2015 Annual Report As Per Article 59(10) of Its Rules of Procedure and Asked That the State to Submit Its Observations Within One Month
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Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations
Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs November 27, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30981 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary With five successive elected civilian governments, the Central American nation of Panama has made notable political and economic progress since the 1989 U.S. military intervention that ousted the regime of General Manuel Antonio Noriega from power. Current President Ricardo Martinelli of the center-right Democratic Change (CD) party was elected in May 2009, defeating the ruling center-left Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) in a landslide. Martinelli was inaugurated to a five-year term on July 1, 2009. Martinelli’s Alliance for Change coalition with the Panameñista Party (PP) also captured a majority of seats in Panama’s National Assembly. Panama’s service-based economy has been booming in recent years – with a growth rate of 7.6% in 2010 and 10.6% in 2011 – largely because of the ongoing Panama Canal expansion project, now slated for completion in early 2015. The CD’s coalition with the PP fell apart at the end of August 2011when President Martinelli sacked PP leader Juan Carlos Varela as Foreign Minister. Varela, however, retains his position as Vice President. Tensions between the CD and the PP had been growing throughout 2011, largely related to which party would head the coalition’s ticket for the 2014 presidential election. Despite the breakup of the coalition, the strength of the CD has grown significantly since 2009 because of defections from the PP and the PRD and it now has a majority on its own in the legislature. -
(Nueva) Guia Canales Cable Del Norte
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DELEGASI DPR-RI 137Th IPU GENERAL ASSEMBLY and RELATED MEETINGS 14 – 18 OKTOBER 2017 ST
LAPORAN DELEGASI DPR-RI 137th IPU GENERAL ASSEMBLY AND RELATED MEETINGS 14 – 18 OKTOBER 2017 ST. PETERSBURG - RUSIA BADAN KERJA SAMA ANTAR PARLEMEN DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT REPUBLIK INDONESIA 2017 ©Badan Kerja Sama Antar-Parlemen DPR RI 2017 Badan Kerja Sama Antar-Parlemen (BKSAP) adalah alat kelengkapan DPR RI yang bertugas membina, mengembangkan dan meningkatkan hubungan persahabatan dan kerja sama an- tara DPR RI dengan parlemen-parlemen negara lain baik secara bilateral maupun multilateral, termasuk organisasi regional/ internasional yang menghimpun parlemen-parlemen dan/atau anggota-anggota parlemen negara lain. Lebih lanjut lihat: www.dpr.go.id Semua pertanyaan tentang hak dan izin, termasuk hak-hak tambahan sekaligus saran dan masukan dialamatkan ke: Sekretariat Kerja Sama Organisasi Internasional Biro Kerja Sama Antar-Parlemen Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI Gedung Nusantara III Lantai 6 Jl. Jend. Gatot Subroto Jakarta 10270 Indonesia +62 21 5175835, +62 21 5715813 +62 21 5732132 [email protected] Kata Pengantar Assalamualaikum Wr. Wb. Salam sejahtera untuk kita semua, Pertemuan Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) ke-137 mengusung tema “Promoting Cultural Pluralism and Peace through Inter-faith and Inter-ethnic Dialogue” diselenggarakan di St. Petersburg, Rusia pada Oktober 2017. Secara global, tema tersebut sangat relevan karena terkait dengan dinamika politik yang terjadi selama tahun 2017. Di Indonesia, tahun politik diwarnai gesekan antarkelompok dan berkembangnya isu-isu SARA. Ini pelajaran berharga, mengingatkan kita semua akan pentingnya keberagaman, toleransi, dan sikap saling menghormati. Sementara itu di dunia internasional, kita dikagetkan oleh konfik yang terjadi di wilayah Rakhine, Myanmar yang menimbulkan ribuan korban jiwa dari etnis Muslim Rohingya dan ratusan ribu pengungsi. Peristiwa tersebut tidak hanya menimbulkan gejolak internasional, tetapi juga menimbulkan keprihatinan masyarakat Indonesia. -
Venezuela Decision Adopted Unanimously by the IPU Governing Council at Its 204Th Session (Doha, 10 April 2019)
Venezuela Decision adopted unanimously by the IPU Governing Council at its 204th session (Doha, 10 April 2019) Venezuela’s Speaker of the National Assembly Juan Guaidó speaks before a crowd of opposition supporters during an open meeting in Caraballeda, Venezuela, on 13 January 2019 © Yuri CORTEZ/AFP VEN-10 - Biagio Pilieri VEN-48 - Yanet Fermin (Ms.) VEN-11 - José Sánchez Montiel VEN-49 - Dinorah Figuera (Ms.) VEN-12 - Hernán Claret Alemán VEN-50 - Winston Flores VEN-13 - Richard Blanco VEN-51 - Omar González VEN-16 - Julio Borges VEN-52 - Stalin González VEN-19 - Nora Bracho (Ms.) VEN-53 - Juan Guaidó VEN-20 - Ismael Garcia VEN-54 - Tomás Guanipa VEN-22 - William Dávila VEN-55 - José Guerra VEN-24 - Nirma Guarulla (Ms.) VEN-56 - Freddy Guevara VEN-25 - Julio Ygarza VEN-57 - Rafael Guzmán VEN-26 - Romel Guzamana VEN-58 - María G. Hernández (Ms.) VEN-27 - Rosmit Mantilla VEN-59 - Piero Maroun VEN-28 - Enzo Prieto VEN-60 - Juan A. Mejía VEN-29 - Gilberto Sojo VEN-61 - Julio Montoya VEN-30 - Gilber Caro VEN-62 - José M. Olivares VEN-31 - Luis Florido VEN-63 - Carlos Paparoni VEN-32 - Eudoro González VEN-64 - Miguel Pizarro VEN-33 - Jorge Millán VEN-65 - Henry Ramos Allup VEN-34 - Armando Armas VEN-66 - Juan Requesens VEN-35 - Américo De Grazia VEN-67 - Luis E. Rondón VEN-36 - Luis Padilla VEN-68 - Bolivia Suárez (Ms.) VEN-37 - José Regnault VEN-69 - Carlos Valero VEN-38 - Dennis Fernández (Ms.) VEN-70 - Milagro Valero (Ms.) VEN-39 - Olivia Lozano (Ms.) VEN-71 - German Ferrer VEN-40 - Delsa Solórzano (Ms.) VEN-72 - Adriana d'Elia (Ms.) VEN-41 -
Explaining Chavismo
Explaining Chavismo: The Unexpected Alliance of Radical Leftists and the Military in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez by Javier Corrales Associate Professor of Political Science Amherst College Amherst, MA 01002 [email protected] March 2010 1 Knowing that Venezuela experienced a profound case of growth collapse in the 1980s and 1990s is perhaps enough to understand why Venezuela experienced regime change late in the 1990s. Most political scientists agree with Przeworski et al. (2000) that severe economic crises jeopardize not just the incumbents, but often the very continuity of democratic politics in non-rich countries. However, knowledge of Venezuela’s growth collapse is not sufficient to understand why political change went in the direction of chavismo. By chavismo I mean the political regime established by Hugo Chávez Frías after 1999. Scholars who study Venezuelan politics disagree about the best label to describe the Hugo Chávez administration (1999-present): personalistic, popular, populist, pro-poor, revolutionary, participatory, socialist, Castroite, fascist, competitive authoritarian, soft- authoritarian, third-world oriented, hybrid, statist, polarizing, oil-addicted, ceasaristic, counter-hegemonic, a sort of Latin American Milošević, even political ―carnivour.‖ But there is nonetheless agreement that, at the very least, chavismo consists of a political alliance of radical-leftist civilians and the military (Ellner 2001:9). Chávez has received most political advice from, and staffed his government with, individuals who have an extreme-leftist past, a military background, or both. The Chávez movement is, if nothing else, a marriage of radicals and officers. And while there is no agreement on how undemocratic the regime has become, there is virtual agreement that chavismo is far from liberal democracy. -
An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and Its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Digital Commons Cedarville University DigitalCommons@Cedarville International Studies Capstone Research Papers Senior Capstone Papers 4-24-2015 Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution James A. Cohrs Cedarville University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/ international_studies_capstones Part of the International and Area Studies Commons Recommended Citation Cohrs, James A., "Venecuba: An Analysis of Cuban Influence in Venezuela and its Support for the Bolívarian Revolution" (2015). International Studies Capstone Research Papers. 1. http://digitalcommons.cedarville.edu/international_studies_capstones/1 This Capstone Project is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Cedarville, a service of the Centennial Library. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Studies Capstone Research Papers by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Cedarville. For more information, please contact [email protected]. VENECUBA AN ANALYSIS OF CUBAN INFLUENCE IN VENEZUELA AND ITS SUPPORT FOR THE BOLÍVARIAN REVOLUTION __________________ A Paper Presented to Dr. Jenista Cedarville University __________________ In Fulfillment of the Requirements for INTL 4850-01 __________________ By James Cohrs April 24th, 2015 Cohrs 1 Introduction "I swear before you, I swear by the God of my fathers; by my forefathers themselves, by my honor and my country, that I shall never allow my hands to be idle or my soul to rest until I have broken the shackles which bind us to Spain!" (Roberts, 1949, p. 5). Standing on a hill in Rome, this was the oath pledged by Simón Bolívar, “El Libertador”, as he began his quest to liberate the Spanish-American colonies from Spanish rule. -
The United Nations Country Team of Venezuela
VENEZUELA – Mission Report September 2009 PRELIMINERARY FACT FINDING MISSION: THE UNITED NATIONS COUNTRY TEAM OF VENEZUELA PREPARED BY HUMANITARIAN FUTURES PROGRAMME KING’S COLLEGE LONDON DRAFT REPORT FOR CIRCULATION– SEPTEMBER 2009 VENEZUELA – Mission Report September 2009 Executive Summary Overview Preliminary Findings and Recommenda‐ tions The complexities, interrelationships, and dimensions of hu‐ manitarian threats over the next two decades will require an The HFP’s work with the UNCT in Venezuela was guided by a approach for anticipating and responding to crises that is sig‐ similar premise to other UNCTs assessed by the HFP. This nificantly different from that of the present. The greater the premise is based on the belief that a UN country system of agility and the more attention given to systematically thinking the future will need to have the capacity to understand and to along the lines of “what if” and to innovation and to collabo‐ address issues that relate to a confluence of shocks and is‐ ration, the more readily will organizations be able to antici‐ sues, short and long‐term. Additionally, in contexts that are as pate and adapt to what may occur. uncertain and politically challenging as Venezuela, the UN will The overarching objective of the Humanitarian Futures Pro‐ need to be able to adjust its approach to programming and gramme (HFP) is to assist organizations to prepare for an in‐ adapt its frameworks for change accordingly, in order for it to creasingly complex humanitarian future. Towards this end, remain relevant -
The “Radical” Thesis on Globalization and the Case of Venezuela's Hugo
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES 10.1177/009458202237781Ellner / “RADICAL” THESIS ON GLOBALIZATION The “Radical” Thesis on Globalization and the Case of Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez by Steve Ellner The best way to evaluate the accuracy of theories about globalization is to examine concrete developments and trends in the past two decades. This approach is especially revealing in the case of the “radical” thesis on global- ization, which posits that transnational capital and structures are inexorably undermining the state and national sovereignty. The “radicals” argue that since globalization promotes uniformity and capital is no longer nationally based, Third World nations will receive equal if not favorable treatment from international investors and equality between nations will eventually prevail. But the facts speak for themselves: globalization has had the opposite effect of widening the gap between rich and poor nations. A second assertion of the radical thesis has, however, withstood the test of time fairly well. The radicals point out that, given the narrow range of options now available to the state, any government that defies multinational struc- tures and spurns neoliberal policies will eventually back down or else be removed from power. Examples of this dynamic in Latin America abound. In Venezuela, for instance, the veteran politicians Carlos Andrés Pérez and Rafael Caldera, who had staunchly supported state interventionism and attacked neoliberal policies, ended up yielding to pressure and embracing neoliberalism in their second terms in office. Indeed, Pérez claimed that his decision to accept an International Monetary Fund-imposed program was inspired by the example of Peru’s Alan García, whose confrontation with multilateral lending agencies had had devastating political and economic consequences. -
CRACKDOWN on DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela
CRACKDOWN ON DISSENT Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Crackdown on Dissent Brutality, Torture, and Political Persecution in Venezuela Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-35492 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit: http://www.hrw.org The Foro Penal (FP) or Penal Forum is a Venezuelan NGO that has worked defending human rights since 2002, offering free assistance to victims of state repression, including those arbitrarily detained, tortured, or murdered. The Penal Forum currently has a network of 200 volunteer lawyers and more than 4,000 volunteer activists, with regional representatives throughout Venezuela and also in other countries such as Argentina, Chile, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Uruguay, and the USA. Volunteers provide assistance and free legal counsel to victims, and organize campaigns for the release of political prisoners, to stop state repression, and increase the political and social cost for the Venezuelan government to use repression as a mechanism to stay in power. -
Venezuela: Background and U.S
Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Updated January 21, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44841 {222A0E69-13A2-4985-84AE-73CC3D FF4D02}- R-065134085251065165027250227152136081055238021128081004254222131230149124116165025173059138019212092197094082070147241055138103109125167218148070191159004086199008187015230011144177144130039148251243207037022138160186199154124002209111056023137069245037120015094018080157060102122054208115 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Venezuela remains in a deep political crisis under the authoritarian rule of President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). Maduro, narrowly elected in 2013 after the death of Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), is unpopular. Nevertheless, he has used the courts, security forces, and electoral council to repress the opposition. On January 10, 2019, Maduro began a second term after winning reelection on May 20, 2018, in an unfair contest deemed illegitimate by the opposition-controlled National Assembly and most of the international community. The United States, the European Union, the Group of Seven, and most Western Hemisphere countries do not recognize the legitimacy of his mandate. They view the National Assembly as Venezuela’s only democratic institution. Maduro’s inauguration capped his efforts to consolidate power. In 2017, protesters called for Maduro to release political prisoners and respect the opposition-led National Assembly. Security forces quashed protests, with more than 130 killed and thousands -
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Panama Country Report BTI 2012
BTI 2012 | Panama Country Report Status Index 1-10 7.39 # 22 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 7.70 # 25 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 7.07 # 29 of 128 Management Index 1-10 5.65 # 43 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Panama Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Panama 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 3.5 HDI 0.768 GDP p.c. $ 13609 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.6 HDI rank of 187 58 Gini Index 52.3 Life expectancy years 76 UN Education Index 0.743 Poverty3 % 17.9 Urban population % 74.8 Gender inequality2 0.492 Aid per capita $ 19.0 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Since 2004, Panama has experienced a period of political stability and strong macroeconomic performance. The country’s growth rates in 2007 and 2008 were higher than in any other country in Latin America. The economic and financial crisis of 2008 caused only a temporary slowdown, and Panama was one of the very few countries in the region that did not suffer recession in 2009.