of ferent institutional responsibilities, and also the community, interaction problems, lack ‘embrace[s] measures inherent to the promo- of engagement, interest, integration, partici- tion of health and prevention of these events, pation, and reluctance and resistance from through the implementation
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