DOCSLIB.ORG

1 Introducing Emotion, Identity and the Play of Political Culture

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Notes 1 Introducing Emotion, Identity and the Play of Political Culture 1. Psychosocial Studies at UEL was first developedby Michael Rustin, Barry Richards, Mike Smee and Amal Treacher alongsidecolleagues at the Tavistock and Portman NHS Trust in North London. For a discussion of the Psychosocial Studies field, its history and its differences: see, Day Sclater, Jones, Price, and Yates (2009), and the Special Issue of the journal, Psychoanalysis, Culture and Society, 2008, Volume 13, Issue 4, 2008: 339–385. 2. John Street has defined popular culture ‘as a form of entertainment that is mass produced or is made available to large numbers of people’ (1997: 7). 3. An advantage of using digital posters to promote a political party is that they are cheap to produce, and can respondquickly to issues and themes raised onthecampaign (Nikkaha, 2010). 4. For this and other posters of the UK 2010 National Election Campaign, see Guardian.co.uk(2010)‘Election Campaign: General Election Campaign 2010 in Pictures’, 15 April 2010, http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/gallery/ 2010/mar/30/general-election-2010-labour#/?picture=361777434&index, date accessed 18 January 2014. 5. “Gene Hunt” was a detective in the popular BBC 1 television drama Ashes to Ashes (2008–2010). 6. To view this image, click on the linkhttp://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/media/images/ 47582000/jpg/_47582724_cameronhunt466.jpg, accessed 23 July, 2015. 7. See: www.mumsnet.com, date accessed 12 February 2015. 8. The discourse of austerity, which is underpinned by the message of non-state intervention and the so-called ‘hidden hand’ of the market, has a strong ideological dimension to it that chimes in with the values of neoliberal ‘revolution’ that is tracedback to the monetarist policies whichbegan to take shape in the 1970s (Harvey, 2007) and to its cultural formation as a hegemonic project (Hall, 2011). 9. Here, I am referring to the promotional review comments on the back of Johnson’s (2014) book. See also Peter Mandelson (2011) The Third Man; Life at the Heart of New Labour, or the political diaries of the self-effacing Chris Mullen (2010) Decline and Fall; Diaries 2005–2010, or the emotive diaries of ‘spin doctor’ Alistair Campbell (2008). 10. See also: Bremner, Bird and Fortune (1999–2010, Channel 4), 10 O’Clock Live (Channel 4, 2011–) andquiz shows on television such as, Have I Got News for You (BBC2, 1990–2000; BBC1, 2000–); comedy drama series The Thick of It (BBC4, 2005–2007; BBC2 2007–2012) adapted as a feature film: In the Loop (2009) and the television comedy series Yes Minister (1980–1984) and Yes, Prime Minister (1986–1987), which, for the timeframe under discussion in this book, was also staged as a play in London theatres in 2010–2011. Yes, Prime Minister was later revived in 2013 on the ‘Gold’ television channel. 141 142 Notes 11. This is a tradition that has been critically documentedbycultural studies scholars from Raymond Williams (1983) onwards. See Street (1997: 162–166) for further discussion of this critique. 12. The notion of the ‘post political moment’ is a contested term within the field of philosophy and cultural studies. It broadly refers to decline of progressive social democratic politics in the West and the triumph of neoliberalism in all aspects contemporary life (Fisher, 2009; Mouffe, 2005). 13. See, for example, Tracey Jensen’s (2014) analysis of this genre at work, through programmes such as We Pay Your Benefits (BBC1 2013). 14. Foucault (2008) traces the origins of the term, back to a meeting attended by German economist Friedrich Hayek and economist andphilosopher Ludwig von Mises. He discusses its use in the German economic texts of the 1930s and 1940s, through to the monetarist economics of Milton Friedman and the Chicago School in the 1950s and 1960s, which advocated the need for gov- ernments to create the necessary conditions for the market driven neoliberal values andpractices to flourish(Wilson, 2014).Gilbert (2013) remindsus that the Chicago School provided the model for Pinochet’s Chillian gov- ernment, which is widely recognised to bethe first government to combine neoliberal economics with a system of neoliberal governance. It was against this backdrop that the emergence of neoliberalism really took hold in the 1980s, when Thatcher and Reagan promoted neoliberal economics and socialpolicy. 15. As cultural studies scholars have argued, against the backdrop of the credit crunch, a new politics of austerity has emerged, where the Second World War slogan ‘Keep Calmand Carry On’has been co-opted once more in thecon- text of consumer culture – albeit in a ‘post ironic’ mode in order to reinforce a masochistic message that following on the from the economic deficit, we should take our medicine and accept the pain of austerity as ‘we’ brought it on ourselves and thus somehow deserve it (Gilbert, 2011). 16. In her discussion of paranoia on television, Woodhouse Hart (2014: 137–138) says that, ‘paranoia can be recognised clinically as featuring anxiety states that are delusional, persecutory, aggressive and threatening. “Something (or someone) is out to get me”, would be a typical example of its presentation’. 17. See Woodhouse Hart’s (2014) elaboration of this psychoanalytic analysis of paranoia and its linkstotelevision entertainment. 18. See, for example, Russell Brand on the BBC 1 political discussion panel show Question Time, 21 June 2013. 19. The movement is also linked to the Spanish Indignago movement in 2011 and before that, to the Arab Spring uprising in 2010. 20. Well-known parodies of UK politicians include, on YouTube: ‘Cassette Boy – Cameron’s Conference Rap’, 1 October 2014, https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=0YBumQHPAeU; ‘The Nick Clegg Apology Song’, 19September, 2012, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KUDjRZ30SNo& list=RDKUDjRZ30SNo; ‘Gordon’s Smile’, 26 April 2009, http://www.youtube. com/watch?v=Vor03-uUeuM&feature=fvwrel; all the above links accessed 12 December, 2014. 21. See Russell Brand’s ‘The Trews’, https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list= PL5BY9veyhGt46KMmgAJYi1LF0EUkpqcrX, date accessed 27 December 2014. Notes 143 22. See Brand’s (2014) entry entitled: ‘New Era For All’, http://www.russellbrand. com/tag/new-era-estate/, date accessed 28 December 2014. 23. The working class women on that estate have publicallypraised Brand for his support (Withnail, 2014). 24. See, for example, the 2014 YouTube video, ‘Listen You, Let Me Talk’, broadcast on 13 February, that contains Russell Brand’s interview with Chan- nel 4television broadcaster, Jon Snow: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= VrVe7jJE__M, date accessed 27 December 2014. 2 Spinning the Unconscious and the Play of Flirtation inPolitical Culture 1. Parts of this chapter have been published as an article in the journal Subjectivity, 2010, Vol.3, 3: 282–302. 2. These terms, as usedhere, are very loosely based on Mansfield’s (2006)dis- cussion of metrosexual and sexual masculinities, which he discusses in terms of new and old masculinities respectively. 3. Fourth-wave feminism is a contested term, but it is associated with the current generation of young feminists who use social networks to pro- mote feminist campaigns, often focusing on issues of intersectionality and the marginalisation of ordinary women from mainstream political debate (Munro, 2014). 4. Who, at the time, was his advisor on teaching mathematics. 5. See: ‘David Cameron: Webcameron Highlights’,YouTube, http://www. youtube.com/watch?v=qxh1YhHytDk, date accessed 21 February 2014. 6. For further details of the poster campaign, see the BBC web page ‘On this day, 1950–2004’, http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/march/ 30/newsid_2530000/2530933.stm, date accessed 25 February 2014. 7. See, for example, Alan Clarke, who in diary entry for 28 March 1990, reports of the ‘privileged access’ enjoyed by ‘certain key unelected advisors’ (Clark, 2002: 407). 8. The Social Democratic Settlement refers to the postwar consensus that emerged in the wake of the BeveridgeReport of 1942 that was put in place by the 1945 Labour government, which championed the values of equality of opportunity, and some redistribution of wealth as underpinned by the safety net of the Welfare State (Hall, 2011). 9. See ‘British Gas Ad Tell Sid Postman’, YouTube, 2011, http://www.youtube. com/watch?v=nedVpG-GjkE, date accessed 25 February 2014. 10. This theme of patriotism echoed the message of the Conservative Partypolit- ical broadcasts of the time in which, as the Guardian caustically reported: ‘Land of Hope and Glory was belted out over a mistypicture of Big Ben’ (Brown, 2012). 11. See ‘UK Party Political Broadcast – May 1987’, YouTube, http://www.youtube. com/watch?v=p-3OscH1qK0, date accessed 23 February 2014. 12. Resentiment is a contested term and its different uses are related to different philosophical traditions. From a psychoanalytic perspective, resentiment can be used in a similar way to Melanie Klein’s concepts of envy and projective identification. For further discussion see: Clarke, Hoggett and Thompson (eds) (2006). 144 Notes 13. See http://www.levesoninquiry.org.uk/, date accessed 27 December 2014. 14. As when, in 2002, News of theWorld journalists hacked into the voicemail of murdered schoolgirl Milly Dowler, giving the impression to thepolice and her family that she might be alive. For further details, see the above endnote. 15. The counsel, Robert Jay, began to attract a kind of celebrity following in the press and on Twitter, as the style of his questioning, which often involved the use of obscure long words, was viewed as highly seductive and his encounters with the witnesses became an object of fascination for those watching the events unfold (Kennedy, 2012). 16. In particular, see Melanie Klein, who discussed at length the linkbetween the mature love in the ‘depressive position’ mourning andloss (1940). 17. See Green’s (2006) critical essay ‘Addendum to Lecture’ on the flirtatious cruelty of the psychoanalyst Masud Khan.
Recommended publications
  • Celebrities As Political Representatives: Explaining the Exchangeability of Celebrity Capital in the Political Field

    Celebrities As Political Representatives: Explaining the Exchangeability of Celebrity Capital in the Political Field

    Celebrities as Political Representatives: Explaining the Exchangeability of Celebrity Capital in the Political Field Ellen Watts Royal Holloway, University of London Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics 2018 Declaration I, Ellen Watts, hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Ellen Watts September 17, 2018. 2 Abstract The ability of celebrities to become influential political actors is evident (Marsh et al., 2010; Street 2004; 2012, West and Orman, 2003; Wheeler, 2013); the process enabling this is not. While Driessens’ (2013) concept of celebrity capital provides a starting point, it remains unclear how celebrity capital is exchanged for political capital. Returning to Street’s (2004) argument that celebrities claim to speak for others provides an opportunity to address this. In this thesis I argue successful exchange is contingent on acceptance of such claims, and contribute an original model for understanding this process. I explore the implicit interconnections between Saward’s (2010) theory of representative claims, and Bourdieu’s (1991) work on political capital and the political field. On this basis, I argue celebrity capital has greater explanatory power in political contexts when fused with Saward’s theory of representative claims. Three qualitative case studies provide demonstrations of this process at work. Contributing to work on how celebrities are evaluated within political and cultural hierarchies (Inthorn and Street, 2011; Marshall, 2014; Mendick et al., 2018; Ribke, 2015; Skeggs and Wood, 2011), I ask which key factors influence this process.
  • 'Opposition-Craft': an Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitte

    'Opposition-Craft': an Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitte

    ‘Opposition-Craft’: An Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of PhD The University of Leeds, School of Politics and International Studies May, 2020 1 Intellectual Property and Publications Statements The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. ©2020 The University of Leeds and Edward Henry Lack The right of Edward Henry Lack to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 2 Acknowledgements Page I would like to thank Dr Victoria Honeyman and Dr Timothy Heppell of the School of Politics and International Studies, The University of Leeds, for their support and guidance in the production of this work. I would also like to thank my partner, Dr Ben Ramm and my parents, David and Linden Lack, for their encouragement and belief in my efforts to undertake this project. Finally, I would like to acknowledge those who took part in the research for this PhD thesis: Lord David Steel, Lord David Owen, Lord Chris Smith, Lord Andrew Adonis, Lord David Blunkett and Dame Caroline Spelman. 3 Abstract This thesis offers a distinctive and innovative framework for the study of effective official opposition politics in the United Kingdom.
  • The Conservative Party's Credibility Deficit Updated Tax and Spending

    The Conservative Party's Credibility Deficit Updated Tax and Spending

    The Conservative Party’s credibility deficit Updated tax and spending commitments April 2010 2 Contents Page Introduction 5 Summary 7 Methodology 8 Tables 10 Broken promises 13 45,000 new single rooms in the NHS 15 5,000 new prison places 19 Reducing taxes on savings 22 More places for science courses, training and apprenticeships 24 Maternity nurses for all 25 Reinstate the Defence Export Services Organisation (DESO) 28 National Loan Guarantee Scheme 30 Tax cuts 33 Corporation tax and investment allowance changes 35 Freeze council tax for two years 38 Reduce employers’ NICs for some small companies 41 Tax cuts for married couples 43 Inheritance tax cuts 50 Reverse impact of abolition of dividend tax credit 53 Tax reversals 57 Raise National Insurance Contributions thresholds 59 Oppose Broadband levy 61 Oppose cider duty increase 63 Tax increases 65 Non-domicile levy 67 Spending reductions 73 Cut Government “waste” 75 Savings on employment and skills programmes 78 Reduce spending on Building Schools for the Future 83 Reduce eligibility for tax credits 85 Reduce eligibility for Child Trust Funds 88 Reduce government spending on consultants and advertising 90 Reduce “bureaucracy” spending by a third 92 Welfare savings 95 Scrap ContactPoint 98 NHS IT Programme 100 Freeze pay and cap pensions for public sector workers 103 Reduce spending on Sure Start outreach workers 105 3 Scrap some Regional Development Agencies 107 Scrap regional assemblies 109 Scrap identity cards 110 “Cutting the cost of politics” 112 Scrap the Trade Union Modernisation
  • Parliamentary Debates (Hansard)

    Parliamentary Debates (Hansard)

    Thursday Volume 501 19 November 2009 No. 2 HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (HANSARD) Thursday 19 November 2009 £5·00 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2009 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Parliamentary Click-Use Licence, available online through the Office of Public Sector Information website at www.opsi.gov.uk/click-use/ Enquiries to the Office of Public Sector Information, Kew, Richmond, Surrey TW9 4DU; e-mail: [email protected] 127 19 NOVEMBER 2009 Business of the House 128 we at business questions are the flint she sparks off, we House of Commons share in her reflected glory. May we assume that she is now a subscriber to that publication? Thursday 19 November 2009 May we have a statement on the prospects for the Bills in the Queen’s Speech? On Monday, the right hon. and learned Lady claimed that the majority of the Bills The House met at half-past Ten o’clock in the Queen’s Speech would become law before the next election. We have an absolute maximum of 70 sitting PRAYERS days before Dissolution, and we need to set aside time for debates on the pre-Budget report, as well as ensuring that we have time to discuss other issues, such as [MR.SPEAKER in the Chair] Afghanistan. Given all that, does the right hon. and learned Lady still stand by her original claim, or will Business of the House she admit that there may be difficulties in fulfilling the Government’s commitments? Given the limited time we 10.33 am have left, recess dates have an added significance, so is the right hon.
  • The Port Securityscape an Ethnography

    The Port Securityscape an Ethnography

    The port securityscape an ethnography by Yarin Eski Thesis submitted in fulfilment for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Social and Political Sciences University of Glasgow Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research 63 Gibson Street Glasgow G12 8LR Scotland Prof Fergus McNeill (first supervisor) Prof Simon Mackenzie (second supervisor) Dr Nicole Bourque (internal examiner) Prof Ian Loader (external examiner) Abstract 9/11 changed the face of maritime transport that is responsible for moving 80% of everything we consume. Ports are vital hubs in that maritime transport and any disruption there instantly affects global trade. To protect the global supply chain from crime and terrorism, both must be disrupted locally in the port by port police and security officers that are responsible for port security at operational level. Public and critical criminological attention to these key security actors, however, is virtually non-existent. This thesis therefore explores how their occupational realities and identities are (re)established in two major European ports, by providing an ethnographic account. To do so, the thesis builds on multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork in the ports of Rotterdam and Hamburg between 2011 and 2012, during which everyday policing and security work has been documented, followed by a thematic analysis. The key argument runs thus: the port is a local space for the global trade, which is underappreciated and underestimated by the public, and has its police and security professionals in place both aboard and on shore who protect and defend that vital trade site. The aggressive commercialist governmentality that goes on behind that vital global trade is unwillingly yielded to by these guardians but not without any bottom-up resistance.
  • Download Clinton Email November Release

    Download Clinton Email November Release

    UNCLASSIFIED U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05772613 Date: 11/30/2015 RELEASE IN FULL CONFIDENTIAL October 9, 2010 For: Hillary From: Sid Re: Yes, some things: 1. Richard Wolff told me that one of the reasons Jones was summarily executed was payback for dumping Mark Lippert (whom he called "Thing Two," from Dr. Seuss' Cat in the Hat), McDonough's sidekick (whom Jones calls "Thing One"). Of course, Jones had to go to Obama himself to dispose of Lippert. The true cause was that Thing One and Thing Two were leaking negative stories about Jones. McDonough, naturally, has assumed Donilon's post. Obladi, oblada, as John Lennon (who would have been 70) might say. 2. Shaun Woodward is in the Labour shadow cabinet in his former position as Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. Gordon Brown's hatchetman, Charlie Whelan, whose job was to undercut Tony, had worked the unions to vote for Ed Miliband rather than Ed Balls (the one closest to Gordon) in order to beat David--the last scene in the revenge tragedy of Gordon v. Tony. Only 19 percent of the union people voted, but were credited with the full one-third of Labour votes for leader selection, so a minority of a minority threw the election by 1.3 percent to Ed. Then Balls, his wife Yvette Cooper (an MP and former cabinet secretary), and other Brownites ran as a slate for shadow cabinet--the first time the shadow cabinet was to be elected by the constituency. That succeeded to electing them all and shutting out Peter Hain, the former deputy PM, as well as Shaun.
  • The President's News Conference with Prime Minister Tony Blair Of

    The President's News Conference with Prime Minister Tony Blair Of

    Nov. 19 / Administration of George W. Bush, 2003 your home. Through the last century and and British servicemembers are sacrificing into our own, Americans have appreciated in a necessary and noble cause. Once again, the friendship of your people. And we are we are acting to secure the peace of the grateful for your personal commitment world. across five decades to the health and vitality The bonds between our countries were of the alliance between our nations. formed in hard experience. We passed Of course, things didn’t start out too through great adversity together. We have well. [Laughter] Yet, even at America’s risen through great challenges together. founding, our nations shared a basic belief The mutual respect and fellowship between in human liberty. That conviction more our countries is deep and strong and per- than anything else led to our reconciliation. manent. And in time, our shared commitment to Let us raise our glasses to our common freedom became the basis of a great Atlan- ideals, to our enduring friendships, to the tic alliance that defeated tyranny in Europe preservation of our liberties, and to Her and saved the liberty of the world. Majesty, the Queen of the United Kingdom The story of liberty, the story of the of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Magna Carta and the Declaration of Inde- pendence, continues in our time. The NOTE: The President spoke at 8:49 p.m. in power of freedom has touched Asia and the Ballroom at Buckingham Palace. In his Latin America and Africa and beyond. And remarks, he referred to Prince Philip, Duke now our two countries are carrying out a of Edinburgh.
  • From Baking Bread to Making Dough: Legal and Societal Restrictions on the Employment of First Ladies Sara Krausert

    From Baking Bread to Making Dough: Legal and Societal Restrictions on the Employment of First Ladies Sara Krausert

    The University of Chicago Law School Roundtable Volume 5 | Issue 1 Article 9 1-1-1998 From Baking Bread to Making Dough: Legal and Societal Restrictions on the Employment of First Ladies Sara Krausert Follow this and additional works at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/roundtable Recommended Citation Krausert, Sara (1998) "From Baking Bread to Making Dough: Legal and Societal Restrictions on the Employment of First Ladies," The University of Chicago Law School Roundtable: Vol. 5: Iss. 1, Article 9. Available at: http://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/roundtable/vol5/iss1/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in The nivU ersity of Chicago Law School Roundtable by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COMMENTS From Baking Bread to Making Dough: Legal and Societal Restrictions on the Employment of First Ladies SARA KRAUSERT t The paradigmatic First Lady' embodies the traditional role played by women in the United States. Since the position's creation, both Presidents and the public have wanted First Ladies to be seen and not heard. Some First Ladies have stayed within these confines, either by doing no more than simply supporting their husbands, or by taking care to exercise power only behind the scenes. Several First Ladies in this century, however have followed the lead of Eleanor Roosevelt, who broke barriers in her vigorous campaigns for various social causes, and they have brought many worthy issues to the forefront of the American consciousness.' Most recently, with the rumblings of discontent with the role's limited opportunities for independent action that accompanied the arrival of the women's movement, Rosalynn Carter and Hillary Clinton attempted to expand the role of the First Lady even further by becoming policy-makers during their husbands' presidencies.3 This evolution in the office of First Lady parallels women's general progress in society.
  • Making a Hasty Brexit? Ministerial Turnover and Its Implications

    Making a Hasty Brexit? Ministerial Turnover and Its Implications

    Making a Hasty Brexit? Ministerial Turnover and Its Implications Jessica R. Adolino, Ph. D. Professor of Political Science James Madison University Draft prepared for presentation at the European Studies Association Annual Meeting May 9-12, 2019, Denver, Colorado Please do not cite or distribute without author’s permission. By almost any measure, since the immediate aftermath of the June 16, 2016 Brexit referendum, the British government has been in a state of chaos. The turmoil began with then- Prime Minister David Cameron’s resignation on June 17 and succession by Theresa May within days of the vote. Subsequently, May’s decision to call a snap election in 2017 and the resulting loss of the Conservatives’ parliamentary majority cast doubt on her leadership and further stirred up dissension in her party’s ranks. Perhaps more telling, and the subject of this paper, is the unprecedented number of ministers1—from both senior and junior ranks—that quit the May government over Brexit-related policy disagreements2. Between June 12, 2017 and April 3, 2019, the government witnessed 45 resignations, with high-profile secretaries of state and departmental ministers stepping down to return to the backbenches. Of these, 34 members of her government, including 9 serving in the Cabinet, departed over issues with some aspect of Brexit, ranging from dissatisfaction with the Prime Minister’s Withdrawal Agreement, to disagreements about the proper role of Parliament, to questions about the legitimacy of the entire Brexit process. All told, Theresa May lost more ministers, and at a more rapid pace, than any other prime minister in modern times.
  • Relational Geographies of Welfare Pykett, Jessica

    Relational Geographies of Welfare Pykett, Jessica

    University of Birmingham Representing Attitudes to Welfare Dependency: Relational Geographies of Welfare Pykett, Jessica DOI: 10.5153/sro.3453 License: Other (please specify with Rights Statement) Document Version Peer reviewed version Citation for published version (Harvard): Pykett, J 2014, 'Representing Attitudes to Welfare Dependency: Relational Geographies of Welfare', Sociological Research Online, vol. 19, no. 3, 23. https://doi.org/10.5153/sro.3453 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal Publisher Rights Statement: © Sociological Research Online, 1996-2014. Final published version available online at http://dx.doi.10.5153/sro.3453 Eligibility for repository checked June 2015 General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive.
  • Particularitiesof Tony Blair' Governments'foreign Policy Decision

    Particularitiesof Tony Blair' Governments'foreign Policy Decision

    Максим Прихненко . Особливості механізму прийняття зовнішньополітичних рішень … 321 Історико -політичні проблеми сучасного світу : Modern Historical and Political Issues: Збірник наукових статей . – Чернівці : Journal in Historical & Political Sciences. – Chernivtsi: Чернівецький національний університет , Chernivtsi National University, 2016. – Т. 33-34. – С. 321-327 2016. – Volume. 33-34. – pp. 321-327 УДК : 32-327(410) © Максим Прихненко 1 Особливості механізму прийняття зовнішньополітичних рішень в урядах Тоні Блера В статті системно проаналізовано модель прийняття зовнішньополітичних рішень , а також ключові фактори , які впливали на формування та впровадження цих рішень у зовнішньополіти- чний курс Великобританії у якості складової частини загальної моделі лідерства Тоні Блера . Ключові слова Модель лідерства , механізм прийняття рішень , блеризм . Particularitiesof Tony Blair’ governments’foreign policy decision-making process The present article is devoted to the problem of particularities of Tony Blair’ governments’ foreign policy decision-making process. The aim of the paper is to analyze the decision-making model formed by Tony Blair as well as to identify key factors which impacted the process of creation and implemen- tation of foreign policy decisions in the framework of Tony Blair’ leadership model. It was concluded that Tony Blair had formed tree level decision-making system. Rolls of the Parliament and the Gov- ernment in the deliberation process were frustrated. On the other hand, special advisers and so called selective committees impacts were strengthened. This institutes played the role of consulting bodies on specific issues of the agenda. Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs were the driving force of all process. But usually the second one was like the executor of Prime Minister’ decision.
  • Welfare Commonsense, Poverty Porn and Doxosophy

    Welfare Commonsense, Poverty Porn and Doxosophy

    Welfare Commonsense, Poverty Porn and Doxosophy by Tracey Jensen University of East London Sociological Research Online, 19 (3), 3 <http://www.socresonline.org.uk/19/3/3.html> DOI: 10.5153/sro.3441 Received: 30 Apr 2014 | Accepted: 11 Jul 2014 | Published: 15 Aug 2014 Abstract This article critically examine how Benefits Street - and the broader genre of poverty porn television - functions to embed new forms of 'commonsense' about welfare and worklessness. It argues that such television content and commentary crowds out critical perspectives with what Pierre Bourdieu (1999) called 'doxa', making the social world appear self-evident and requiring no interpretation, and creating new forms of neoliberal commonsense around welfare and social security. The article consider how consent for this commonsense is animated through poverty porn television and the apparently 'spontaneous' (in fact highly editorialized) media debate it generates: particularly via 'the skiver', a figure of social disgust who has re-animated ideas of welfare dependency and deception. Keywords: Classificatory Politics, Welfare Reform, Worklessness, Poverty Porn, Doxosophy, Media Culture Introduction: the year of poverty porn 1.1 2013 was the year when public debate about the welfare state apparently exploded - in the form of a new genre of television which has been tagged 'poverty porn'[1]. In July, and as part of its The Cost of Living season, the BBC broadcast We Pay Your Benefits (BBC 1, 2013), a programme which invited four 'taxpayers' to analyse the spending habits of four 'welfare claimants'[2] in order to assess whether the current rates of unemployment support are too high. In August, Channel 4, 2013 broadcast Benefits Britain 1949, setting benefit claimants the challenge of living by the benefit rules of 1949, the first year of the welfare state.