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12-1-1975 History and Acculturation of the Dakota Indians J. L. Satterlee

V. D. Malan

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Recommended Citation Satterlee, J. L. and Malan, V. D., "History and Acculturation of the Dakota Indians" (1975). Bulletins. Paper 618. http://openprairie.sdstate.edu/agexperimentsta_bulletins/618

This Bulletin is brought to you for free and open access by the South Dakota State University Agricultural Experiment Station at Open PRAIRIE: Open Public Research Access Institutional Repository and Information Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Bulletins by an authorized administrator of Open PRAIRIE: Open Public Research Access Institutional Repository and Information Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Bulletin 613

History and acculturation of the Dakota Indians

by Dr. James Satterlee L. Dr. Vernon D. Malan

Agricultural Experiment Station South Dakota State University Rural Sociology Department Brookings, South Dakota History and acculturation the Dakota Indians

by Dr. James L. Satterlee* Dr. Vernon D. Malan

*Dr. J. L. Satterlee, Associate Professor of Sociology, Department of Rural Sociology, South Dakota State University. Dr. V. D. Malan, Professor of Sociology, Department of Sociology, South Dakota State University (deceased, 1967). Table of Contents

I. INT R DUCT I N ______3 0 0 II. ORIGINS Of MAN TO THE NEW WORLD------���������������������������� 4

Bering Straits ------4

Beringa ______------4

Oceanic Theory ------4 IX. PROBLEMS OF ACCULTURATION ______Ill. PALEO-INDIANS IN ------5 30 Family ProbI ems ------30 IV. MOUND BUILDERS OF THE PLAINS ------6 Family security ------V. HISTORY OF THE DAKOTA ------9 32 ----·------34 Linguistic Groups ------9 Hosp i taIi ty

------Westward Migration ------9 Socialization of children ------35 VI. STRUCTURE OF DAKOTA CULTURE ------13 Veneration of the aged ------36 Sioux of the West (Yankton and Teton)------13 Broken fam iiies ------36 Economic Proh Iems ------______Kinship ----·------·------13 3 7 land resources ------Economics ------15 38 Working ski ls ------______ReIi g ion ------1 5 I 39 Money economy ------Government ------16 39 Gift giving ------______Sioux of the East (Santee) ______------17 41 PoI itica ProbI ems ____ ------Kinship ------�------·------· ------17 I 41 Administration of the Indian Agency ______Economics ------17 42 The ration system ------ReIi g ion ------17 44

------Government ------17 Edu cation aI Problems - - - -- 45

------VII. ACCULTURATION AS A SOCIAL PROCESS ------18 Cultu ra I isolation ------45 The boarding schools ------Definition of Ac cu lturation ------18 46

______Culture Change and Acculturation ------18 Educational opportunities 47 VIII. IMPLICATIONS OF ACCULTURATION FOR THE DAKOT'A INDIANS 20 Religious Problems ______------47'

______Some Sociopsychological Aspects of Acculturation ______20 Denominational missionary programs 48

______Enforced and Permissive Acculturation ------22 Marginal religious activities 49

------___ Trade rs ------·------24 Health and Welfare Problems ------49

______Missi ona ri es ------24 X. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 51

------Government Agents ______------25 REFERENCE BIBL IOG RAPHY ------53 Ag ricu ltu rists ------26

Dysfunctions of the Acculturative Process ------27

Elimination of means of subsistence ______27 Destruction of the kinship groups------28

Symptoms of disorganizatio0n ------29 In order to fully understand and appreciate those events which led to the finalsubmission of the Ameri­ can Indian to the majority white culture,it is necessary to look to the historical antecedents predating white­ Indian contact. The original ways of living of the American Indian are not easily understood by the Introduction modern man who believes the material progress of his generation to be the highest advancement of civiliza­ tion. In all societies there is a strong tendency for the majority group to assume that its values, attitudes, and behavior are superior in all regards to the habit pat­ terns and customs that dominate the lives of minor­ ity groups. They are suspicious of strange practices which conflict with their ideas of the appropriate and correct ways of living. If they exhibit some curiosity about the customs of the minority, they are usually anxious to learn of them for the purpose of making an invidious comparison with their practices. It is the unusual person who is able to suppress his own preju. dices and view clearly the ways of minorities through the value system of the minority group rather than through his own pattern of beliefs. Often one hears that such behavior as alcoholism, sexual promiscuity, unemployment, suicide, etc., when exhibited by Indians, is but a carry-over from the old culture which was typified by such charac­ teristics. Nothing could be further from the truth. The traditional cultures of the American Indian possessed many of the same values and virtues upheld by the protestant ethic. Such deviant behavior must be seen as a result of an acculturational process which denied the American Indian the right to retain those institu­ tions of family, religion, and economics which served to uphold his traditional values. Such behavioral pat­ terns as reflected in high rates of alcoholism, suicide, and unemployment a·re fairly recent phenomena in the life of Indian people. Through a better under­ standing of the lasting traditional culture of one group of American Indians, the Dakota, it is hoped that such misconceptions of cause and effect may be alleviated. 3 route of entry is known as the Beringa Theory. It is Origins estimated that with a 450 foot drop in sea level during the Wisconsin glaciation a land bridge some 1300 miles wide would have existed between the two conti­ of man in nents. The presence of certain animals in the New World which have their origins in the Old World and which would have found the Bering Straits route im­ the new world passible can be accounted for by this theory. Finds such as Marmes Man in the state of Washington and others similar in nature can be better accounted for by Anthropological evidence has substantiated Beringa which would open alternative routes along that man did not evolve in the New World (North the new submerged coast line of and and South America) but migrated to this area via the . 2 several possible routes. Archaeological evidence of pri­ Oceanic Theory mate evolution in the New World indicates that the A third theory of man's origin in the New World, highest level to which the primate developed is that of the Oceanic Theory, supposes that migration from the the New World monkey. Since it was necessary for South Pacific may have resulted through the utiliza­ man to migrate to the New World, a number of ques­ tion of ocean going craft. Evidence of native tribes of tions may be raised as to what routes were followed South America possessing many Polynesian character­ and why such migration took place. Presently one istics artifacts found in California and similarities of must look to several possible answers. Northwest Coast Indian such as Hootka, Haida, Tlin­ Bering Straits get and Kwaitutl would support such a theory.3 One theory which has for some time been wi ely � Other theories such as Atlantis (the Sunken Island accepted by �nthrop�logists is th�t o� th� Benng Straits land bndge. Evidence of man s migration from utopia set forth in the writings of Plato), V agonner Siberia onto the Alaskan Peninsula has placed a date Theory of continental drift, Lost Tribes of Israel, and such expeditions such as Kon Tiki and Ra II by Thor of 40,000+ years ago to this jour�ey, through the archaeological finds of Taber Man m Alber a, C n­ H yerdahl have added little to the understanding of � � man's earliest origin in the New World. Presently one ada in 1963.1 This route assumes the path of migration must accept the Bering Straits, Beringa, and Oceanic to be through Alaska onto the Canadian shi�ld �nd into the present United States east of the Rockies mto theories as being the most credible with the former (Bering and Beringa) accounting for the major mi- such states as , Wyoming and Colorado • grat1ons. 4 (Map 1). Beringa Other evidence which provides for another theory �"Mannes Projection," The Pollman Herald, Oct. 8, 1968. would assume a landbridge much wider than the 56 3Stewar

1Stalker, M. A. "Geology and Age of Early Man Site at Taber, ," 4For a discussion of these alternative explanations, see: J. Jennings, American Antiquity, Vol. 34, No. 4, 1969, 428. Prehistory of North America. McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1968. 4 p. Map. 1. Theories of Man's Origin to the New World

May 2: Early Man in the United. States l Taber Man (40,000) 5 Abilene Man (l 0-20,000) 2 Lindenmeir Man 6 Folsom Man (15,000) 3 Folsum Man (15,000) 7 Folsum Man 4 Sandia Man (l 0-20,000J

l. Bering Straits 2. Beringa 3. Oceanic

• Deadfalls (driving over cliffs) were a common Paleo - Indians North America means of downing prey along with "fire drives" to stampede herds to such entrapments. Regardless of the routes used to reach the New Man of Colorado and Abilene Man of Texas are some­ Weaponry consisted of the lance or spear in addi­ World, we find the earliest Indians arrived some­ what representative of the Paleo-Indians (Map 2). tion to the atlatl or spear thrower (a short stick used where about 40,000+ years ago. By 6500 B.C. they Life among the Paleo-Indians was characterized as an additional lever), giving the projectile greater had already reached the southern tip of South Amer­ by early hunters and gatherers. No known animals of distance, speed and accuracy. Other tools in the form ica. During this period and up until approximately domestication such as the dog or horse are found in of fluted projectile points, sharpened stone scrapers 4500 years ago (2500 B.C.) those Indians residing in these sites. The major means of subsistence were the and knives were also used. the New World are referred to as the "Paleo-Indians" now extinct long horned Folsum bison, plains ele­ Western Plains Paleo-Indian culture spread east­ (paleo==old). phant, elk, the giant beaver, antelope, musk ox, mas-· ward, leaving archaeological remains throughout the Specific names, based on archaeological finds, tadon, and a lush vegetation.5 Midwest and Eastern seaboard. Generally, these sites have been attached to the Paleo-Indians in the United outside the western plains are more recent in age

States. Such Paleo-Indian cultures as Folsum, Clovis "Spencer, Robert F. and J. J. Jennings. The Native Americans. Harper (7500 B.C.) , as compared to the earliest western sites and Sandia in the American Southwest; Lindenmeir and Row Book Co., 1965, p. 36. which date to 15,000 years ago. 5 The bow and arrow, grooved stone hammers and axe Mound heads, bone knives and fleshers were but a part of the increasing complex tool kit possessed by these people. Their pottery, a typical feature among sedentary farmers, is quite distinctive. Without the wheel, the builders pottery was of a coiled type pressed flat by a rib or grooved paddle. The most distinguishing feature left behind by these peoples is the burial mound. Such mounds, 60- of the Plains 120 feet in diameter and 5-15 feet high at the crest, were tombs of humans as well as caches of food and weaponry. Although less productive than burial Following the earlier migrations of Paleo-Indians mounds to the east, nevertheless the fossil remains, throughout the Plains states came a new grouping of stone scrapers, hammers, points, pottery, bone needles Indian cultures often referred to as The Mound Build­ and handles, etc. provide many insights into mound ers. Anthropologists indicate the earliest arrival on the builder culture. Plains was approximately 1000 A.D.6 The origins of Villages usually consisted of 8-10 earthen rectang­ these more recent migrants to the Plains (South Da­ ular lodges up to 25 feet in diameter and sunken a few kota, , Kansas, Texas, and Oklahoma) were inches into the ground. Four to fivecenter posts with the fertile river valleys of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. other posts leaned against them served as the inain Accompanying this eastern influence is evidence of support for the lodge. Inside cache pits, reflectingreli­ contact from the American Southwest, as Mogollon ance on horticulture, and a fireplace are usually traits from the Arizona and cliff dwell­ found.8 ers are found throughout these sites.7 Tree ring analysis indicates a long and devastating In contrast to the earlier Paleo-Indian residents of drought and wind storms across the Plains near the the Plains, these new residents combined hunting­ end of the 1400's and into the early sixteenth century. gathering features with incipient agriculture. Corn, The abandonment of many of these villages during beans, and squash were raised in the flood plains of this time coincides with a similar phenomenon which numerous rivers. Also in contrast to the earlier no­ drove Indians out of surrounding areas and out of the madic residents, the villages of these new residents cliff dwellings of Colorado, New Mexico and Ari­ were more permanent. Housing consisted of earthen zona.n Indications from archaeological digs in the Up­ lodges. Storage or cache pits have been found through­ per Plains show dust deposits over these sites ranging out their housing and villages. from 1 foot in western Nebraska to nearly 7 feet at the Basic tools consisted of bone awls, fishhooks, and Sommers site near Pierre, South Dakota.10 needles. Hoes made from bison shoulderblades and shaft straighteners from bison ribs were common. MJennings, op. cit., 242-244. pp.

6Spencer, op. cit., p. 78. Ibid., p. 239.

JO 1lbid., p. 78. Ibid . . 249. p. 6 Soon after the retreat of these sedentary villagers in were deep, jugshaped storage pits for corn and other food. Outside the lodges were innumerable scaffolds or racks the early 1500' s was the migration to the Plains by for drying both vegetables and meat products. those villagers known as the Hidatsa, , Arik­ Although the lodges were roomy and comfort­ ara, and Pawnee. Probably best known of these groups able, they would not have fitted modern conceptions of were the Mandan. Lewis and Clark's expedition of the creature comfort or sanitation. One of these villages was early 1800's recorded in great detail the culture of described by an early visitor as "filthy," with villainous smells everywhere assailing him. He complained of the these people along the . swarming dogs and children and described the village as a hogpen. This description can be supported on archaeo­ The villages were rather large, with several dozen logic grounds, because thick midden or garbage dumps closely spaced earth lodges clustered in no particular are scattered all through the village. Often one can asso­ order around a central open area, where ceremonies and ciate a midden area with a specific lodge. The towns games were held. Located on terraces above the Missouri would have been malodorous quagmires after a rain­ River, the villages were protected by high post palisades storm, with only slightly less stench in dry seasons. with a deep ditch just outside. The houses were quite large, ranging from 40 to 80 feet in diameter. Several nu­ The Mandan artifact list, of course, reflects both hunt­ clear families occupied each lodge; the families were ing and horticulture, the latter involving the sunflower members of the same extended family of a matrilineal as well as the familiar maize. Tobacco, important in kinsgroup. The villages were almost deserted during the ritual and ceremony, was grown by the men; the rest of summer hunt and again during the winter, when tem­ the gardening was done by women and children on small porary quarters were taken up in protected wooded areas plots in the loose, rich soils of the Missouri River Valley in the valley, where game and firewood were more plen­ floor. The gardening tools included a wooden digging tiful. stick, a bison-scapula hoe, and an elk-antler or willow­ The lodges were round and built of timber, with branch rake. Corn and beans were planted together, with earth and sod covering in the familiar Plains pattern sunflowers around the edges of the field. Squash was (Figure ). The size of the structures necessitated large grown in separate patches. Agriculture was surrounded 1 center posts as the major supports; rafters radiated out­ with ritual and ceremony to provide supernatural aid in ward from the crossbeams of the four center posts to production. In addition to gardening, the women tanned plates upon the shorter posts set at the edge of the circular skins, made clothing of all sorts, made pottery of good floor. pan the rafters, willows and grass or thatch were quality, gathered wood, did much of the work of house U spread to support the earth covering. The roof was open building and maintenance, cared for children, prepared in the square area formed by the central crossbeams on food, and did other chores. The men hunted, fought if the center posts. This opening was the only source of sun­ need be, performed many important ceremonies, and light and was also the smoke hole. In bad weather, a competed in games and contests. When necessary, they shield-sometimes it was one of the round buffalohide assisted the women in the heavier labor of harvest and bullboats used for ferrying the river-was placed over the construction. smoke hole. There was a short, covered entryway also Given the near certainty of ample food from the in­ . made of timber and earth. The arrangement of facilities exhaustible herds and the products of the fertile valley inside the lodge was evidently more or less standard. The gardens, the Mandan had a rich ceremonial life centered fire was within the square formed by the central sup­ on the vision quest and a number of "medicine" bundles ports. There were curtained bunk-like beds around the that gave various kinds of "power." Some bundles were back or side walls. On the right of the fire area or behind quite specific in the effect on crop fertility or weather; the fire opposite the entrance was a family shrine or altar others had to do with curing disease. Self-torture was an where ceremonial objects were kept. At other locations important element, in the religion and was a dominant would be a sweat bath, a stall for a favorite horse and theme in some of the ceremonies.11 food for him, food-storage areas, and extra clothing. Buf­ falorobe seats were ranged around the fire. In the floor 11Jennings, op. cit., 241-245. pp. 7 By the time the white man reached the Plains in Fig. 1. Diagram of a twelve-post Hidatsa earth the late 1500' s, two distinct subcultures existed in this lodge. A, B, places of honor for guests; C, gra.ndfather's area. In the prairie country of the lower Missouri Riv­ place to make arrows; D, cook's place. The cooking ket­ er Basin were the various Siouan-speaking peoples, in­ tle was suspended from diagonal pole over the fire­ place. (After Lowie 1954) cluding Osage, Missouris, Kansa, Otos, Omahas, and Poncas. To the north of them were the Cad­ do-speaking Arikaras and Siouan-speaking and Hidatsas. To the west were the Caddo-speaking Pawnee and to the south the Wichitas (Map 3). All practiced agriculture, supplementing this with hunt­ ing efforts.Many of the traits possessed by the peoples were a combination of the earlier mound builders and the later nomads who would be displaced from east of the .

Map 3: Eleven Tribes ofthe

8 graphic settings, one would have to assume an agri­ History cultural way of life with supplementation through hunting and gathering. The Dakota were pushed westward by increased European settlement in the east and were residing in the western Great Lakes re­ of the gion in the state of in the late 1600's. De­ tails of their way of life become increasing!y more available as contact with traders and missionaries were Dakota Sioux made during this period. It is necessary at this point to distinguish the tribes Linguistic Groups and bands of the Dakota. Their migratory and settle­ Before tracing in any detail the migration of Da­ ment patterns differsignificantly. kota peoples westward, linguistic groups must be out­ Dakota structure can be best visualized in an or­ lined. The Dakota were but one of eleven tribes speak­ ganization chart designating the various levels of asso­ ing the Siouan language. Others were Mandan, Hid­ ciation. However, it must be recognized that among atsa, Crow, Iowa, Oto, Missouris, Omahas, Poncas, nomadic peoples such organization serves not as a Osage and the Kansas. At the same time there were governing structure but only for purposes of associa­ fivelinguistic groups other than the Sioux which play­ tion, marriage and, at times, alliances. In contrast to ed a part in settlement of the Plains: Algonkian, Ath­ the highly organized "nations" of the east such as Iro­ abaskan, Caddoan, Kiowan, and Ute-Aztecan (Figure quois and Cherokee where government and social 2). control were served by the superstructure, Within the Dakota nation there were three dialects lived in small groups (tiyospayes) quite independent of Siouan language spoken. "Dakota" was spoken of any other outside means of control (Figure 3). among bands of the Santee tribe, "" among The Dakota Nation was organized into three ma­ the Yankton tribe and "Lakota" among the members jor tribes: Teton, Santee and Yankton. Beneath each of the Teton tribe. tribe were a number of groupings known as bands (clans among the Santee) which were further sub­ Westward Migration divided into a number of extended families (tiyo­ Following the earlier migration of the Hidatsa, spayes) . Each tiyospaye was a completely independent Arikara and Mandan to the Upper Midwest were unit which served allegiance to the band (clan) and those people known as the Dakota and Cheyenne. The tribe but was not governed in any way by the higher Dakota have been traced to agricultural settlements in structure, except in thos·e cases where the people form­ the lSOO's and 1600's on the eastern seaboards· near the ed alliance for various purposes such as hunting, sum­ Lumber and Santee rivers in southern North Caro­ mer encampments, etc. There were no band or tribal. lina. In the early 1600's they were settled in similar chiefs; all positions in Dakota government were villages along the Ohio and Arkansas rivers in the found within the tiyospaye. Such outstanding figures states of Ohio and Indiana. Any details of their way of as , , and were dig­ life during these two settlements are sketchy. Based on nitaries within separate tiyospayes and not band or what is known of other horseless tribes in similar geo- tribal leaders. 9 Fig. 2. P·lains Indian Linguistic Groups

Uto- Al gon kia n Athabaskan Caddoan Kiowan Siouan Aztecan Blackfoot Sarsi Pawnee Kiowa Mandan Shoshone Cheyenne Kiowa- Arikara Hidatsa Comanche Arapa ho Apache Wichita Crow Ute Gross- Dakota Ventre Iowa Plains Oto Missouri Ojibwa Omaha Chippewa Ponca Osage Kansa Fig. 3. Dakota, Organization Structure

0 AKOT A NATION

Santee Tetons (TRIBES)

(BANDS) HunkP,aI tina Yanktona i I I I I I I I I I I TT T T T TT TT T

Oglala Blackfoot Twoket tles Brule ITT-i'r (Tiyospayes T1 TT 1 1 � 1 ISihasapa) • • • ) Ty r 1 �y S s r n o kp pa ___ or ��, � 7 M �1c1? 1 1 1 _ 1 1 n1rn : / � � ..�_ __... 1 CI ans T TT TT j r T T T T T Lower Upper T\1 TTT TT Brule I Brule I I \ I I I f I I I rTTT T TTTT T

10 The Dakota peoples were near the western edge of dramatic effecto n the life of these people.13 The horse, the Great Lakes in the late 1600's and early 1700's. As firstbrought to the New World by Spaniards in 1493, pressure from the east continued, the spread north from Mexico through trade and stealing were forced by the Chippewa into the areas now by Apache and Comanche Indians. Because of early known as Minnesota and eastern South Dakota. The scarcity, the horse was used by some tribes only for Cheyenne Indians were also forced westward, spend­ hunting, while others such as Utes and Shoshoni had ing time in South and , later joining the fully mounted hunters and cavalry.14 Mandan and then moving further westward to the Black Hills of South Dakota and eastern Wyoming. With the adaptation of the Dakota semi-agricul­ The Teton took up residence in the Lake Traverse tural way of life to the horse came associated features area at the head waters of the Minnesota and Red of nomadism. The tepee became the new form of rivers. The Santee located near Mille Lacs Lake in housing; the travo1s, adapted from the dog to the north central Minnesota while the Yankton settled horse, became the means of transporting belongings. further south in Minnesota. During this period, the Agriculture dropped to minor importance, as the Sioux lived mainly in scattered villages throughout hunting of buffalo, supplemented through collection the lake studded woodlands. They practiced a mixed of such products as berries, turnips, etc., became the economy of horticulture, hunting and wild rice gath­ major means of sustenance. ering. Seasonally, many of the groups made bison­ While the "Sioux of the West" were involved in hunting expeditions out onto the adjacent prairie this transition to a nomadic way of life, the "Sioux of lands. the East" (Santee) continued to reside in the central By 1700 maps show the Dakotas divided into the Minnesota area. The Santee received their name "Sioux of the East" {Santee) and the "Sioux of the (Santee, knife) from their residence near Mille Lacs West" (Yankton and Tetons).12 The Tetons moved Lake in northern Minnesota (Mille Lacs was knife westward into the present area of South Dakota, driv­ shaped). Gradually during the 1700's the Santee were ing the Arikara northward, and settled in the grass­ pushed farther and farther west in Minnesota by the lands along the Missouri River. The Y anktons follow­ Chippewa Indians, so by 1783 they were found along ed, taking up residence along the southern border of the headwaters of the Minnesota and Red rivers near South Dakota near the James River. The Santee re­ Lake Traverse. mained in Minnesota in the old Teton country near In 1851 a treaty meeting at St. Peter, Minnesota, Lake Traverse, extending as far south as the junction ceded all lands in Minnesota and Iowa to the whites at of the Minnesota and Blue Earth rivers at the present 6c per acre. Failure of the white government to carry site of Mankato (Map 4). through on promises made in food allotments and the The last movement had a lasting effecton the cul­ fact that much of that money which was allocated for ture of the Dakotas, for at this time (1750-1770) the land transfer was given to trading companies which "Sioux of the West" (Teton and Yankton) were in first contact with the one-toed Spanish horse. Intro­ 1'1For a detailed discussion of introduction and effects of the horse on the Plains Indian's way of life see: Leacock, Eleanor B. and Lurice, duced to the Dakota by the Cheyenne, the horse had a N. North American Indians in Historical Perspective, 1971, Ran­ 0., dom House, pp. 204-207.

12Ehanna Woyakapi, p. 6. 14Leacock, p. 204. 11 40 30 had alleged depredation claims against the Santee ulti­ mately resulted in the Minnesota uprising of 1862 in which a number of bands of Santee took part. Upon the capture and trial of such bands, the Santee Dako­ tas were divided and placed on reservations at Crow Creek, on the Niobrara River in Nebraska and on the Sisseton-Wahpeton Reservation in northeastern South Dakota near Fort Wadsworth (presently Fort Sisse­ ton).

I. ATllN 2. IELU COOL.A J. ltLLOOET 4. THOW,.SON 5. OtcANAG.t.N a. W(NATCHI 1. SANIOIL I. KAl.ISl"'El I. COfUllt O"At.INl 10. (AYUS( If. UMATILLA II. YAKIMA IJ . ...LIKIT&T ... UptJ(A CHIMOOC 19. M:ALAltUYA IC. TAK[L.MA 11. KLAMATH II. MODOC '9. SHASTA 20. ACHOMAWI II. WASHOE H. TUIATULAIAl !l. CAHUll..LA 2". MOHAVE 2$. WALUAI 8. "AYASUMI 17. COCOPA II. '!UMA ti. M,UIUCQN, SO.HO� :SL ZUNI :SZ. KEJlt(S J]. A.CU£[ 10 34. LAGUNOOS ,,_ HUICHOI. 5&. lAPOTtC 11. MIX[ ,._ HIOATSA PRINCIPAL '9. M&lllO&N 40. AltUC.UIA 4t JOCKAl'OO INDIANOF TRIBES 42. WINNEBAGO Q. TOBACCO Map 4: Geographical Location of North American ... lltUTR&l NORTH AMERICA Simplified From Indian Tribes by 1800 ORIVER. COOPER, KIRCHHOFF 12 LIBBY, MASSEY. SPIER

120 110 IOO (h�sband moves to tiyospaye of his wife's relatives), a Structure of child may have had at any one time numerous fathers and mothers in at least two tiyospayes (Figure 4) . In Figure 4 Ego's mother's sisters and father's brothers will all be considered as parents with the same obli­ Dakota culture gations to his welfare as his own biological parents. Due to the differences in culture demonstrated by The children of these other mothers and fathers the "Sioux of the West" (Yankton and Teton) and (aunts and uncles in white society) would be either the "Sioux of the East" (Santee), these tribes must be brothers and sisters or first cousins to Ego. Such kin­ discussed separately. The major means of sustenance ship ties provided the youngster with a source of secur­ (agriculture vs. hunting and gathering) provided ity unknown to the outsider. He would grow to know each group with a quite different"way of life." that his first dutyto sacrifice, fight and die would be to Sioux of the West (Yankton and Teton) his tiyospaye and then secondly to his own conjugal A great deal of the literature devoted to the Dako­ family. Although multiple marriage was possible, us­ ta Sioux has focused on these groups in that much of ually families were monogamous. Roles of mer. and the confrontation between Indian and whites was women differed, as men were expected to fight and with these two groups. The Teton Dakotas were the hunt while the domestic chores of collecting, food most notorious, producing such outstanding leaders as preparation, packing and repacking the household Red Cloud, Sitting Bull and Crazy Horse. belongings and child rearing were primary duties of Kinship the female. The Yanktons and Tetons possessed a structure based on the tiyospaye as the basic unit. Both tribes consisted of bands (Teton, seven; Yankton, two) which in turn were made up of numerous extended families known as tiyospayes. A tiyospaye consisted of 10-20 conjugal families (husband-wife-children com­ binations) united by strong kinship ties and served for all practical purposes as one large family with almost all persons related. Because of the demands of mobility in their no­ madic way of life the people were required to reside in small groups to maintain themselves in a hunting and gathering way of life. This small kinship unit was to­ tally autonomous and elected its own leadership and operated totally independently of any other affili­ ations. As an extended family unit the kinship ties were such that any one person within the unit benefitedby many close relatives. As it was a matrilocal group 13 Fig�re 4 DAKOTA INDIAN KINSHIP

A � • F GM0 GF M

0 = f:j. � •=o • • e A==e o=-A Children were taught by example with little or no A U F F A F M MU M A U physical punishment as shaming served much the same purpose. Maternal grandparents played a major role in childrearing, for often the maternal grand­ mother supervised the rearing of her grandchildren. Extreme devotion and respect were afforded all rela­ tives and especially the aged. Usually the conjugal family was not large, as even A O A 0 • ·� • • childless couples had children through this unique ex­ c c B S EGO S B c c tended family system. As a communal society all fam­ ilies joined in the hunts, and foodstuffs were divided quite equally based on need. : Mate selection came through mutual choice based on a bride price (payment to the bride's father) usual­ ly consisting of horses. Mates had to be selected from other tiyospayes, for all eligible mates within one's own would be considered as brothers, sisters, or first cousrns. 14 Economics The Yanktons and Tetons lived by hunting and gathering. Foodstuffs were communal property, whereas one's horses, weaponry, housing, etc. were personal property to be disposed of as seen fit by its owner. Even though such a feature as personal prop­ erty did exist, one of the greatest virtues among the Dakota was that of hospitality or the sharing of prop­ erty upon demand. Wealth was measured by one's tradition of giving rather than accumulating. This feature later came to be a major obstacle to successful individual entrepreneurship forced upon the Dakota under the reservation way of life. The Indian viewed himself as a part of nature, no more nor no less than any other living thing. As he felt himself to be kin to all living things, he then felt it quite impossible to take from this life more than was needed for simple subsistence. To kill bison or to reap the produce of wild plants beyond one's daily needs was to exploit nature for which such violation he would pay retribu­ tion.

Religion The Dakota based his religious beliefs on nature. Often referred to as "The Hoop of Nations" or "The Fig. 5. Compa,rison of Christia nity and the Great Circle of Nature," his religion was founded on Great Circle of Nature THE GREAT CIRCLE equal relationship of man to all other life forms (Fig. CHRISTIANITY 5) . The Indian dare not'exploit the relationship for it MAN would be necessary for him to rely on that same life time and time again for survival. The annual Sun Dance served a major purpose in the Indian's attempt to restore the harmony of all life as he paid lretrib u­ tion through physical pain and gifts to restore this balance in nature. In contrast, the Christian beliefs of PLANT ANIMAL ANIMAL MAN the white differed significantly in that man was superior to all other life forms and for this reason he felt no guilt in the exploitation of life in the name of hunting, trapping, farming and ranching. This basic difference serves to prevent the white man's religion from ever playing a major role in Indian ritual. 15 Government The only true governing system was found within each independent tiyospaye. It is here that one finds the council and chief (Figure 6). The tiyospaye coun­ cil was made up of a number of elected elderly males who usually were not active warriors at the time of their election. If they had been outstanding as hunters and warriors in their younger years, their chances of Fig. 6 election were much greater. The council in turn elect­ ed one of its own as the chief. These were the men of wisdom. DAKOTA T.IYOSPAYE GOVERNMENT ORGANIZATION Below this level was a group of elected young men (shirt-wearers or counselors) noted for their skill in hunting and bravery in war. It was this group that TIYOSPAYE CHIEF made the day to day decisions for the tiyospaye, based on the advice and wisdom of the council. Directly below this group was a number of men TIYOSPAYE who served in the capacity of judge and jury for viola­ COUNCIL tions within the tiyospaye. The wakicun, as they were known, played an important role in the maintenance of justice among the members of the group. At the lowest level of government were several groups of men assigned specific duties. The "herald" "SHIRT - WEARERS" served as the person responsible for public announce­ "COUNSELORS" ments of the council, shirt-wearers and wakicun. The "orderlies" provided for the needs of these higher groups while in session. The akitcita were the police­ men of the tiyospaye responsible to the wakicun for WAKICUN apprehending violators. The governing process was truly that of a democ­ racy in that all households had an opportunity for par­ ticipation through their male head. Few decisions were made without the consultation of all responsible parties.

ORDERLIES HERALD AK ITC IT A

16 Sioux of the East (Santee) for a more interdependent relationship between clans. The Teton and Yankton Indians were nomads; Each clan had a wakicun or counselor representing the Santee were sedentary agriculturists in northeast­ it on the band council, and each wakicun had an equal SISSETON - WAHPETON CLAN ern South Dakota. Their life style reflectedthis differ­ vote in the decisions of the band. Temporary chiefs ence. who were in charge of hunts and battles were appoint- ORGANIZATION Kinship ed for each event. The chief or wakicun of each small- Where the Tetons and Yanktons referred to the Chief er group came to this position by election which· was basic unit as tiyospayes, the Santee referred to theirs as Bon d c ounc1.1 117 counse� 1 ors I based on his traits of individual wisdom and pow� \ "clans" (Figure 7) . Named after geographical locali­ ties, these clans were somewhat less independent than 1 those of the west. Again, the Santee prac_ticed a restric­ Clan I Clan 2 Clan 3 Clan 4 Clan S Clan 6 Clan 7 tive courtship and mating process as well as matri­ I iocal residence and polygamy similar to the Tetons WakicunI w wI I w I w I w I w I and Yankton. The extended family feature of multi­ I I I I I ple 1-'arents and major role played by grandparents in Figure 7 Herald H H H H H H childrearing was also the same. Sisseton-Wahpeton Political Organization Economics Each summer communal hunts lasting several weeks were undertaken, but for the most part the San­ SISSETON-WAHPETON POLITICAL ORGANIZATION tee were gardeners living in permanent villages. Gar­ dening was the woman's responsibility as well as Nation childrearing, collecting, etc. Santee men were hunters, Tribes Teton fishermen,trappers, and warriors and saw "tilling the soir' as the role of women only. Corn, beans, squash, and pumpkins were the main gardening crops with wild rice as a collecting item. Although the highly Bands Mdewakantowa n Wahpetons Sissetons Wahpekute portable tipi was used foc housing among the Teton and Yankton, the Santee used both the tipi as well as a Inyan c'eyaka

Where the tiyospayes of the Tetons and Yanktons Wakpa-atonwan

16Scudder Mekeel, A Short History of the Teton Dakota, State Historical In many cases, these younger Dakotas are becoming Society of North Dakota, 1943, 194. parents of a new generation which will become large- p. 1 y assimilated into the white culture, since the influ­ bid., 140. 17/ p. ence of the older people will continue to decline as 19 t?�Y a�e unable to provide solutions to the problems of pict the ArpericanInd ian in art; and if anyone wishes bvmg m modern society. to look like an Indian, he dons the scalp shirt and war There are, however, a number of factors which bonnet of the Teton Dakotas. Before the arrival of the support anti-acculturation attitudes among the Dako­ English-speaking plowman on the plains, the Dakota ta Indians. The most important of these is the pattern culture appeared destined to sweep the continent and of discrimination, prejudice, and segregation which absorb the French traders and frontiersmen in the they must face in the white society offthe reservation. process. Many of the Hudson Bay Company men had Less important are such factors as lack of skills in completely assimilated the Plains Indian culture, and dealing with the external society, dependency upon the early frontiersmen usually became Indians at least the Bureau of Indian Affairs, respect for unassimilat­ in thought and habit. "Old Bill Williams is said to ed parents and grandparents, and other social and have offeredhi s corncob pipe to the sun, like any sha­ economic problems which have remained unsolved. man. lived in a tipi and counted coups."1� Segregation on the reservation makes it possible for During the period of early contact between Dakota anti-acculturation attitudes to exist, but it is largely and white culture, the Indian way of life tended to the treatment of the Indians in the external society dominate. The influence of Dakota culture was ex­ which causes such hostile attitudes to exist. tending and the power of the nation was increasing. Some Sociopsychological Aspects of Ac,culturation Relations between Teton and white became strain­ ed as the immigration of American frontiersmen and agriculturists into the Plains increased. The white in­ Implications of vaders had preconceived ideas, causing them to as­ sume an attitude of superiority. They did not observe the same principles of living as the Dakotas, and vio­ acculturation for the lated all the rights of the natives who lived on the land, at the same time looking upon these people with disdain. The traditional attitudes toward the Indians Dakota Indians were well summarized by General de Trobriand.19

Anthropologists are of the opinion that the Teton The majority were convinced that the simplest and Dakota branch of the Siouan nation has the most typ­ only means of settling the "Indian question" was to ex­ ical of all Plains Indian cultures. On the Great Plains. terminate "all the vermin." This opinion prevails � throughout all the frontier especially in the towns and set­ which extends from Canada to Mexico and from th tlements of any importance. Others, more just and more Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains, the Teton Dako­ moderate, believe that the whites have been far from tas occupied the North Central area. They were like­ blameless, and attribute to them, at bottom, the causes of wise the center of a great and powerful Indian civili­ the hostilities that broke out during the war, and that are zation extending throughout the Plains. Their civili­ 18Stanley Vestal), New Sources of Indian History, 1850-1891, 193. zation was so influential that today their cultural p.

characteristics are copied by anyone who wants to de- rnPhillippe

20John G. Neihardt, Black Elk Speaks, 138. �'Julia B. McGillycu

can culture. The situation today among the Indians in As each Dakota man or woman now looks back to South Dakota may be largely explained in terms of the past either from experience or through the stories the conflicting attitudes which result when a group of which have been told him, he senses the self-assurance people are influenced by two cultures but cannot live and the ability of his ancestors to cope with life. They completely in either. Some members of the Dakota were united and secure in the life they followed, and their institutions gave good reinforcement within the community accept the new attitudes, and others still group. By comparison, the modern Indian way of life is accept the old, but most vacillate between the two one of emptiness, one in which family and community standards of value or accept no standard at all. In most are losing their integration. The contemporary life, as communities, the nonconformer is brought into line compared with the culture that was functioning in the by sanctions of family, religion, education, and gov­ middle nineteenth century, is only a shadow. Attitudes and values of that culture still strongly affect the behavior ernment imposed by the group; but in Dakota society, patterns of the people, but some of its social institutions any attempt to impose old cultural sanctions only pro­ are gone or are only vestigial. The realization of cultural duces greater deviation among those who have accept­ loss and being neither Indian nor white in any cultural ed the new ways of living. The sanctions of the new sense adds to the Indian's insecurity and isolation in the culture are largely exercised by the government agen­ modern world. cy which is impersonal, and while demanding con­ Thus the old Dakota Indians have only bitter formity in some areas does not effectively change the memories of their past and their children have dim basic attitudes which are deeply embedded in those hopes for the future. The traditional ways have been who have clung to the older way of life against great largely shattered under the impact of the ponderous odds. American culture, and new ways have not as yet been Despite the increasingly strong impact of white worked out to provide adjustment patterns acceptable civilization, the nonmaterial culture pattern of the in a complex culture. Dakotas has retained a degree of vitality and signifi­ Enforced and Permissive Acculturation cance that is difficultfor many people to comprehend. The early explorers and travelers who visited the When they have accepted material traits from the Dakota Indians found these people to be generally dominant culture, these traits have often been used for friendly, often looking upon the palefaces with super­ the purpose of insuring survival of earlier culture pat­ stitutious awe and hailing them as benefactors who terns. The core of Dakota personality structure is fre- brought many useful and ornamental articles. Jona-

22Decost Smith, Indian Experiences, 205. 28Gordon Macgregor, Warriors Witlwut Weapons, 121. p. p. 22 than Carver recorded in his diary, "As soon as I had Europeans in their contacts with aboriginal peoples reached the land, two of the chiefs presented their were especially prone to insist upon enforced accultur­ hands to me, and led me, amidst the astonished multi­ ation, and the result was resistance to imitative learn­ tude, who had most of them never seen a white man ing among the native groups. Then the Europeans before, to a tent ...and ever after they treated me with made things still more difficult by establishing bar­ great respect."24 riers which made it impossible to adopt the cultural If this friendly relationship between the bearers of traits even if the minority peoples had wished to do i two differentcu lture systems had continued, it is like­ so. For example, the Europeans would introduce ly that the acculturation process would have been ex­ metal implements and utensils to a nonliterate group, .pedited. The social learning typical of friendly cul­ but provide them with no knowledge of the manufac­ tural contacts is referred to as permissive accultura­ ture of these instruments in the event that they were tion. This process involves imitation of the desirable not available through trade.25 cultural forms, such as habits, skills, and attitudes, In the early contacts between the Dakota Indian which are best able to satisfy the culturally acquired and Anglo-European culture, both permissive and en­ drive of the group. As long as imitative learing can forced acculturation were evident, although the latter take place in an atmosphere of freedom, it is almost predominated. At the very beginning, the accultura­ inconceivable that acculturation can in any sense be a tive process was largely permissive and was carried disruptive process. Learning to speak a new language, out by the traders, who played a promotional role in to prepare and eat new foods, or to use new and more persuading the Dakotas to adopt new tools and equip­ efficient tools which have been introduced from an­ ment. The next group to exert considerable influence other culture should be no more disruptive than any was the missionaries, who were the salesmen of non­ new discovery or invention occurring within the cul­ material beliefs and moral attitudes. For the most part, ture system. In brief, voluntary imitative learning their activities were permissive and limited to provid­ which does not involve radical readjustments for the ing the Dakotas with a new religion, although they individuals is the principal means by which permis­ frequently attempted to conv ince the Dakotas that sive acculturation takes place, and although it may they should give up their old ways of nomadic life and proceed slowly, it is usually highly effective. stttle in a place where missions could be permanently In many cases of acculturation, however, there are established. Enforced acculturation was primarily the conditions which prevent free exchange of culture program of the government agents and military forces traits. One of the groups may feel that its culture that had charge of the Dakotas after they were coerced traits are superio r ; and when they also have a pre­ into reservations. But the policies of the government dominant position of power, they are likely to attempt depended upon the attitudes of various groups that to force their culture system upon the subordinate came in contact with the Dakotas, and therefore all group. This enforced acculturation implies that the these groups were responsible for the efforts to en­ ruling group will exercise sanctions against anymem­ force acculturation. Perhaps the greatest influential ber of the minority group who does not almost imme­ group to which the government was responsive was diately change over to the new culture pattern. The 2'This

E. Red Cloud's Folk, 115. ments and had returned to their people convinced that 27George Hyde, p. 26 the Americans were too powerful to be successfully were those that destroyed the means of subsistence and opposed. They were misunderstood by many of their the kinship groupings, and those were systematically own people, and at the same time were not accepted carried out. The result was a loss of life-meaning for by the whites. The son of one of these men reported the Dakotas and the appearance of a variety of disor­ his father's reaction as follows :28 ganization symptoms. Elimination of Mea.ns of Subsistence My son, since I have seen all those cities, and the way the Long Knife People are doing, I began to realize that The elimination of the principal source of Dakota our lands and our game are all gone. There is nothing food supply was accompanied by great anxiety among but the Long Knives (or white people) everywhere we the tribes. It was not merely that the loss of the buffalo went, and they keep coming like flies. So we will have to would result in hunger and starvation; but the rations learn their ways, in order that we may be able to live offered them by the Americans did not satisfy their with them. acquired appetites for those foods that had been an in­ tegral part of their existence. The rations issued by the Dysfunctions of the Acculturative Process government were nutritionally adequate. But they were not psychologically rewarding, and even under It is apparent that the contact of white and Dakota the stress of hunger were sometimes refused. Elimina­ cultures was accompanied by a large variety of anxiety tion of the food supply may also result in new occupa­ arousing situations for the Indians. The acquired tional demands which cannot be met within old drives of the Dakotas were not the basic pain avoiding culture patterns. Thus, in spite of all kinds of govern­ drives which have motivated many native peoples to ment pressures, men who had been warriors and hunt­ accept the inevitable domination of the conquerors. ers could not change into farmers because of the On the contrary, Dakota culture inculcated in individ­ occupational inhibitions in the Indian culture. The uals a desire to sufferfor their people in order to guar­ older Indians could remember the times before the antee that the society would not be destroyed. The sad foreigners migrated into their land, killed the buffalo, situation which the Dakotas faced was that their tradi­ and plowed the soil; and while they could no longer tional bravery under dangerous conditions did not revolt against the intruders, they could dream that eliminate the enemy; and in spite of their best efforts, tomorrow it will all be over; the government agencies they were threatened by death, disease, loss of home will disappear, and the Supreme Court will restore to and livelihood, and ultimate destruction of their them their lands, their buffaloes,and their gold-or at whole manner of life. least pay for having taken them. In the meantime, Anxiety drives are very strong motives to action ; why worry about farming ? they demand immediate relief. The Dakotas had the The Dakotas were fully. aware of the intention of strongest possible incentives to defend the old culture the frontiersmen when they destroyed the buffaloes. pattern. They successfully resisted the White en­ One of their leaders dramatically stated their aware­ croachments for a long time, but they were finally ness.29 defeated. And then the destruction of the Dakota soci­ It was not hard to see that the white people coveted ety proceeded pell-mell. The most effective programs every inch of land on which we lived. Greed, human that the Americans could use to subjugate the Indians greed, wanted the last bit of ground which supported

2�Luther Standing Bear, My People·, the Sioux, 211Luther Standing Bear, Land of the Spotted 244. p. 151. Eagle, p. 27 Indian feet. It was land-it has ever been land-for h� daubs a flatsurface with many colors, and praises which the white man oppresses the Indian and to gain his work as a masterpiece."33 possession of which he commits any crime. Treaties that The hi tor of the Great Plains has been a story of �ave been made have been but vain attempts to save a � y little of the fatherland-treaties holy to us by the smoke land expl01tat10n by the Americans; and the Dakotas of the pipe-but nothing is holy to the white man. Little living in the midst of this area, were unavoidably af� by little, with greed and cruelty unsurpassed by the ani­ fected. The bulk of the Dakota population lives and mal, he has taken all. The loaf is gone and now the white functions in rural areas, where even with the most man wants the crumbs. effici nt use of their land resources, the majority lacks White methods of exploiting the natural resources � sufficient land to support it adequately. They have of the continent were completely out of joint with Da­ managed, however, on a greatly diminished life base kota ideas of land use. Of those reservations, lands to maintain themselves for several generations. This which were supposed to belong to the Dakotas for all struggle for survival on very limited resources has times, two-thirds have been lost because Dakotas could been possible only because elements of their old value not adapt their culture and economy fast enough to system, such s sh ring and economic cooperation, white methods.30 � � have endured spite of the difficulteconomic situa­ m The loss of their means of subsistence caused the tion on the reservations. Dakotas to hope only for some sort of divine aid in their dilemma. The government often gave smaller Destruction of the Kinship Groups rations of food than promised, and sometimes the ra­ tions were very poor. Although they might turn down The key to the understanding of Dakota social a ration of beef cattle, because they were so few and so organization was their system of kinship groups. It poor, after a while they had to take them or starve. was through the extended family that parents and Black Elk summed it up : "So we got more lies than grandparents instilled in their children the customs cattle, and we could not eat lies."31 and values of Dakota life. This pattern of learnjng c ld not be broken by defeat, subjugation The Great Plains were highly respected and the m.1: , or reser­ vat10ns, as long as the kinship community remained earth was worshipped for what it produced by the intact. This type of community organization exem­ Dakotas. They believed that "the earth was bounti­ ful," that they were "surrounded with the blessings of plified in the tribal group of related individuals was abhorrent to those who wished to destroy the old sys­ the great mystery."x2 The old men of the Dakotas were amazed by the strange philosophy of the white �em of Dakota values. The government hit upon the idea of allotment of land as a means of dissolving the man who "hews down the forest that has stood for centuries in its pride and grandeur, tears up the bosom tribal association and thereby substituting an individ­ of mother earth, and causes the silvery water courses ual status. The allotment system would thus weaken or destroy the cooperating unit of tribal organization. to waste and vanish away," and while he thus "ruth­ But in so doing, the allotment advocates were also lessly disfigures God's own pictures and monuments, assailing the only sound foundation upon which it 30Lan

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The holding of land under an allotment system environment. He lives partly in a disintegrating In­ was very confusing to the older Dakotas. They observ­ dian society and partly in a distinctly marginal white ed that men came with instruments to survey the land, society. Neither of these societies offersthe Dakotas a and on the basis of a few stakes driven into the value system which is sufficientlychalle nging to gain ground, moved them to new locations. A subsequent his completf adherence. He is faced, then, with prob­ survey might cause them to move again, and changes lems of social adjustment which he frequently lacks in reservation boundaries might force them to once the training to solve. The resultant personal disorgan­ again leave a piece of land where they were settled and ization of his life is a product of his transition from happy. One of the old Dakota chiefs complained of Indian to white society; and in collective form this this treatment to the agent.=H disorganization is regarded as the major problem of the contemporary Dakota society. This problem of Father, we are getting tired of this; we should like to social disorganization is dramatized by symptoms settle down and never move again, but before we pull down our lodges I want to ask you a question : When the such as poverty, broken families, alcoholism, and Great Father puts boundaries around an Indian reserva­ crime. Actually, these symptoms are found among tion why doesn't he take a range of mountains or a river many groups in American society which are undergo­ which the Great Spirit marks the country with and ing the transition from one culture system to another which never moves? These stakes that the white man and experiencing the demoralizing effects of commer­ puts up are all the time rotting away and when he puts them back he never puts them in the same place; they cialism. Obviously, the symptoms are not the real always move closer to the Indian and cut off some of his cause of the illness; they are merely the surface mani­ land. Where shall we move now, Father ? festation of the unsolved conflictsin values which are found among marginal peoples undergoing a period Settlement o family farms and dispersion of kin­ � of cultural transition. ship groups did not by any means completely change the Dakota mode of social behavior, but it did weaken One type of effortto solve a value conflictupon the the pattern of authority and control in the tribal part of a minority person is to make every effort to group. The older people retained the vestiges of their identify himself with the dominant group. He may traditional ceremonies and customs, but the ultimate attempt to acquire the superficialsymbols of econom­ result was to destroy the faith of their children in the ic success or hasten to embrace the obvious values in old sanctions and beliefs. In changing the basis of their Christianity as a means of gaining social prestige in economic and tribal organization, the momentum of the dominant society. In the case of the Dakota youth, the old culture was preserved for a while through this tendency to imitate the more powerful whites in­ childhood training; but eventually the younger gen­ stead of their elders leads to a decline in the authority eration became dependent upon government rations of their parents over them. Torn loose from their old and individual effortsin raising cattle, because the old foundations of security in the Indian family, they suf­ family pattern had been swept from under them. fer from anxiety about their acceptance and security in white society. Symptoms of Disorganization Seeking for acceptance in the dominant group may The contemporary Dakota Indian on the reserva­ be only temporarily rewarding to Dakota youth. Bar­ tion is confronted with the conflicting values of a dual riers of language, dress, and custom may be difficult

"'Julia B. McGillycuddy, McGillycuddy Agent, 127. for them to overcome, and they may find that their p. 29 efforts meet with punishment rather than reward. The culture of any group of people has certain They may find themselves the subject of ridicule and areas of major emphasis where the changes occur. The invidious comparison, and usually they will lack the most commonly accepted cultural areas are family, privileges accorded to members of the dominant economic system, political system, education, religion, group. In some cases, their reaction, as a way out of health and welfare. It is possible for purposes of analy­ confusion and frustration, is a return to their native sis to separate these major cultural areas and examine society where they attempt to revive and perpetuate the changes which are taking place in each area, real­ their original cultural values. izing all the time that these changes are all related to During this transition period of civilization, there each other. Thus in describing the "problems" or is great suffering among the people attempting to changing conditions in Dakota society this division change their pattern of living. The catastrophe of dis­ will be used. organization is apparent under the best of conditions. Family Problems The Dakotas, in addition, found that conditions off An excellent analysis of the Dakota family has the reservation were laden \vith discriminatory prac­ been presented in Ella Deloria's book, Speaking of tices and stereotyped thinking toward Indians which Indians, and the treatment in this source is more de­ greatly impeded their progress toward adjustment. It tailed than can be presented in this bulletin. It is possi­ is not surprising, then, that so many of them showed ble, however, to review some of the main culture traits symptoms of personal disorganization ; but it is equal­ of the early Dakota family that have been described in ly amazing that some of them have managed to devel­ Professor Deloria's work. op sound adjustments and well integrated personali­ The basic social unit in Dakota society was the ties, despite all the handicaps of their way of life. tiyospaye, an extended family grouping made up of individual biological families and held together by blood ties. Perhaps 10 to 20 related families made up Problems of this small band or tiyospaye. At the head of a band was usually an elderly man of ability, dignity, and pres­ tige who was able to gain the loyalty of all band mem­ bers. Since relationships were calculated to much acculturation more distant relatives than would be the case in the The process of acculturation is sometimes accom­ American family, it was possible for the individual panied by unstable conditions in the changing culture. families to associate themselves with a number of dif­ These instabilities are usually called problems, but in a ferent bands; and if dissatisfiedin one, they could join sense they are not really problems requiring a specific another. At certain times for celebrations and impor­ solution. Instead they are a set of conditions which are tant events, a number of these bands camped together defined as a problem by people who cannot under­ as a tribe, and related bands frequent! y carried on stand the changes which are taking place. There is no common activities. real problem for those who understand and accept the The kinship pattern expressed through the tiyo­ changes taking place in Dakota society ; it is the out­ spaye was the basic organization of Dakota society. sider, looking in, who definesthe changing conditions This pattern provided a system of family relationships in Dakota society as a set of problems. upon which practically everything else depended. As 30 long as a man had relatives, he could count on their As you said "Uncle"-or "Father" or "Brother"-in cooperation and help ; without relatives, he was com­ either address or reference, you must immediately control pletely destitute. The regulation of social relations de­ your thinking of him; you must assume the correct men­ tal attitude due the particular relative addressed and you pended solely on a specialized set of attitudes and code must express that attitude in its fitting outward behavior of behavior clearly defined in the kinship pattern. A and mien, according to the accepted convention. Thus, man simply was not humanized unless he carried out term, attitude, behavior, in the correct combinations, to the letter all the rules of civility, good manners, and were what every member of society must learn and ob­ responsibility imposed by the kinship pattern. It is serve undeviatingly. They were standard and inexorable; they had always been. One simply was born into their difficult for the modern individualist to understand rule and conformed to them invariably as a matter of how binding kinship sanctions were on the Dakotas. course. The more correctly he could do this, whatever the It was the willingness to sacrifice,fight, and die for his personal sacrifice involved at times, the better member of people that made a Dakota warrior great. the group he was, the better his standing as a Dakota, the higher his prestige as a person. The kinship relationships in Dakota society were extremely complex. The Dakota youth, in addition to Respect was also shown in affection and loyalty his biological father and mother, had a close relation­ toward blood brothers, and such respect was heighten­ ship with a number of other adults whom he also ac­ ed by filial devotion to parents, their brothers and cepted as father and mother. These secondary parents sisters, and grandparents. included all the brothers of his father and the sisters of There was no formal entry into or departure from his mother. The male cousins of his father were also the extended family group. If a newcomer appeared in "fathers," just as the female cousins of his mother were a band, and it was not known how he should be placed "mothers." But, on the other hand, his mother's broth­ in the kinship system, the band treated him kindly ers and male cousins were considered uncles, while his until they could establish through some mutual rela­ father's sisters and female cousins were considered tive his place in the new group. The person coming aunts. This meant that when his blood relatives mar­ into the group then assumed the proper attitude and ried, all their new relatives became his relatives too. behavior that were associated with his kinship. Thus in the extended family group there was always Social pressure made members of the extended an older group, the fathers, mothers, uncles and aunts family group aware that their behavior reflected on as the core of the group, and a younger group compos­ the group's prestige. Since all members shared equal­ ed of brothers, sisters, and cousins. Kinship ties are ly in any prestige gained by the group willingness to assiduously traced and remembered, and no matter cooperate was more important than the amount of how distant a relative might seem, he would be help given ; and unless an individual was perverse or . \ claimed by the Dakotas. handicapped, he would do nothing that might detract Social activities within the kinship organization from the prestige of the kinship band. If someone did were based on various forms of respect expressed in commit an act which harmed such a close knit group, family group relationships. Respect was shown by the he was immediately in the public eye, and his relatives use of kinship terms of address, including the proper could only make excuses for him, that he was under an attitude and behavior prescribed by kinship.�" evil spell or that he didn't know what he was doing, in order to maintain the status of their group. The of­ �'Ella Deloria, Speal\i11g of Indians, 29-30 .. fending individual was constantly reminded that no pp. 31 Dakota existed except as a member of the kinship Family Security group, that his actions must never bring sadness to his The social and psychological security of the tradi­ relatives who deserved only the greatest respect and tional Dakota kinship group offered members a de­ consideration. gree of personal freedom unmatched in most modern The biological family unit was usually not very families of differing cultures. Each individual was large, for even with plural wives the number of chil­ valued and protected simply because he was related to dren was small due to high infant mortality and vol­ the group, and there was always the satisfaction that untary spacing of childbirths. But it did not matter if the sources of his security were multiple-family, kin­ one did not have many biological brothers and sisters, ship, and tribal. If any failed, security was still provid­ because in each camp circle the family was surround­ ed by the others. It was a family system that offeredthe ed by related families in a unifying ring. It was com­ maximum of unconditional and unsolicited affection mon for the older people to live in their own tipi near to the individual. their children who were married, in case they needed The only possible way to destroy the kinship sys­ help themselves or could offerhelp to others. Two bio­ tem was to break up these family groups and force the logical families might live together in a time of emer­ Dakotas to deny their grouphood. It did not take the gency, but no matter how poor a family might be, it white Americans long to attempt this destruction. was more desirable for young couples to have a shelter General Miles suggested that the Dakotas could best of their own. In the biological family, the same respect be controlled on the reservations if every effort was relationships were maintained as in the extended fam­ made to break up the kinship bands. He wrote, "By ily, and each member's "social standing is rated by the this means the Indians will become independent of nicety with which one gauges the proper nuance to their tribal relations, and will notbe found congregat­ differentpersons within the same category, observing ed in the large and unsightly camps that are now usu­ the proper degree of duties, avoidances, respect, and ally met with about their agencies."37 Many of the joking."36 government agents agreed with this policy, but they were a little too optimistic about changing the tradi­ The tiyospaye operated as a unit in almost all social tional family pattern. activities ; the men hunted together; the women work­ The attraction of family is not easily erased from ed together; and the children played together. This the Indian nature after centuries of close and reward­ cooperation was on ly natural because all members ing tiyospaye life. Even today many young Dakotas were closely related and were included in the family who do not feel at home in general American society circle. Cooperation among those relatedby blood was return to the security of the reservation family. Ad­ the basis of their family organ ization and was essen­ mittedly, much of the security of earlier times has tial to the group and the individual in the attainment been lost, but there is still enough of it left so that they of prestige. Competition and conflict were almost can feel more comfortable in the groups of their own complete! y muted by the rules, rights, duties, and re­ society than in an impersonal, often hostile society in­ sponsibilities required of the members in the extended cluding very few groups in which they can hope for family group. acceptance.

�6Jeannette Mirsky, "The Dakota," in Cooperntion and Competition Among Primitive: Peoples, eel. by Margaret Mead, p. 394. 37Nelson A. Miles, Personal Recollections and Observations, p. 347. 32 The degree of stability still retained in the Dakota Yet the unity and security of the Dakota family family on the reservation is largely dependent upon was bound to bend under the influenceof white pres­ the assumption of the responsibility for its direction sure, and although the tiyospaye camp circle has been and support by the mother. The mother's role did not broken and associations within the extended family sufferas much as that of the males by the destruction are less frequent and intensive, there are still a few of the hunting and .fighting culture. The hunt and the members of the extended family close by who can be raid were men's activities, and while the hunters and depended upon in times of distress. warriors lost their reason for being, the duties of moth­ Some of the kinship terminology has been retain­ er and housewife continued and were even increased ed among families still speaking the Siouan tongue, by the isolation of the household on the family allot­ and some of the roles of family relationship are still ment. The Dakota women had always shared equally played by members of an extended family living in with the men the joys and sorrows of tribal living. Al­ the same neighborhood. The influence of grandpar­ though their duties were different from tho�e of �he ents is often vital in adherence to the kinship observ­ men, they were equally important to the contmuat10n ances among the Dakota youth who might otherwise of the family group. The Dakota female exerted the be lax in their behavior. It is likely that the old court­ chief influence in the internal affairs of the family, but ship and marriage customs are not enforced, because it she did not interfere in the activities reserved for the is impossible for the adults to conduct the severe chap­ men outside of the household. It was desirable that she eronage and to enforce the male-female avoidances possess dignity, skill, physical endurance, modesty, typical of an earlier day. Friendships formed in and spiritual insight. This type of woman was cer­ schools and neighborhoods overcome the former tainly well suited to the task of holding a fam�ly courtship pattern and permit practically free, individ­ group together when the ruins of the old way of life ual mate selection.39 came tumbling down about her family. The Dakotas resisted the changes in their family Marriages are now made with little or no family sanc­ system which the government attempted to force tion or symbolic expression of contract between the two upon them. This resistance is well illustrated in the families or the two persons involved. Formerly the man following quotation from Charles A. Eastman.88 made gifts to the girl's parents, and his father's sisters and mother's brothers' wives equipped the new tepee of I was directed not to recognize a plurality of wives, the couple with the necessary furnishings. Marriages of such as still existed among a few of the older men. Old social importance were celebrated with an elaborate feast White Bull was a fineexamp le of the old type, and I well and religious performance. Today, the couple are mar­ remember his answer when reluctantly informed him . I ried by a local missionary or a justice of the peace outside that each man must choose one wife who should bear his the reservation. The couple are more likely to announce name. "What!" he exclaimed, "these two women are sis­ that they are going to be married than to ask permisison, ters, both of whom have been my wives for over half a and the man makes no gift payment. century. I know the way of the white man ; he takes women unknown to each other and to his law. These The free choice of mates outside the family often two have been faithful to me and I have been faithful to conflictswith the kinship attitudes of the young Da­ them. Their children are my children and their grand­ children are mine. All the people know that we have been kota's extended family, and he may therefore be con­ happy together, and nothing but death can separate us." fused by the necessity to abide by both social codes.

a"Charles A. Eastman, From the Deep Woods to Civilization, pp. 184-5. 3uMacgregor, op. cit., 63. p. 33 When a family first received their land under the erings or encampments might bring several bands to-· allotment system, the members usually selected ad­ gether, and at this time hospitality reached its highest joining land. It was not uncommon for members of development. It was time of celebration, visiting, ex­ a the original bands to receive allotments along the change of news, and general good time, and relatives same creek, enabling the descendants of the bands to vied with one another in giving gifts and sharing their maintain community groupings. Although in these material goods. It was a form of group hospitality. Just communities the families can still trace their relation­ as a man could expect hospitality when he went to re­ ship to a common band, in each new generation the side for a time with a band other than the one in individual family gains in importance as the common which he was raised, so, also, when kinship groups relationship becomes weaker and less meaningful. were together the same hospitality was given to all Moreover, many of the functions performed by the members of the other band. extended family in the past, such as caring for the des­ titute, insane, feebleminded, and delinquent, have The patterns of hospitality among the Indians on been taken over by other agencies on the reservation. the reservation today still exist, but in a quite different The tiyospaye is disappearing from Dakota life with form. In place of the feasts and gift giving on such the expected result of reducing the security available occasions as a son's first kill or a child's ear piercing, through the family system. property ·is given away at funerals, weddings, and oth­ Hospitality er social occasions. An illustration of the continuation In addition to providing security, the Dakota tiyo­ of the hospitality pattern is the annual Fourth of July spaye operated as an agency of hospitality and shar­ celebration, which in some measure has replaced the ing. Just as all tasks were performed by everyone in Sun Dance as a time to get together and share money accordance with his ability in order to promote the and goods collected during the year with the poorer common good of the extended family, so, likewise, all members of the group. The main difficulty encount­ food was shared. But this did not mean that all goods ered today in extending the traditional hospitality is were pooled to be shared alike. As long as the material that families who have accumulated material wealth was in a person's possession, it was his sole right to are taken advantage of by destitute relatives who have give it away or keep it for himself. However, his kin­ no means of repaying the hospitality. ship responsibilities might impel him to surrender it willingly to a relative who was in need or to whom he The conflict in values of the old and new cultures owed special devotion or protection. "It made him caused by pressures to accumulate and share material ready and happy at all times to give up anything wealth is apparent in the individual who tries to save. whenever a situation developed challenging him to If he continually refuses to give away his property, he rise to his full stature as a relative."40 may be practically forced offthe reservation, or, which can be equally bad for him, he will lose his prestige in The kinship bands were not made up of a static the kinship group. The changing attitudes toward membership, since individuals might leave the group property are creating adjustment problems for those in which they were born and join some other group who reject the generosity pattern, while those who for a time. Thus while membership was a matter of share with their relatives are taken advantage of and birth, residence was a matter of choice. General gath- are unable to fit into the accepted pattern of wealth

op. cit.,, 42. accumulation in white American society. f0Deloria, p. 34 Socialization of Children bined teaching of his relatives a well rounded train­ Not only in their hospitality pattern did the kin­ ing which enabled him to take his place in adult ship group function as a unit. Care of children was an society. A boy was taught how to meet emergencies extended family responsibility, and any woman could and to protect himself by his uncles; and he was go away to visit another band with the assurance that taught to be brave by his elder brothers and cousins. her "sisters" and other relatives would see to it that the The training of Dakota youth included the mas­ child did not go hungry or stray offor was not abused. tery of many skills. A boy was expected in his teens to It was not necessary to have any one promise to look be able to shoot with bow and arrow and to break and after the child, because the relative' s kinship responsi­ ride horses. By this time, "he has heard old men tell of bilities in this respect were simply taken for granted. their deeds of prowess, he has been taught the mean­ Even if his biological mother was at home, the Dako­ ing of the various insignia with which a man deco­ ta child still had this multiple protection. At an early rates himself, he has seen young warriors come home age, he had contact with a great number of relatives leading horses and carrying scalps, and he has seen who felt responsible for him; he never had to face the how their bravery brought joy to ali their kin." In ad­ bewilderment of meeting an unpredictable stranger­ dition, he has been honored by his uncles' giving him he was born into a tiyospaye. horses, but he has seen that only those young men who Children very rapidly learned their social duties, have stolen horses can honorably purchase a wife, since they were in constant contact with relatives who and "his elder brothers have taught him to court a were conditioning them by example and suggestion. girl." When the time came for him to seek a vision, he Even in learning to speak, the child's firstwords and was "taught and prepared either by an elder cousin or sentences were kinship obligatory terms. The training by a man with important supernatural power." This was reinforced by the warm and loving attention was also the time of training in the art of warfare, given the child by a large number of parents. The even if he failed to achieve spirit control.41 small child was permitted almost complete indul­ The Dakotas were never cruel to their children, gence, thus developing in him an affectionate loyalty and any parent who harmed his own child would toward his parents. Rewards were used to encourage have been considered crazy. Therefore, when the Da­ the child from an early age to accept responsibility for kotas first observed white child rearing practices, his own actions and to cooperate in family activities. they were shocked at the ill-treatment and corporal Other relatives were as important in the socializa­ punishment used in training white children. They tion of the child as tJ-iebio logical and secondary par­ also observed white parents "punish their own chil­ ents, and the first things the child learned were the dren by pulling their ears until they cried," and there­ proper term of address and behavior expected for each fore, "when a Sioux called the white man Flop Ears, it of these relatives. The grandparents, for example, was no mere derisive nickname; it suggested that dark practiced warmth, ease, and indulgence in their rela­ cruelty of which no decent Indian parent was ever tions with their grandchildren to the greatest possible guilty."-12 Attempts were made by the government degree. It was not possible for a grandfather to refuse agencies during the early reservation period to change any request made of him, and so the grandchild had Dakota ideas of child training to conform to the white 1 to learn not to impose too greatly n his grandfather's 4 Mirsky, op. cit., 423. o p. generosity. Thus each child obtained from the com- 42Vestal, op. cit., p. 196. 35 pattern. Indian mothers were actually given rules to properly reared and helped in their early childhood follow for the nursing of infants, along with the training. If she admonished the children, she simply peculiar threat that food would be withheld if they said, "See, nobody does so," meaning, "You must not, failed to conform. In spite of this coercion, it can be either." In Dakota society this mild admonishment assumed that the mothers followed their "spoiling" was usually sufficient to deter the children, because customs when not under the watchful eye of health they had great respect for their grandparents.4� and other authorities. But the changes which have taken place in the Da­ Dakota parents still display a strong affection for kota culture in recent years have in some degree un­ their children and in turn the children usually show dermined the traditional veneration of grandparents. great filial devotion. This affection would also be ex­ The grandfather still attempts to function as a coun­ tended to other relatives, for it is likely that the youth selor to the youth, but he no longer has his former was not raised in only one biological family. As the prestige because he has not been able to participate in families on the reservations today have less stability the activities by which the men in the past used to gain than formerly, the child may be shifted from home to prestige, and he has not been able to keep up with the home, but this does not have the bad effectsexpecte d changes going on in Dakota society. The grandmoth­ in white society. Relatives are happy to care for the er is still the person to whom the child turns in times child, and today if a child deliberately leaves the home of need or crisis, but her generosity and kindness are of his parents, or that of a relative, his action is public- often abused by young people today. It is not unusual 1 y recognized as a reflection upon those who probably for divorced couples to send their children to live with failed to provide the attention and affectionto which her; or even though a young man is old enough to the child was entitled. support himself, he will visit his grandparents for Veneration of the Aged long periods of time, contribute nothing to the house­ In the old Dakota culture a man gained in respect hold, eat the old persons' rations and spend their assist­ as he got older, particularly if he could remind the ance check. younger men of many brave feats which he has per­ Broken Families formed in war and on the hunt. A young man also The old Dakotas did not take the marriage vows spoke with respect of his elders, and the veneration of lightly, in spite of their simplicity and directness. Al­ the aged would never permit a young man to contra­ though the marriage ceremony was a matter of giving dict or argue with an old man. The grandfathers were gifts such as ponies, saddles, or buffalo robes to the esteemed by the youth as wise men who, because of bride's family, usually involving little formal cere­ their vast experience and knowledge of the best ways, mony, the marriage ties were sufficiently binding and should be consulted before a hunting or fighting party influential in a small band so that broken families set out, and young men were likely to submit to their were very uncommon. However, if conflictdid devel­ injunctions with alacrity. op in the biological family, the solution was to leave The grandmother was also highly respected, be­ before the tension became unbearable. Not only could cause she remained gentle and uncomplaining toward the wife return to her family band, children could at the younger generations. She frequently took much of times decide to live for a time in another band or with the burdensome work off a daughter who was raising

a family. She was careful to see that the children were cit., 44. 43Deloria, op. p. 36 grand parents, or whole families might leave the kin­ the nearest band. Large encampments of Dakotas ship group if it seemed wise. were made only for celebrations or protection, be­ The tendency to break marital ties has been great­ cause there were never enough buffalo in any area to ly accelerated by contact with American life. Unsatis­ support more than a minimum number of bands. As factory domestic relations are commonplace on the the bands moved about, however, they followed a pat­ reservations. The biggest domestic problem is lack of tern, generally camping and hunting in the same income, and the wife is in no position to exert pressure region during the same season. In this way, they did on her husband to earn more while the husband never not interefere with the hunting of neighboring bands suggests that the available funds be more wisely ex­ and could more accurately gauge the available feed pended. Husband and wife take little responsibility supply. for each other's actions, and distrust between the mar­ The acquisition of horses by the Plains Indian con­ ried couple is not at all unusual. In this kind of eco­ tributed greatly to the prosperity and freedom of the nomic and domestic situation, application of the old buffalohu nting economy. Prior to the introduction of cultural tradition of avoiding tension as a means of horses, the Dakota Indians had to laboriously stalk the adjustment results in frequent temporary and perma­ buffalo on foot, the meat had to be carried in packs on nent separations. Another factor which may increase their backs, traveling was limited, and there were fre­ tension in the contemporary Dakota family is the quent periods of insufficient food. Once they began to presence of relatives in the household, although this is obtain horses, however, the warrior and his family not nearly as important as a cause of trouble because of could hunt the buffalo with greater ease and success. the kinship and hospitality patterns previously de­ Horses were the only things regarded as personal scribed. The effectof overcrowded Dakota households property in the Dakota tribes. Warriors were willing is not nearly so demoralizing as congested living in a to risk their lives to win a horse as a prize in battle or to modern city, but the strain under which kinship obli­ steal the animal from another tribe. gations are now functioning suggests that this prob­ Since a young man could not inherit horses from lem may loom larger in the future. his father, because a person's property was distributed Economic Problems outside the immediate family when he died, run­ The buffalo hunting economy of the Plains In­ ning off the horses of an enemy was the honorable way for a young man to make his start in life.H The dians was so appealing to aboriginal peoples that it rapidly spread throughout the American continent. members of a successful horsestealing expedition were The hunting pattern of the Teton Dakotas was sim­ greeted upon their return with great demonstrations, ilar to that of other except that the and the participants were "regarded as heroes and brave warriors." When the whole camp had gathered Tetons emphasized group cooperation to a greater ex­ tent than any other tribe. It was especially the case around the camp fire to welcome the returned war­ when the buffalo were scarce that cooperation be­ riors, they related "the history of their expedition, each giving his individual experience and adventures tween tribal groups was vital to success. The bands t hunted individually, but every effortwas made to dis­ o attentive iisteners."-i;; tribute the kill among the family groups. If a large 14Lewis F. Crawford, Rel\indling Camp Fires, 283-284. herd was encountered by one band, they killed only pp. what they could use and then passed the rest along to 45Miles, op. cit., 315. p. 37 The available food was utilized to promote the dians to agriculture. Captain re­ welfare of the group, and was not considered as per­ ported his observations on this matter.46 sonal property to be hoarded or sold dearly. In fact, ...with what consistency ot precept with practice food was freely given to anyone who visited a Dakota can we say to the Indian whom we wish to civilize, that camp. When the first white men visited the Dakota agriculture and the arts are more productive of ease, wealth, and comfort than the occupation of hunting, villages, they were given the best available food and while they see distributed over their forests a number of were not expected to pay. Naturally, when the Da­ white men engaged in the very occupation which our kotas went to visit the white man's villages, they doctrine would teach them to abandon. Under such cir­ expected this courtesy to be returned. Instead, how­ cumstances it cannot be considered irrational in the ever, they were expected to pay when they asked for Indians to conclude that our recommendations to agricul­ something which they believed should have been ture are interested, and flow from a wish on our part to derive the whole emolument arising from the peltries freely and generously offered to them in the first and furs of their country, by taking them to ourselves. place. Therefore, they could not help believing the owner of the goods to be ungenerous. There was a basic differencebetw een the Dakotas and the whites in their attitude toward the use of land The Dakota attitude was such that goods and pos­ resources. The Dakotas, believing that "mother" earth sessions were of no great value. Property did not influ­ gave birth and sustained life for all living creatures, ence social position in the tribe unless it was used as a loved and revered the earth. The people were there­ gift to honor someone. Accumulation of goods and for kin to all other living things, all possessing equal long continued possession of material things were rights. The Caucasian philosophy, on the other hand, suspect. Prestige attached to property was not in the was that man is superior to the natural order. Things good itself, but in the way the possessions were pre­ of the earth were earthly-belittled and despised-to sented as an honor in an informal naming ceremony be heartlessly destroyed in order to promote man's or a highly formalized, conspicuous Sun Dance cele­ right to live. This difference in attitude caused much bration. Property is extremely unimportant to the Da­ misunderstanding between Indian and white. The kota when compared with human relations. But if it Dakotas accused the invaders of indiscriminately hew­ could be used to improve or solidify human relations, ing down the forests, exterminating the buffalo, kill­ property achieved importance. A young man might ing the beaver and dynamiting his wonderfully have his gift of a horse to his bride's father supple­ constructed dams, "allowing flood waters to wreak mented by several of his uncle's horses in order that further havoc," and silencing "the very birds of the their family could make a good impression. But it au.. ,,47 was not the amount of the gift, it was the cooperation, The wanton waste of natural resources and callous expressed through sharing of possessions, which gave indifference toward the land shown by most white the family prestige and respectability. settlers caused real resentment among the Dakotas. They looked upon the settlers as usurpers of their Land Resources country, responsible for confining them on reserva­ tions with insufficient resources and nothing to do. Early commercial contact with the whites placed '°Elliot Coues, History of the Expedition Under the Command of Lewis little strain on the land resources of the Great Plains; and Clark, Vol. III, pp. 1236-1237.

but later the settlers were anxious to convert the In- 17Standing Bear, Land of the Spotted Eagle, p. 166. 38 Thus the Indians were forced to take up agriculture frontier, the Indians were called "lazy." Actually hard in which they were unskilled. They had to give up work in hunting or fighting was welcomed by the warlike activities and the chase to depend upon uncer­ Dakotas ; they simply preferred their tribal ways to the tain crops which their honest labor could not always work skill required in settled agriculture. provide on inadequate land resources. For a brief time in the early years, there was some Today the major reservation problem is low in­ success on the reservations in teaching warriors to take come resulting from this lack of resources. Agricul­ care of herds and flocks, but even the life of the ranch­ ture provides less than 30 percent of all income er and cowboy was not sufficiently dramatic and received by the Pine Ridge Indians. About 20 percent varied to erase the old ways from the minds of the of their income comes from non-agricultural employ­ Dakotas. For the youth there was little instruction in ment, and over 50 percent comes from government agriculture to prepare him for farming, and his life sources, including wages and federal and state relief. was therefore practically devoid of any goals: "He It is quite clear that the available land can never possi­ could hope neither for glory in Plains Indian type of bly provide enough to support these Indians even at warfare, nor for success in terms of the American scale their present low standard of living.48 of values."·;0 What is described as "Indian shiftless­ ness" is largely a lack of any appealing goal.

Working Skills Even if a Dakota had training and developed new The male skills of the Dakota culture were hunt­ work skills, there was no guarantee that he could be­ ing and fighting.Hunting was the routine method by come a financialsuccess. This point is illustrated in the which the warrior provided his family with food ; and following story of a Dakota youth.51 fighting was his sport, the field in whichhe could gain the attention of his fellow men. Even hunting called He got his "Sioux benefit" and spent it all on a course for a more warlike and aggressive behavior than se­ in auto mechanics, for that was his bent. He was some­ times homesick in the distant city where he trained, but dentary farming, an occupation which, when compar­ he did not go home till he finished. Then he set up a little ed with their former activities, appealed little to them shop back of his home. People brought work to him, and thrilled them less. though some came without any money to pay for the It was reported that Red Cloud said49 work. But he was related to them all. He would not dream of saying, "Show me first your money," but went Father, the Great Spirit did not make us to work. He ahead and did their work. Some paid; others, who were made us to hunt and fish. He gave us the great prairies obviously too poor, he told not to bother. This was what a and hills and covered them with buffalo, deer, and ante­ Dakota relative should do. lope. He filled the rivers and streams with fish. The Money Economy white man can work if he wants to, but the Great Spirit To understand the economic values of the Dako­ did not make us to work. The white man owes us a living for the lands he has taken from us. 'tas, it is necessary to realize that money and ambition were insignificant in comparison with a dream, a Because this attitude conflicted with the traditional cloud in the sky, or change in the wind. Symbolic desirability of working with the soil on the American events and experiences could challenge their deepest

McCullough, Economy of the Pine Ridge Reservation, c.0George Devereux, Reality and Dream, 10. ·1�H. D. p. 809. p. •uMcGillycu

''"South Dcrartmcnt of Public Instruction am! South Dak0ta Dakota �tCharle� A Eastman, p. Indian Commission, p. 46. from Deep Woods to Civdizution, 8. 11ldia11s of South Dal\ota, 40 and their adjustments to it are more suitable to a non­ The old moral values of the Dakotas were based on competitive society than to our modern, highly com­ respect, loyalty, and duties to other members of the petitive economic system. extended family group. It was the moral obligation of the individual to cooperate, be generous, and promote Gift Giving the family interests by every means at his command. It is evident that possession of property had no In an economic system based on highly valued mate­ prestige value in the Dakota culture. But to publicly rial possessions, these moral principles are partially express love and respect for others by giving them obstructed by the desire to promote individual eco­ property or giving it away in their name-that was nomic interests. Again the youthful Dakota finds the highest expression of cooperation in the extended himself in an untenable position between the old family. Gift giving was not a direct exchange, but moral obligations and the new material culture. there was always giving and receiving among all Politi·cal Problems members of the kinship group so that no one person The close kinship ties of the Dakota Indians were was likely to suffer hardship. Gifts were given on all vital to their social control organization. Each family ceremonial occasions, including those occasions when formed a part of the camp circle, and in the center of relatives mourned a lost brave or when they rejoiced the circle was the council-tipi, the focus of commu­ over the triumph of a warrior. nity life. As this central point gathered the council These people were understandably confused when composed of elderly men of experience and prestige they found that wealthy white visitors refused to from the family groups within the encampment. The show them the same generosity. Yankee thrift and council along with the chief decided upon a variety of sharp practices could only be abhorrent to the Teton group activities; they made plans for the buffalo hunt, Dakotas. They concluded that the white strangers called bands together for intratribal meetings, and were stingy and inhospitable. settled disputes. The usual method of settling questions in the coun­ The feasts and "give aways" are still carried out by cil was by discussion. The people often gathered to the reservation Dakotas whether or not they can af­ talk things over. They gave speeches in which by gift­ ford it. To ignore the death of a relative and to fail to ed oratory they tried to convert the opposition. The give gifts at that time causes such criticism that older men were usually able to exert the greatest influ­ mourners feel obligated to conform to the old cus­ ence because they were respected for their wisdom, yet toms. Whatever social cohesion still exists among the a young man might also be heard if he prefaced his kinship group depends upon the ideal of generosity. remarks with the following words: "My father will It is not surprising that individual families find itdi f­ hear my words with indulgence for I am young and ficult to reject this custom which prevents their ac­ without experience ; I have not yet taken place in the cumulation of material goods. The practice may be councils among those whom age has given wisdom or somewhat mitigated by the realization that most fam­ valor has made illustrious."64 ilies have limited resources badly needed for their The chief did not have any extensive control, immediate requirements. But on the other hand, it is usually having authority only in his own little camp of not uncommon for a family to visit relatives and de­ kinsmen because of his position as head of the band. pend upon their hospitality no matter what the drain on the budget might be. "'Trobrian

'' and the food quest. · Fre

"7Hyde, op. cit., 188. "8Vestal, cit., 214. p. op. p. 43 The extension of sovereignty over the Dakotas by they could not control. It was Uncle Sam's way of formal means has come about concomitantly with showing that he was an honorable, generous benefac­ their enforced readaptation on individual farms in tor ; and although they could not at present give gifts local settlements and isolated communities. Gradual­ in return, if ever a time came when they could, they ly, the soldiers were withdrawn, and the administra­ certainly would not be found wanting. tor and the civil servant assumed control. Administra­ Since the Dakotas did not wish to be like white tion then became more efficient, honest, and humane ; men, but since the government insisted on making but after their early experiences with government them so, it was logical for the Indians to believe that agents, it was difficult for the Dakotas to trust those they should be supported while being forced to make who deserved and needed trust in order to help them the transition from one culture to another. Red Cloud uo make the necessary adjustments. expressed this belief in his list of wants. The main problem of reservation administration For seven generations to come, I want the govern­ ment to give us Texas steers for our meat. I want the at the present time is this distrust of agency employees. government to issue for me hereafter flour, coffee, an

pp . op. cit., p. 50Deloria, op. cit., 129-130. uoHy

66Neihardt, op cit., 198. 67McGil lycuddy, op. cit., 106-107. 48 p. pp . self-torture has been abandoned. The church cere­ members of these cults can be adopted by the older mony for the dead is conducted according to the de­ people in order to replace some of their lost religious nominational requirements, and burial is under­ customs. But, as we should expect, the younger people ground. The Dakotas have been forced to inter their have not been attracted to these cults, because they dead, even though this custom conflicted with their have little knowledge of the traditional beliefs and former belief that burial interfered with the passage of rites that stem from the past. the spirit to the other world. The best historical example of a marginal religious In many ways the services of the churches on the movement is the Ghost Dance religion. Popular in the reservation are similar to those of any small rural last decade of the nineteenth century, it held out to the church. In one way, however, the Dakotas differfrom Indians the hope of a Messiah who would save them most church-goers. They can shift from one denomi­ from the whites. Those Dakotas who did not like their nation to another and from Christian to non-Christian position on the reservation and longed for their old practices with no apparent difficulty.Th ey are usually way of life were induced to join the movement. Many willing to seek divine power from all possible sources. of them danced and sang in anticipation of the second It seems likely that they carry over into their adopted coming, until they were forced to stop by the govern­ Christian religion certain elements of their native re­ ment. ligion, such as continuous seeking for supernatural The Peyote cult, or Native American Church, is aid, divine or miraculous cures, social participation, more recent than the Ghost Dance and still is quite and moral behavior. influential on the reservations. An escapist cult, it an­ We may safely infer that Christianity for the Da­ swers many of the psychological and religious needs kotas was only significant when interpreted according of the Dakota people. Some vestiges of Dakota reli­ to their former religion, and that church organization gion are also found in the present-day Yuwipi cult became important only as it served as a focus for group based on the magic performances of "medicine men." activities replacing old tribal participation. Since the Both the Peyote and Yuwipi cults are typical of trans­ religion of the Dakotas conflicted with missionary itional societies looking for a solution to problems that teachings on many points, Christianity at first made appear too difficultfor human comprehension. little progress in gaining authority over Dakota moral­ ity. But in recent years, as acculturation proceeds, the Health and Welfare Problems younger generations are generally accepting Christian The abrupt changes required in their mode of liv­ ritual and ceremonial practice in an effort to adapt ing when the Dakota people were placed on reserva­ themselves to the dominant American culture pattern. tions caused them considerable suffering. The Dako­ Marginal Religious Activities tas were unaccustomed to an indoor an

Many of the diseases well known in American One Indian described tuberculosis as merely a "bad society, such as smallpox, scarlet fever, measles, and condition" of the blood, which backs up in the body. diphtheria, were introduced for the first time to the Eventually, it dams up into the lungs and comes up into Dakotas by the early settlers. Because the Indians lack­ the throat and suffocates a person. 'Peyote, however, puri­ ed resistance and possessed no remedies for these mal­ fies the blood, and thus it can effect a "cure." adies, these disease exacted a heavy toll of the popula­ There will continue to be far too much sickness tion. The medical techniques of Western culture were among reservation people as long as they are ignorant not immediately available through the acculturative of what are now accepted as basic health precautions. process, and so their only resort was to apply their The welfare practices which worked well under own non-scientific remedies, frequently causing the formal tribal living are no longer practicable. Sharing disease to take a more virulent form. with the needy, assisting the weak, ministering to the During the reservation period, the Indian service sick were the prescribed duties of the leaders of the attempted to ban the practices of the Dakota medicine original Dakota societies. In times past, the Tetons man, but the shaman continued to be prescribed for had an organization of outstanding men known as the the sick in spite of all efforts to discourage him. Many "Silent Eaters" which had the specificduty of looking

8 0 6 Standing Bear, op. cit., 163-164. 6 Robert H. Ruby, The Sioux, 55. pp. p. 50 out for the welfare of all people. These conditions some basic or secondary drive of the people. Culture have changed along with all other aspects of Dakota change was likewise dependent upon the manner in culture, and the reservation Indians are faced with ser­ which the new ideas were introduced to them. If the ious problems of aiding those members of their group changes were attempted through coercion, they were who cannot help themselves. not so readily accepted as those made voluntarily. The policies of the traders, missionaries, government agents, and agriculturists determined the extent of en­ Summary and forced and permissive acculturation. Enforced accul­ turation was usually accompanied by resistance to change. The disruption of family patterns, the loss of conclusions the means of subsistence, and the social disorganiza­ tion of Dakota society were the most evident results of Paleo-Indians, Mound Builders and early agricul­ the acculturation process. tural peoples preceded the Dakota to the Plains. The Dakota were firstforced west by pressure of white Eu­ The changes taking place in Dakota society as a ropeans as well as other tribes seeking new lands for result of the acculturation process have been regarded settlement. The Dakota, made up of three tribes, nu­ as "social problems." They take on a "problem" aspect merous bands and a multitude of tiyospayes and clans, because of the conflicts created between the internal differed somewhat from tribe to tribe in their way of values of Dakota society and the external values of the life. The western Tetons and Yanktons based their larger society, or because of conflicts in the value sys­ way of life on a truly nomadic way of life in contrast to tems of different groups within Dakota society, or the more settled agricultural way of life exhibited by finally, because of value conflicts in the personality the Santee. Even though differencesoccurred in settle­ and attitudes of individual members of Dakota soci­ ment patterns, the religion, family and value systems ety. In this study, problems were analyzed in the of the Dakota were very similar. major institutional areas-family, economic, political, Misunderstanding developed between Dakotas educational, religious, health and welfare. and whites as tribal chiefs were suported by the white The fact that the Dakota extended family group is government when in reality no such chiefs were to be being replaced by the individualistic modern family found. Treaties were entered into, based on an elabor­ structure has caused a decline in the security offered ate tribal government when only tiyospaye or band by the Dakota family. Cooperative working and shar­ government existed. Whether such an understanding ing of material possessions as basic attributes of Dako­ by the whites would have made a difference in the ta society have been disappearing. The child rearing final outcome of the Dakotas' destiny is open only to patterns have been undergoing severe changes. As a speculation. result, the influence of the aged members of Dakota The process of acculturation among the Dakota society has been decreasing, especially when the young Indians-the change which has taken place in Dakota people have become more conversant with contradic­ culture as a result of contact with the dominant Cau­ tory values in the society outside of the reservation. casian society-has also been analyzed. In general, Family disorganization has been apparent in high culture change was most likely to occur among the rates of divorce and separation typical of the younger Dakotas when the new culture elements satisfied Dakota families. 51 So long as those people are dependent upon agri­ portunities for Dakota children. Clearly, the willing­ culture, the land base on the reservation is inadequate ness of the Dakotas to accept the culture of the to support the Dakota population currently living dominant society is restricted by the extent to which there at a minimum level. At the same time, most of they are able to take advantage of available education­ the Dakotas lack the necessary working skills requir­ al opportunities. ed to make an adequate living off the reservation ; nor The moral code of traditional Dakota religion did are they fully familiar with the workings of the money not coincide perfect! y with the teaching of the Chris­ economy of the modern industrial system. Economic tian missionaries, thereby contributing additional equality and cooperation, exemplifiedin the tradition­ conflicts. The social and economic injustices and ex­ al gift giving pattern, does not work well side by side ploitation which the Dakotas suffered from the dom­ with a highly competitive system of individual eco­ inant society induced them to experiment with nomic enterprise. irrational religious cults and movements as a means of In the past, the inconsistent policies of the Indian escaping the consequences of their dilemma. A mix­ Bureau have been extremely confusing and demoral­ ture of pagan and Christian religious elements is clear­ izing to the Dakotas. They are aware of the inefficient ly evident in the ritual of these marginal religious administration that has characterized the government activities .. in the handling of Indian affairs. Promises which the Such problems as inadequate nutrition, unsanitary governmentmade to the Dakotas have been ruthlessly living conditions, high incidence of contagious dis­ broken whenever convenient. Furthermore, the ease, and limited health resources are bound to accom­ promise to feed the Indians through a ration system pany the present social situation on the reservations. was used either to coerce or to pauperize the Dakota These problems are symptomatic of the general level people. of living and the health education of the Dakota At present, segregation of the reservations, result­ people. ing in isolation from the culture of the dominant soci­ Effective solutions to many of the problems sum­ ety, encourages retention of Dakota culture patterns. marized above are in progress. The Dakota Indians Moreover, the schools provided for the Dakota chil­ have already proved themselves capable of adjusting dren have frequently used educational methods de­ to demands for great change in their traditional way signed to teach non-Indians and are therefore highly of life. As they increase their knowledge and under­ inappropriate to the cultural situation in which the standing of American society, and its relation to their Dakota child grows up. Isolation, both geographical own culture, they will continue to discover other solu­ and social, is a definite factor limiting educational op- tions mutually advantageous to both cultures.

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D. ment (with Special Reference to the Missouri River California: Stanford University Press, 1941. Provinse, J. H. "The Underlying Sanctions of Plai ns Indian Basin)," National Park Service, Memorandu m of Agree­ McLaughlin, James. My Friend the Indian. Boston: Hough­ Culture." In F. Eggan, ed. Social Anthropology of ment No. 14-10-01 1-287. Department of Anthropology, ton Mifflin Company, 1910. North American Indian Tribes, pp. 341-376. Chicago: University of Utah, 1955. McLaughlin, Mary L. Myths and Legends of the Sioux. Bis­ University of Chicago Press, 1937. Jennings, Jesse. Prchij·tory of North America. Jv lcGraw-Hill, marck, North Dakota: Bismarck Tribune Company, Prucha, Francis Paul. /lmerican Indian Policy in the Forma­ 1968. 1916. tive Years. Harvar

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