A Study Guide by Robert Lewis
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Politics, Power and Protest in the Vietnam War Era
Chapter 6 POLITICS, POWER AND PROTEST IN THE VIETNAM WAR ERA In 1962 the Australian government, led by Sir Robert Menzies, sent a group of 30 military advisers to Vietnam. The decision to become Photograph showing an anti-war rally during the 1960s. involved in a con¯ict in Vietnam began one of Australia's involvement in the Vietnam War led to the largest the most controversial eras in Australia's protest movement we had ever experienced. history. It came at a time when the world was divided between nations that were INQUIRY communist and those that were not; when · How did the Australian government respond to the communism was believed to be a real threat to threat of communism after World War II? capitalist societies such as the United States · Why did Australia become involved in the Vietnam War? and Australia. · How did various groups respond to Australia's The Menzies government put great effort into involvement in the Vietnam War? linking Australia to United States foreign · What was the impact of the war on Australia and/ policy in the Asia-Paci®c region. With the or neighbouring countries? communist revolution in China in 1949, the invasion of South Korea by communist North A student: Korea in 1950, and the con¯ict in Vietnam, 5.1 explains social, political and cultural Australia looked increasingly to the United developments and events and evaluates their States to contain communism in this part of the impact on Australian life world. The war in Vietnam engulfed the 5.2 assesses the impact of international events and relationships on Australia's history Indochinese region and mobilised hundreds of 5.3 explains the changing rights and freedoms of thousands of people in a global protest against Aboriginal peoples and other groups in Australia the horror of war. -
Australian Political Elites and Citizenship Education for `New Australians' 1945-1960
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sydney eScholarship Australian Political Elites and Citizenship Education for `New Australians' 1945-1960 Patricia Anne Bernadette Jenkings Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Sydney MAY 2001 In memory of Bill Jenkings, my father, who gave me the courage and inspiration to persevere TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF CONTENTS........................................................................... i ABSTRACT................................................................................................................ iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ................................................................................. vi ABBREVIATIONS..................................................................................................vii LIST OF TABLES ..................................................................................................viii LIST OF FIGURES................................................................................................. ix INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................... 1 Theoretical Orientation ................................................................................... 9 Methodological Framework.......................................................................... 19 CHAPTER ONE-POLITICAL ELITES, POST-WAR IMMIGRATION AND THE QUESTION OF CITIZENSHIP .... 28 Introduction........................................................................................................ -
The Legacy of Robert Menzies in the Liberal Party of Australia
PASSING BY: THE LEGACY OF ROBERT MENZIES IN THE LIBERAL PARTY OF AUSTRALIA A study of John Gorton, Malcolm Fraser and John Howard Sophie Ellen Rose 2012 'A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of BA (Hons) in History, University of Sydney'. 1 Acknowledgements Firstly, I would like to acknowledge the guidance of my supervisor, Dr. James Curran. Your wisdom and insight into the issues I was considering in my thesis was invaluable. Thank you for your advice and support, not only in my honours’ year but also throughout the course of my degree. Your teaching and clear passion for Australian political history has inspired me to pursue a career in politics. Thank you to Nicholas Eckstein, the 2012 history honours coordinator. Your remarkable empathy, understanding and good advice throughout the year was very much appreciated. I would also like to acknowledge the library staff at the National Library of Australia in Canberra, who enthusiastically and tirelessly assisted me in my collection of sources. Thank you for finding so many boxes for me on such short notice. Thank you to the Aspinall Family for welcoming me into your home and supporting me in the final stages of my thesis and to my housemates, Meg MacCallum and Emma Thompson. Thank you to my family and my friends at church. Thank you also to Daniel Ward for your unwavering support and for bearing with me through the challenging times. Finally, thanks be to God for sustaining me through a year in which I faced many difficulties and for providing me with the support that I needed. -
Corona GOVERNANCE
CORONA STIMULUS & RECOVERY © SERIES REPORT # 2 N A T I O N A L G O V E R N A N C E E F F E C T I V E N E S S in line with ACCEPTED BUDGETTING, PLANNING & ENGAGEMENT PROTOCOLS ROBERT GIBBONS 18 NOVEMBER 2020 © see copyright statement on last page INTRODUCTION Bubonic Plague hit Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne in 1900 and the Sydney response was the world’s most famous, the “social laboratory of the world”. Governance was key to that response, medicine was supportive. 120 years later the Novel Coronavirus thence COVID-19 was mayhem, warnings had been ignored and Australia was sliding backwards economically. There is supposed to be a self-correcting mechanism called “budget repair” when a government finds it mismanaged bushfires and rorts so that the next one would be better planned and organised. The opposite happened, repair (MYEFO) was cancelled, delays became critical, mistakes abounded as the “Canberra Bubble” did not know how to prepare a “plan” as I had done in 2 days when BHP announced the closure of steelmaking in Newcastle in 1997. The States pushed PM Morrison into setting up a cooperative National Cabinet on 13 March 2020. It emerged from the Canberra Bubble without any explanation of logic, objectives, modus operandi or budget, and this analyst predicted it would fail as soon as a member’s self-interest clashed with the collective view – and that was a safe bet as NSW’s Premier, Glady Berejiklian, is an habitual renegade and regularly attacks her peers. It has been under the control of the PM’s department head who has a NSW reputation for negative practices (he used to report to Berejiklian). -
Timbuckleyieefa DIRTY POWER BIG COAL's NETWORK of INFLUENCE OVER the COALITION GOVERNMENT CONTENTS
ICAC investigation: Lobbying, Access and Influence (Op Eclipse) Submission 2 From: Tim Buckley To: Lobbying Subject: THE REGULATION OF LOBBYING, ACCESS AND INFLUENCE IN NSW: A CHANCE TO HAVE YOUR SAY Date: Thursday, 16 May 2019 2:01:39 PM Attachments: Mav2019-GPAP-Dirtv-Power-Report.Ddf Good afternoon I am delighted that the NSW ICAC is looking again into the issue of lobbying and undue access by lobbyists representing self-serving, private special interest groups, and the associated lack of transparency. This is most needed when it relates to the private (often private, foreign tax haven based entities with zero transparency or accountability), use of public assets. IEEFA works in the public interest analysis relating to the energy-fmance-climate space, and so we regularly see the impact of the fossil fuel sector in particular as one that thrives on the ability to privatise the gains for utilising one-time use public assets and in doing so, externalising the costs onto the NSW community. This process is constantly repeated. The community costs, be they in relation to air, particulate and carbon pollution, plus the use of public water, and failure to rehabilitate sites post mining, brings a lasting community cost, particularly in the area of public health costs. The cost-benefit analysis presented to the IPC is prepared by the proponent, who has an ability to present biased self-serving analysis that understates the costs and overstates the benefits. To my understanding, the revolving door of regulators, politicians, fossil fuel companies and their lobbyists is corrosive to our democracy, undermining integrity and fairness. -
Menzies and Howard on Themselves: Liberal Memoir, Memory and Myth Making
University of Wollongong Research Online Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts - Papers Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences & Humanities 1-1-2018 Menzies and Howard on themselves: Liberal memoir, memory and myth making Zachary Gorman University of Wollongong, [email protected] Gregory C. Melleuish University of Wollongong, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/lhapapers Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, and the Law Commons Recommended Citation Gorman, Zachary and Melleuish, Gregory C., "Menzies and Howard on themselves: Liberal memoir, memory and myth making" (2018). Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts - Papers. 3442. https://ro.uow.edu.au/lhapapers/3442 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] Menzies and Howard on themselves: Liberal memoir, memory and myth making Abstract This article compares the memoirs of Sir Robert Menzies and John Howard, as well as Howard's book on Menzies, examining what these works by the two most successful Liberal prime ministers indicate about the evolution of the Liberal Party's liberalism. Howard's memoirs are far more 'political', candid and ideologically engaged than those of Menzies. Howard acknowledges that politics is about political power and winning it, while Menzies was more concerned with the political leader as statesman. Howard's works can be viewed as a continuation of the 'history wars'. He wishes to create a Liberal tradition to match that of the Labor Party. Disciplines Arts and Humanities | Law Publication Details Gorman, Z. -
The Sir Robert Menzies Oration on Higher Education
Professor Peter McPhee Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academic) University of Melbourne Faces in the Crowd? The ‘Melbourne Experience’ past, present, future The TheSir Sir RobertRobert Menzies OrationMenzies on Higher Education Oration on Higher Education1 About the Orator Peter McPhee is Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Academic), with particular responsibilities for the quality of teaching and learning and the ‘Melbourne Experience’. Professor McPhee was educated at Colac High School, Caulfield Grammar School, and the University of Melbourne, where he completed a BA (Hons 1st Class), Dip.Ed., MA (Hons 1st Class) and PhD. He taught at La Trobe University 1975-79 and the Victoria University of Wellington 1980-86 before returning to the University of Melbourne, where he has held a Personal Chair in History since 1993. He has published widely on the history of modern France, notably A Social History of France 1780-1880 (London, 1992) and Revolution and Environment in Southern France, 1780-1830 (Oxford, 1999). In 1999 he also published a biography of the former Chancellor Roy Douglas (‘Pansy’) Wright. His most recent book is The French Revolution 1789-1799 (Oxford, 2002). Professor McPhee was Deputy Dean and Acting Dean of the School of Graduate Studies in 1994-96, then Head of the Department of History in 1996-99. He was elected a Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities in 1997. In the same year he became an inaugural ‘Universitas 21’ Teaching Fellow. In 2003 he was elected a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences, and awarded a Centenary Medal for sevices to education. He was an Officer of the Academic Board 1999-2003 and its President in 2002-03. -
Precis-2015-Web.Pdf
Goals and Aims Goals and Aims The Centre for Independent Studies (CIS) The CIS promotes: is Australia’s leading independent public • individual liberty and choice, including freedom policy research think tank. of association, religion, speech and the right to Founded in 1976, the CIS has been a property long-standing advocate for the market • an economy based on free markets economy and a free civil society under • democratic government under the rule of law a democratic government. The CIS • an autonomous and free civil society. promotes a strong civil society in which liberty is paramount, families and education are valued, economic freedom The CIS and its research are: and property rights are assured, and • funded by private donations — from individuals, individual responsibility and initiative companies, charitable trusts and foundations are encouraged. — as well as subscriptions, events and book sales Through a rigorous research program • politically non-partisan and wide-ranging event activities, the • driven by the Executive Director and the research CIS encourages serious debate among team. The CIS does not undertake commissioned academics, politicians, media and research. stakeholders with the aim of assisting in the formulation and development of evidence-based policy recommendations for Australia’s future prosperity and wellbeing. Independence is of utmost importance to us. 1 From the Executive Director As we head into 2016 we’ll be approaching our 40th birthday. As you might expect, as the Centre’s founder, I find myself reflecting on the long term role of the CIS in the public arena and what 40 years has achieved. There are frustrations of course. -
The Leader of the Opposition
The Leader of the Opposition ‘…just as there can be no good or stable government without a sound majority, so there will be a dictatorial government unless there is the constant criticism of an intelligent, active, and critical opposition.’ –Sir Robert Menzies, 1948 The practice in Australia is for the leader of the party or coalition that can secure a majority in the House of Representatives to be appointed as Prime Minister. The leader of the largest party or Hon. Dr. H.V. Evatt coalition outside the government serves as Leader of the Opposition. Leader of the Opposition 1951 - 1960 The Leader of the Opposition is his or her party’s candidate for Prime National Library of Australia Minister at a general election. Each party has its own internal rules for the election of a party leader. Since 1967, the Leader of the Opposition has appointed a Shadow Ministry which offers policy alternatives and criticism on various portfolios. The Leader of the Opposition is, by convention, always a member of the House of Representatives and sits opposite the Prime Minister in the chamber. The Senate leader of the opposition party is referred to as the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, even if they lead a majority of Senators. He or she usually has a senior Shadow Ministry role. Australia has an adversarial parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition face off against one another during debates in the House of Representatives. The Opposition’s role is to hold the government accountable to the people and to Parliament, as well as to provide alternative policies in a range of areas. -
The Case Against an Australian Bill of Rights
Don’t Leave Us with the Bill: The Case Against an Australian Bill of Rights Edited by Julian Leeser and Ryan Haddrick Don’t Leave Us with the Bill The Case Against an Australian Bill of Rights Edited by Julian Leeser and Ryan Haddrick Published by The Menzies Research Centre Limited RG Menzies House Cnr Blackall and Macquarie Streets BARTON, ACT 2600 ISBN 978-0-9806383-0-1 The Menzies Research Centre Limited is a company limited by guarantee ACN 067 379 684. The Menzies Research Centre is supported by a grant from the Commonwealth Department of Finance and Deregulation The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Directors or staff of The Menzies Research Centre. © 2009 The Menzies Research Centre Project management and production: QOTE Canberra (02) 6162 1258 iii Foreword THE RT HON SIR NINIAN ST EPHEN , KG, AK, GCMG, GCVO, KBE, QC he expression ‘a bill of rights’ has an immediate attraction to it; to be subject to such a measure seems at first sight inherently desirable, just the kind of legislative measure a freedom loving nation would Taspire to. Only with experience of the operation of such measures do doubts arise. The true measure of those doubts lies in the assumption, inherent in any such measure, that at a given moment in time it is possible once and for all to identify and declare, both for now and for the future, all those rights which citizens should desirably possess, secure in the knowledge that such a declaration will serve all future needs of the community. -
Sir John Mcewen, PC, GCMG, CH Prime Minister 19 December 1967 to 10 January 1968
18 Sir John McEWEN, PC, GCMG, CH Prime Minister 19 December 1967 to 10 January 1968 McEwen became the 18th prime minister after serving as leader of the Country Party in the coalition government since 1958. He assumed a caretaker role after the disappearance of Harold Holt. Member of the Country Party of Australia. Member of the House of Representatives 1934-1971. Held seat of Echuca 1934-37, Indi 1937-49 and Murray 1949-71. Joined parliamentary Country Party 1934-1971. Minister of the Interior 1937-39, External Affairs 1940, Air and Civil Aviation in 1940-41, Commerce and Agriculture 1949-56, Trade 1956-63, Trade and Industry 1963-71. McEwen ceased to be prime minister when Liberal Party senator, John Gorton, won a ballot of Liberal parliamentarians on 9 January 1968. Main achievements (1937-1968) Minister in the Cabinets of five heads of government. Member of Australian Advisory War Council 1940-1945. Member of Australia’s delegation to conference to establish United Nations 1945. Held key trade and commerce portfolios for 20 years. Developed influential international networks in business and government. Led numerous trade delegations including negotiation of controversial Australia-Japan trade agreement 1957, six years after peace treaty signed with Japan. Linked Australia’s trade to its capacity to fight Communism during Vietnam War. Personal life Born 29 March 1900 in Chiltern, Victoria. Died 20 November 1980 in Toorak, Melbourne. Raised by grandmother in Wangaratta then Dandenong after the death of mother in 1901 and father in 1907. Educated at Wangaratta state school 1907-1913. Left school at 13 to work at pharmaceutical company. -
Quiet Achievers the New Zealand Path to Reform 2 Quiet Achievers the New Zealand Path to Reform 3
The New Zealand path to reform 1 QUIET ACHIEVERS THE NEW ZEALAND PatH TO REFORM 2 Quiet Achievers The New Zealand path to reform 3 QUIET ACHIEVERS THE NEW ZE A L an D P A TH TO REFORM Oliver Hartwich Connor Court Publishing 4 Quiet Achievers Connor Court Publishing Pty Ltd Copyright © Oliver Hartwich 2014 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. This book contains material protected under International and Federal Copyright Laws and Treaties. Any unauthorised reprint or use of this material is prohibited. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without express written permission from the publisher. PO Box 224W Ballarat VIC 3350 [email protected] www.connorcourt.com ISBN: 9781925138429 (pbk.) Cover design by Ian James Printed in Australia The New Zealand path to reform 5 ‘The prime art of politics is that of a persuasion which cuts deep into the popular mind and heart.’ Sir Robert Gordon Menzies 6 Quiet Achievers The R. G. Menzies Essays The R. G. Menzies Essays is an occasional series of monographs commissioned by the Menzies Research Centre as a reasoned con- tribution to the formation of enlightened policy. Correspondence is welcome and will be considered for publication in future volumes. Series Editor: Nick Cater Series Publisher: Connor Court The Menzies Research Centre The Menzies Research Centre is dedicated to the improvement of public policy through the application of the enduring liberal principles of freedom, enterprise reason and opportunity. The MRC is non-profit organisation funded by public grants and private philanthropy.