The Making of a Venezuelan President: 1978
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Venezuela: Without Liberals, There Is No Liberalism · Econ Journal Watch
Discuss this article at Journaltalk: http://journaltalk.net/articles/5894 ECON JOURNAL WATCH 12(3) September 2015: 375–399 Venezuela: Without Liberals, There Is No Liberalism Hugo J. Faria1 and Leonor Filardo2 LINK TO ABSTRACT Montesquieu’s view [is] that a republic (that is to say, what we would call democracy) rests upon the virtue of its citizens. Where the elementary public virtues are lacking, democracy can only lead to chaos which will end in dictatorship. —Stanislav Andreski, Parasitism and Subversion: The Case of Latin America (1969, 279) This report uncovers that there is not much liberal discourse or activity in Venezuela, nor has there been much in the country’s past. The moral and political culture of Venezuela is exceptionally unfavorable to liberalism. This article high- lights the dire consequences stemming from the absence of public virtues and the attendant paucity of pro-growth economic institutions. Some descriptions offered here are impressionistic, so it is especially ap- propriate to inform the reader that we, the present authors, are both Venezuelan and for many years have agonized over Venezuelan affairs to the extent of writing several books attempting to convince our political and entrepreneurial leaders to implement fundamental reforms to economic institutions. We believe in the protection of our God-given natural rights, which include freedom of speech and the cornerstones of economic freedom: personal choice, voluntary exchange, freedom to enter and compete in markets, and security of the person and of well- 1. University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33124; Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración, Caracas, Venezuela. The authors kindly thank Jane S. -
Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule. -
The “Radical” Thesis on Globalization and the Case of Venezuela's Hugo
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES 10.1177/009458202237781Ellner / “RADICAL” THESIS ON GLOBALIZATION The “Radical” Thesis on Globalization and the Case of Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez by Steve Ellner The best way to evaluate the accuracy of theories about globalization is to examine concrete developments and trends in the past two decades. This approach is especially revealing in the case of the “radical” thesis on global- ization, which posits that transnational capital and structures are inexorably undermining the state and national sovereignty. The “radicals” argue that since globalization promotes uniformity and capital is no longer nationally based, Third World nations will receive equal if not favorable treatment from international investors and equality between nations will eventually prevail. But the facts speak for themselves: globalization has had the opposite effect of widening the gap between rich and poor nations. A second assertion of the radical thesis has, however, withstood the test of time fairly well. The radicals point out that, given the narrow range of options now available to the state, any government that defies multinational struc- tures and spurns neoliberal policies will eventually back down or else be removed from power. Examples of this dynamic in Latin America abound. In Venezuela, for instance, the veteran politicians Carlos Andrés Pérez and Rafael Caldera, who had staunchly supported state interventionism and attacked neoliberal policies, ended up yielding to pressure and embracing neoliberalism in their second terms in office. Indeed, Pérez claimed that his decision to accept an International Monetary Fund-imposed program was inspired by the example of Peru’s Alan García, whose confrontation with multilateral lending agencies had had devastating political and economic consequences. -
Pedro A. Palma
PEDRO A. PALMA CURRICULUM VITAE Academia Nacional de Ciencias Económicas Ecoanalítica Palacio de las Academias Centro Comercial Mata de Coco Ave. Universidad Oficina 56, Piso 5 Bolsa a San Francisco Ave. Blandín, Chacao CARACAS, VENEZUELA CARACAS, VENEZUELA Phone: (58-212) 482-7842 Phone: (58-212) 266-9080 Fax: (58-212) 482-9330 Fax: (58-212) 266-5119 Mobile: (58-414) 708-8090 e-mail: [email protected] Web page: pedroapalma.com (under development) SCHOLASTIC BACKGROUND Ph.D. in Economics, University of Pennsylvania M.A. in Economics, University of Pennsylvania M.B.A., University of Pennsylvania, The Wharton School B.S. in Economics, (Cum Laude), Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, Caracas ACADEMIC BACKGROUND Professor Emeritus, Institute of Advanced Studies in Administration –IESA-, a graduate business school based in Caracas (Since September 2015) Professor of Economics, Institute of Advanced Studies in Administration –IESA (1982-2015) Assistant and Associate Professor at IESA (1974-1982) Visiting Professor, University Andrés Bello, Economics Graduate Program (1974 & 1977) Assistant Professor, University Andrés Bello, School of Economics (1967-1969) Instructor of Economic Theory, University Andrés Bello, School of Economics (1964-1967) NON-ACADEMIC PROFESSIONAL BACKGROUND National Academy of Economic Sciences Founding Fellow (1984-present) President (2009-2011) Palma & Associates, financial and investment consultants, President (1997-2006) Booz - Allen & Hamilton Inc., Vice President (Partner) (1991-1997) MetroEconómica, -
Memorandum of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on The
Memorandum of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on the Application filed before the International Court of Justice by the Cooperative of Guyana on March 29th, 2018 ANNEX Table of Contents I. Venezuela’s territorial claim and process of decolonization of the British Guyana, 1961-1965 ................................................................... 3 II. London Conference, December 9th-10th, 1965………………………15 III. Geneva Conference, February 16th-17th, 1966………………………20 IV. Intervention of Minister Iribarren Borges on the Geneva Agreement at the National Congress, March 17th, 1966……………………………25 V. The recognition of Guyana by Venezuela, May 1966 ........................ 37 VI. Mixed Commission, 1966-1970 .......................................................... 41 VII. The Protocol of Port of Spain, 1970-1982 .......................................... 49 VIII. Reactivation of the Geneva Agreement: election of means of settlement by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, 1982-198371 IX. The choice of Good Offices, 1983-1989 ............................................. 83 X. The process of Good Offices, 1989-2014 ........................................... 87 XI. Work Plan Proposal: Process of good offices in the border dispute between Guyana and Venezuela, 2013 ............................................. 116 XII. Events leading to the communiqué of the UN Secretary-General of January 30th, 2018 (2014-2018) ....................................................... 118 2 I. Venezuela’s territorial claim and Process of decolonization -
The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela the First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES Ellner / RADICAL POTENTIAL OF CHAVISMO The Radical Potential of Chavismo in Venezuela The First Year and a Half in Power by Steve Ellner The circumstances surrounding Hugo Chávez’s pursuit of power and the strategy he has adopted for achieving far-reaching change in Venezuelaare in many ways without parallel in Latin American politics. While many generals have been elected president, Chávez’s electoral triumph was unique in that he was a middle-level officer with radical ideas who had previously led a coup attempt. Furthermore, few Latin American presidents have attacked existing democratic institutions with such fervor while swearing allegiance to the democratic system (Myers and O’Connor, 1998: 193). From the beginning of his political career, Chávez embraced an aggres- sively antiparty discourse. He denounced the hegemony of vertically based political parties, specifically their domination of Congress, the judicial sys- tem, the labor and peasant movements, and civil society in general. Upon his election in December 1998, he followed through on his campaign promise to use a constituent assembly as a vehicle for overhauling the nation’s neo- corporatist political system. He proposed to replace this model with one of direct popular participation in decision making at the local level. His actions and rhetoric, however, also pointed in the direction of a powerful executive whose authority would be largely unchecked by other state institutions. Indeed, the vacuum left by the weakening of the legislative and judicial branches and of government at the state level and the loss of autonomy of such public entities as the Central Bank and the state oil company could well be filled by executive-based authoritarianism. -
Redalyc.PRESIDENTES DE VENEZUELA (1811-2012)
Revista Venezolana de Análisis de Coyuntura ISSN: 1315-3617 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Petit Primera, José Gregorio PRESIDENTES DE VENEZUELA (1811-2012). UN ANÁLISIS ESTADÍSTICO- DESCRIPTIVO Revista Venezolana de Análisis de Coyuntura, vol. XXII, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2016, pp. 47 -56 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=36448449003 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Revista Venezolana de Análisis de Coyuntura, 2016, Vol. XXII, No. 1 (ene-jun), pp. 47-56 recibido: 14-04-2015 / arbitrado: 14-08-2015 PRESIDENTES DE VENEZUELA (1811-2012). UN ANÁLISIS ESTADÍSTICO-DESCRIPTIVO José Gregorio Petit Primera1 IIES, UCV Resumen El objetivo de este trabajo es caracterizar a los presidentes de Venezuela desde 1811 hasta 2012 en cuanto a diferentes variables tanto cuantitativas como cualitativas. Para tal fin, se se- leccionó una muestra de 54 observaciones y se aplicó una metodología utilizando la estadística descriptiva y también como referencia el estudio que hicieran Goemans y otros (2009). El princi- pal hallazgo que se desprende de este estudio es que existen diferencias y similitudes importan- tes en los presidentes que han gobernado a Venezuela en 200 años en cuanto a las siguientes características: edad, duración en el poder, tipo de liderazgo, la manera de cómo entraron y sa- lieron al poder, así como el destino que les tocó vivir a la vuelta de un año de entregar el mando. -
Nationalism, Sovereignty, and Agrarian Politics in Venezuela
Sowing the State: Nationalism, Sovereignty, and Agrarian Politics in Venezuela by Aaron Kappeler A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Anthropology University of Toronto © Copyright by Aaron Kappeler 2015 Sowing the State: Nationalism, Sovereignty and Agrarian Politics in Venezuela Aaron Kappeler Doctor of Philosophy Degree Anthropology University of Toronto 2015 Abstract Sowing the State is an ethnographic account of the remaking of the Venezuelan nation- state at the start of the twenty-first century, which underscores the centrality of agriculture to the re-envisioning of sovereignty. The narrative explores the recent efforts of the Venezuelan government to transform the rural areas of the nation into a model of agriculture capable of feeding its mostly urban population as well as the logics and rationales for this particular reform project. The dissertation explores the subjects, livelihoods, and discourses conceived as the proper basis of sovereignty as well as the intersection of agrarian politics with statecraft. In a nation heavily dependent on the export of oil and the import of food, the politics of land and its various uses is central to statecraft and the rural becomes a contested field for a variety of social groups. Based on extended fieldwork in El Centro Técnico Productivo Socialista Florentino, a state enterprise in the western plains of Venezuela, the narrative analyses the challenges faced by would-be nation builders after decades of neoliberal policy designed to integrate the nation into the global market as well as the activities of the enterprise directed at ii transcending this legacy. -
Redalyc.Cambios Institucionales: La Descentralización En Venezuela
Convergencia. Revista de Ciencias Sociales ISSN: 1405-1435 [email protected] Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México México Ramírez, José Cambios Institucionales: La Descentralización en Venezuela Convergencia. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, vol. 9, núm. 29, mayo-agosto, 2002 Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México Toluca, México Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=10502904 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Cambios Institucionales: La Descentralización en Venezuela José Ramírez Medina Universidad de Oriente Núcleo Sucre, Cumaná, Venezuela Resumen: Este artículo presenta un esbozo de un conjunto de hechos históricos ocurridos en el transcurrir de los siglos XIX y XX, concebidos como antecedentes de la descentralización en Venezuela. Esos acontecimientos son interpretados y analizados dentro del amplio contexto político de la organización y consolidación del Estado, desde los inicios de la República en el siglo XIX hasta la creación de la Comisión Presidencial para la Reforma del Estado (COPRE) en 1984. Palabras clave: Federalismo, regionalización, descentralización, Estado, modernización, desarrollo. Abstract: This article presents a sketch of a joint of historical events who happened in the course of the XIX and XX centuries and these are conceived as antecedents of Venezuelan descentralization. Those events are interpreted and analysed within the wide political context of the organization and consolidation of the State from the beginnings of the Republic in the XIX century until the creation of the Presidential Commission for the Reformation of the State (COPRE) in 1984. -
Analyzing Obstacles to Venezuela's Future
CSIS BRIEFS CSIS Analyzing Obstacles to Venezuela’s Future By Moises Rendon, Mark Schneider, & Jaime Vazquez NOVEMBER 2019 THE ISSUE Despite stiff sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and internal civil protests, Nicolas Maduro and his inner circle have resisted the pressures to negotiate an exit. Three internationally-sponsored dialogue processes and two efforts at mediated negotiations within the last five years have failed, with Maduro using the time to intensify his hold on power. Different factors are impeding a transition in Venezuela. This brief investigates challenges and opportunities to help support a transition toward democracy. It describes the possible role of a Track II diplomacy initiative to produce a feasible exit ramp for Maduro—essentially the achievement of significant progress outside of the formal negotiation process. The brief also discusses potential roles for chavistas in today’s struggle and for ‘day after’ challenges, the required elements for a transitional justice process, and the basic conditions necessary for holding free and fair elections to elect a new president. BACKGROUND undiminished support from Russia, China, and Cuba, have Amid numerous blackouts, fuel shortages impacting complicated efforts to achieve a political accord leading to a agriculture and food production, and inflation on pace democratic transition. to reach over 10 million percent by the end of 2019, Venezuela’s humanitarian, economic, and political crisis QUICK FACTS has forced more than 4 million citizens to flee their • According to the United Nations, Venezuela will homeland. That number could surge past 5 million by the have over 5.3 million refugees by the end of 2019. end of 2019. -
Escrito De Interposición De Excepciones Preliminares
Agencia de Estado para los Derechos Humanos ante el Sistema Interamericano e Internacional AGEV/ Caracas, 24 de noviembre de 2013 Señor Pablo Saavedra Alessandri Secretario Ejecutivo de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos Yo, GERMÁN SALTRÓN NEGRETTI, en mi condición de Agente del Estado para los Derechos Humanos ante el Sistema Interamericano e Internacional, me dirijo a usted a los fines de presentar las observaciones del Estado Venezolano, con relación a al caso Nº 12.828 Marcel Granier y Otros Vs. Venezuela, cuyo informe sobre el fondo Nº 112/12 aprobado por la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos el 9 de noviembre de 2012, así como la Escrito de Solicitudes, Argumentos y Pruebas presentado por las presuntas víctimas por las alegadas presuntas violaciones de los derechos humanos de los peticionarios, transmitido a esta Representación del Estado venezolano el día 24 de septiembre de 2013, en relación a las garantías judiciales, libertad de pensamiento y expresión, derecho a la propiedad privada, igualdad ante la ley y protección judicial, de conformidad con lo establecido en los artículos 8.1, 13, 21, 24 y 25 de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos, en concordancia con los artículos 1.1 y 2 del mismo instrumento; por lo que a continuación remito los planteamientos del Estado en los siguientes términos: 1 Agencia de Estado para los Derechos Humanos ante el Sistema Interamericano e Internacional Capítulo I Recusación de los Magistrados de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos El Estado venezolano en defensa de su derecho internacional a ser juzgado por jueces imparciales e independientes, opone nuevamente ante esta Corte Interamericana, como excepción preliminar la falta de imparcialidad de los Magistrados Diego García-Sayán, Manuel Ventura Robles, y Pablo Saavedra Alessandri, en su condición de Secretario.