English Historiography, Albeit from a Different Perspective (J

THE PROJECT IS IMPLEMENTED BY THE GEORGIAN FOUNDATION FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES.

The Expansion of Russia in the Caucasus and Georgia project offers the reader collection s Editor-in-chief: Giorgi Cheishvili of scientific-popular articles which Editor-corrector: Tinatin Evdoshvili aims to cover the Project author: Irakli Gegechkori Georgian-Russian

relations of the Designer: Tornike Bokuchava XVIII-XX centuries in a manner different from the widely propagated perspective of the official Russia.

Otar Janelidze The Muhajir Movement in the Caucasus

ne of the negative results of Russia’s rule in the Russia penetrated the South Caucasus while still not Caucasus was the Muhajir movement. This Arab- having a large part of the Caucasus Mountain Range under its language term is used in historiography to signify influence. While there was a possibility of complications in the O the mass, purposeful uprooting and exile of the rear in the form of the North Caucasus, a further expansion of local population of the Caucasus to the Ottoman the Empire towards the east could not be successful. That said, Empire in the 19th century.1 Despite the fact that a the issue of the east was very important in Russia’s geopolitical part of those who were exiled left their homelands of their own plans of the 1820s-1840s. The conquest of the Caucasus volition, the process as a whole was largely forceful. became bogged down and the Empire lost 25,000 people in The Muhajir movement mostly involved the peoples of the the permanent war while the number of wounded and maimed North Caucasus: the Abazin, Abadzekh, Bzhedug, Kuban reached 65,000. The casualties were much more numerous on Nogai, Circassian, Ubykh, Chechen, Karachay, Kabardin and the side of the mountaineers as they were desperately pushing Ossetian people; however, it was no less painfully reflected on back the attacks from the regular armies of the Empire.2 the fates of the Abkhaz people and Muslim Georgians living in Meanwhile, Russia was dealt a serious defeat in the Crimean the southern part of the country. War (1853-1856), being forced to review its priorities. External The migration of peoples was historically tied to natural defeat did not hinder the Empire from becoming more active disasters, wars, conflicts, famines, economic development, on the home front. Russia already considered the issue of the religious or political oppression and so on. The Muhajir Caucasus as a domestic one and it could be argued that the movement also had its prerequisites, the most important of external world was gradually getting used to this idea as well. which were political, social-economic, religious and ethno- Despite numerous attempts by England and the Ottoman psychological factors. Let us touch upon each of these Empire to use the fights for freedom in the Caucasus in separately. their own favor, the majority of the population of the North

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Caucasus did not get involved in the Crimean War.3 This was one of the reasons why at the final stages of the conquest of the Caucasus, the interest of the European powers towards the region had waned. The Russian ruling circles themselves considered that dominance in the Caucasus would not only ensure the security of the borders of the Russian Empire but also curtail the influence of Western states in the Middle East which was certainly no secondary problem for Tsarism. The same is remarked by English historiography, albeit from a different perspective (J. Bell; E. Spencer; D. Ukart; D. McNeil). British authors who consider the problem of the Evdraph Kovalevsky Muhajir movement from an international angle openly justify (1790 ‒ 1867) the resistance of the North Caucasus peoples towards Russian rule, painting it as a factor hindering Russia from entering the east which was in accordance with English and European interests.4

The Russian imperial government, as a part of the colonization process, turned the Muhajir movement into a state policy. Therefore, the exile of Caucasian mountaineers to the Ottoman Empire was not a private initiative of any general or administrative official of a certain Krai. It was planned in the government Alexsandr Suvorov (1729 ‒ 1800) offices of St. Petersburg and implemented in accordance with the said plan. A famous Russian public figure, the Minister of Education peninsula due to oppression and moved to the Ottoman Empire. of Russia in 1858-1861, E. Kovalevsky, pointed In the 1830s and 1840s, many high-ranking imperial officials out that the Muhajir movement was “caused by believed that Russia’s rule in the West Caucasus could only an unfortunate, yet extreme necessity.”5 be strengthened if both sides of the ridge and the adjacent territories were settled by an armed Cossack population.8

The official stage of exiling Caucasian mountaineers to the Ottoman Empire started from the spring of 1862 when on The Muhajir movement, as a necessary May 10 the Emperor approved the decision of the Caucasus precondition for colonization, was a priorly Committee on this issue, creating the District Commission for prepared and planned out project of the Exiling Mountaineers to the Ottoman Empire.6 Russian imperial migration policy. The economic Tsarism wanted to get rid of the “rebellious” part of the effect of implementing it was also calculated population which could hinder the establishment of the political and determined in advance. Using the newly and economic influence of the Empire over the North Caucasus. freed-up space and ensuring the border villages On the freed-up arable land they planned to settle Cossacks with land was an important task. By removing brought from the internal governorates of the country in order Caucasian mountaineers, the government of to create a strong base of support for the government. Russia was avoiding the burden of resolving the The mass rooting up and exile of people to other places problems with regard to land, finance and the was not foreign to the Russian Empire even before the Muhajir military in the region. movement. Back in 1778, before acquiring the Crimean Khanate, during its temporary occupation period, Alexander Suvorov exiled 31,000 Greeks and Armenians from Crimea to No less notable is the fact that in this way the government the Azov governorate under the order from Catherine the Great. was saving funds and other resources necessary for controlling This forced migration was not much different from deportation.7 the disloyal population. Not ten years had passed from these events that in 1783, As already pointed out, the Cossack people were given when the Crimean Khanate was already within the boundaries a special role in colonizing the Caucasus. Back in 1857, the of Russia, tens of thousands of local Crimean Tatars left the Commander-in-Chief of the General Headquarter of the

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Caucasian Army, General D. Miliutin, proposed the idea of colonizing the South-Western Caucasus by using Cossacks and other people from the internal regions of Russia. In order to do this, it was first necessary to free-up the land on which the local mountaineers resided. Exiling the mountaineers to the Ottoman Empire was determined to be an effective way of resolving the problem. Soon, D. Miliutin was appointed as the Military Minister of the Empire and his views became more prominent as well. The Viceroy of the Caucasus, Duke A. Bariatinsky, shared the idea of exiling the mountaineers and even planned to involve Shamil in it.9 Imam Shamil It is considered that it was the Ottoman Empire where the (1797 ‒ 1871) idea of the mass resettlement of Caucasian mountaineers originated10 and that the Muhajir movement was inspired by Turkish emissaries, higher social classes among the mountaineers and spiritual circles.11 In addition to all of this, it is important to underline that the oppression and conquest of the region by Russia also laid the groundwork for the Muhajir movement. It was precisely the conquest of the Caucasus that was the basis for hundreds of thousands of people being forced to leave the lands of their forefathers to run from the oppressor and move elsewhere. The uprooting of Caucasian mountaineers from their original homes was also determined by enormous Alexsandr Bariatinsky losses resulting from the war, the burning down of the auls, (1815 ‒ 1879) destruction, devastation and the disappearance of income sources. they would lose their traditional social and political privileges while in the Ottoman Empire it seemed more realistic to be able The population already oppressed by the to maintain titles and a dependent peasantry.13 war also saw its taxes and levies increased. The mountain aristocracy saw moving to the Ottoman Empire “Mountaineers were being seen as secondary as a way of avoiding this new challenge. They were convinced people in their own homeland. They no longer that their dependent peasants would not leave them and follow had almost any human or civil rights.”12 them wherever they went.14 At the same time, they hoped that in the Ottoman Empire, they would live as freely as they used to in their homeland without having a state but rather according to The population was prohibited from carrying any weapons the mountain customs. which was very insulting for the mountaineers and so on. If it As a famous Russian historian, A. Berzhe, pointed out: were not for the anti-human colonial policies of the Russian after freeing the peasants in the Russian Empire, powerful Empire, the scale of the Muhajir movement would have been representatives of the mountain aristocracy started moving negligible and would not have had any dramatic influence on to the Ottoman Empire so that they would not lose their serfs. the fate of the Caucasian mountaineers. This condition has They brought with them the uneducated masses who they were been noticed by the scholars A. Baklanov, M. Totoev and B. scaring with the recklessness of the Russian rulers, soldiers Khorava who claim that the Muhajir movement of the Caucasian and the possibility of having to change their religion.15 mountaineers was mainly based on Russia’s expansionist Clerical figures, such as akhoonds, mullahs and khojas, aspirations and it was the colonizing policies of Tsarism that were indeed scaring the mountaineers that the Russians gave the decisive push to the exile of the mountaineers. would violate their religious feelings, change their religion by Apart from the colonization process and other force, turn them into Christians, recruit young people into the aforementioned reasons, among the factors facilitating the army and, therefore, they were advising them to move to the Muhajir movement from the North Caucasus we must also Ottoman Empire to save themselves. They were giving hope to name the agricultural reform and the abolition of serfdom the people that “God will help us and our path will be happy!” among the peoples of the region. The higher classes of the also calling on them: “People of a common faith with us live mountaineers were observing the changes taking place in there and we can bury our sacred bones there as well.”16 Russia’s agrarian life with skepticism, fearing that due to this

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The Muhajir Movement

we take into account that numerous high-ranking officials with Caucasian origins were present at the Sultan’s court, while Caucasian beauties abounded in the harems – the number of such letters was likely not small. This propaganda could not have been hidden and certain forces were behind it, acting with the consent of the Ottoman Empire.

Turkish emissaries were arguing with the Caucasian mountaineers in favor of the benefits Adolph Berzhe of getting involved in the Muhajir movement, (1828 ‒ 1886) promising all manners of well-being upon moving to the Ottoman Empire.

The Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, Abdul Aziz, called on the Caucasian mountaineers to leave According to the views of the Ottoman government, the their homes and hurry to the Ottoman Empire resettlement would be gradual and take place in small streams in order to avoid the wrath of the almighty Allah which would not require a lot of efforts and financial expenses. and the powerful Sultan.17 In return the country would get additional resources in the form of brave mountaineers to fill its armies.19 It is also notable that the Sultan’s government opened the Such calls and propaganda influenced the mass perception of doors wide for the settlers from the Caucasus to assume the mountaineers, strengthening their distrust and hatred towards positions in the police and the gendarmerie, using them as a Russia. The letters and addresses sent by the mountaineers that force to suppress conflicts and rebellions within the state. had already migrated to the Ottoman territories, directed towards It is worth noting that some Turkish historians paint a picture their relatives and friends, were also having their influence.18 If as though the entire population of the Caucasus had always

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been loyal to the Sultan’s Ottoman Empire and experienced a special attraction towards it. In this regard, the works of Professor A. Eran are worthy of mention in which the author entirely rules out the participation of the Ottoman Empire in the tragic process of the Muhajir movement.20 The Porte did indeed refrain from an official consent to accepting the Muhajirs; however, with tacit compassion, as though it was helping Muslims travel to Mecca and honor the grave of the prophet Muhammad, it was encouraging the migration process. Even a special committee was created in Istanbul in 1862 which was tasked with receiving the Muhajirs and settling them as well as providing material support to them.21 The government of Russia did also not object to the Muhajir movement at first. If we consider the fact that the creation of the aforementioned committee in the Ottoman Empire coincided with the creation of the deportation commission in Russia, we have all grounds to believe that this was a coordinated project from which both sides expected benefits:

for the Ottoman Empire, it was somewhat important to increase the number of the Muslim population of the Balkans and Asia Minor,22 thereby improving the demographic and geopolitical situation on the outskirts of the Empire.23 By resettling these rebellious, hostile elements to the Ottoman Empire, the Russian imperial government was, on the one hand, attempting to bolster political pacification and, on the other hand, was grabbing a large land mass which was designated for colonization.24

A. Chegodaev, Capture of the aul by Russian troops

When speaking of the Muhajir movement it must also be noted that the Caucasian mountaineers and the Ottomans shared a religious faith and, according to the Quran, all middle ages these customs in a number of North Caucasian Muslims constitute a single nation25 while the members of the peoples were substituted by the Muslim religious law – Sharia, Muslim community are seen as brothers and sisters of shared which formulated the moral and the ethical values of Muslims. faith.26 A no less important fact was that the Sultan, as a Caliph, was the head of the Muslim community. Religion played an important part in the lives of the It was no coincidence that the fight of the Caucasian mountaineers. It largely determined the thinking Caucasian mountaineers against Russian and the actions of the people. colonial policy was more often than not based on religion27 while the leaders of this fight were often Muslim spiritual leaders For the majority of Caucasian mountaineers, (Kazi-Muhammed, Kazi-Mola, Sheikh Mansur the main determinant of identity, as well as the and Shamil). way of life, was not so much ethnicity, language or culture, but religion – Islam. Grigol Orbeliani expressed a somewhat different view. According to him, religion had some role to play in the Even though both the mountain aristocracy as well as village uprooting and exile of the Caucasian mountaineers; however, communities had their own traditional customs, from the late Orbeliani, who was a general as well as being a poet and

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unrelenting aspiration towards freedom, unbowing nature and dedication to traditions. The mountain represented a type of a closed society. One of the characteristics of the locals was the lack of pretenses towards their environment and way of life. The established modus of behavior – the attachment of the dependent person towards their suzerain, the tradition of the unspoken obedience of the young to the old so strongly entrenched in the life of the mountaineers, the power of the word of the head of the household – all these were decisive in making any choices, including leaving one’s homeland and resettling in the Ottoman Empire. Grigol Orbeliani (1804 ‒ 1883) Also, it can be said that in the stereotypical perception of the Caucasian mountaineers, Russia was seen as alien and hostile while the Ottoman Empire was regarded as friendly. who had witnessed and participated in these events, stated that the main motivating factor in this regard was the life and living conditions of these people. According to him: “Where The Muhajir movement of the Caucasian government is good, there the welfare of the people is also mountaineers took place in several stages: the good and fanaticism is not expressed against the government. first stage covered 1857-1862 while the second An individual, whatever religion he might adhere to, primarily stage was between 1863-1864.30 looks for a calm, pacific life and obeys just laws, no matter the language they may be written in.”28 The first to move towards the Ottoman Empire were peoples of the Central and North-Eastern Caucasus – Chechens, The Caucasian mountaineers were also Dagestanis and Muslim Ossetians. Their numbers were not demanding the protection and maintenance great as the Ottoman Empire was quite far from Dagestan and of their way of life; however, the new Chechnya while among Ossetians there were few followers of conqueror was not allowing them to do this. Islam and also, much like Kabardins, Balkarians and the Ingush, Russia was violating the traditional life of the they did not actively participate in wars against Russia.31 mountaineers, establishing imperial governance Among the Ossetian Muhajirs in 1859, representatives of and management among the privileged houses abounded – Abisalovs, Tuganovs, Kozirevs, North Caucasian peoples. who resettled together with their serfs. In the following year, led by the representative of the Kurtatian aristocracy, Akhmet Tsalikov and about 300-350 Ossetian families set out towards The agricultural work of the Caucasian mountaineers was the Ottoman Empire. quite limited due to geographical factors. The mountainous The largest-scale Muhajir movement of Ossetians took landscape did not allow for the provision of the population place in 1865. This time around 5,000 families moving to the with food. Therefore, the locals acquired additional income in Ottoman Empire were led by a Major General of the Russian the form of loot by predatory behavior and pillaging outside of Army, Head of the Chechen Okrug of the Terek District, Aldar their home mountains. This was noticed by numerous foreign of the Tagaur society, Musa Kundukhov. This operation cost observers back in the 19th century. For example, the Scottish 130,000 silver manats to the treasury of the Russian Empire.32 traveler, Robert Layella, wrote: “Caucasian mountain tribes The Muhajir moved to the Ottoman Empire through the military are occupied with little agriculture. Their main occupation is roadway in Georgia. Among those resettled were the houses hunting, livestock and pillaging.” of Aldatov, Esenov, Kanukov, Kundukhov, Mamsurov, Dudarov The reason for “rigorous resistance and fighting of the and others. A. Kundukhov stayed in the Ottoman Empire. He mountaineers with the Russian Empire was the same – they received the Sultan’s blessing and the title of Pasha while a little were losing traditional norms formed throughout centuries (for later he became a General of the Division of the Ottoman army.33 example, they would no longer be able to pillage and kidnap In 1861, the Beslen people were resettled to the Ottoman the Cossacks and others living in Caucasian valleys and Empire, followed by Kabardin and Abaz people from the area of steppes).”29 Kuban. The number of Kabardin Muhajirs exceeded 10,000 (941 These observations enable us to say that the Muhajir families).34 Later, the same happened to Natukhaj people living movement was to some extent connected to the ethnic in the Anap District and in 1863-1864, the Muhajir movement psychology and national character of the Caucasian also included numerous Adyghe people (Circassians), Ubykhs, mountaineers. In this regard, one must also underline their Abazs, Abadzekhs, Nogais and others.35

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Battle against the Russian troopers

Among the population which migrated from the Terek District were also the Vainakh people (around 5,000 families), Before reaching the Ottoman Empire, the Karabulaks (almost the entire population, 1,500 families), exiles had to go through numerous hardships some Chechens (3,500 families) and Ingush-Nazranians (100 and difficulties. The majority of them had to families).36 travel in extremely tight spaces on small hired One of the most populous ethnic groups in the North Russian or Ottoman ships – barges and rowing Caucasus, the Ubykh people, lived on the Caucasian coasts boats. Overloaded small ships often sunk in the of the Black Sea until 1864, in the deltas of rivers Shakhe and sea together with their passengers.38 Many died Khosta, as well as in adjacent gorges. They were occupied with on the way due to various illnesses. raising livestock, agriculture, gardening and fishing. Part of them also traded with the Ottoman Empire. Almost during the entire length of the war for the Caucasus, representatives of The Adyghe proverb of the time describes this tragedy, this brave yet small ethnic group were on the frontlines of the saying: “Дорога по морю на Истанбул (Стамбул) видна fight for freedom. по черкесским трупам” [The sea path to Istanbul can be identified through Circassian corpses.]” The descendants of the Circassians and Shapsugh people living in Turkey avoid Shortly after the end of the war for the eating fish from the Black Sea to date.39 Caucasus, the almost entire Ubykh population The starved refugees were not met with great conditions on (by some calculations up to 50,000 people, the coast once they arrived either as in the quarantine camps while according to others – 74,567) moved where they were being placed, thousands died of typhus, to the Ottoman Empire. From this period, cholera and other infectious diseases. Turkish historiography the Ubykh disappeared from the map of the also points out that this was a great human tragedy, full of Caucasus.37 dramatic moments.40 The deceased sometimes could not even be buried. No less than ten thousand women and children exiled

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Slave market from the North-West Caucasus were sold as slaves in 1863- 1864. According to one European witness, even Circassian Parallel to this, many representatives of women who were famous for their beauty were being sold for the upper classes of the exiled Caucasian a very cheap price due to the fact that there were so many of mountaineers enjoyed greenhouse conditions them. created by the Sultan’s government: ample land according to the promise, appointments to various administrative positions, powerful The Muhajirs also died en masse on the military titles and so on. Ottoman territory as well. In 1871, the newspaper Всемирный путешественник [Global Traveler] pointed out that two-thirds According to the official data of the Russian imperial of those exiled died within a year of cold, government, a total of 418,000 Circassians were exiled from the starvation or infectious diseases.41 Caucasus. The February 7, 1992 decision of the High Council of Kabardino-Balkaria SSR, which recognized the genocide of

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Circassian family

Adyghes (Circassians) during the Russia-Caucasus war, points Official documents reveal that part of the disappointed out: “A large majority of the Adyghe ethnic group, including Muhajirs, who lacked proper living conditions, managed over 90% of the population of Kabardia, was physically to return. For example, of those exiled from the Central and terminated while over 500,000 Adyghes were forcefully exiled Eastern Caucasus, 403 families (3,800 people) returned in to the Ottoman Empire by Tsarist autocracy.”42 The following 1861, 36 families (350 people) in 1862 while over 500 people statistic is also named: returned to the Terek District in 1866-1867 and so on.46 In approximately the same period (1860-1870), 5,857 Chechen Muhajirs returned to their homeland. The number the number of deported Circassians was 1.5 of those wishing to return was much higher. For example, million of which only 700,000 reached the according to the Кавказ [Caucasus] newspaper, 100 Shapsugh Ottoman Empire while the number of those families addressed the Consul of Russia in Constantinople with who remained in their homeland was 50,000. the request of returning to the Caucasus while the Consulate in The Circassians lost 90% of their territory and Samsun received a similar request from 100 Natukhajs.47 95% of their population.43 A large part of the Abkhazia was also engulfed by the Muhajir movement. The Circassian land was joined with the Kuban first mass exile of Abkhazians to the Ottoman Empire took Oblast, dividing it into small parts and renaming place in 1867. The reason for this was the conquest of the West them in the Russian language.44 Caucasus by Russia, the end of the war in the Caucasus, the abolition of the principality of Abkhazia and the institution of Russian rule there, the new administrative-territorial order of Some scholars, citing the data from the Ottoman “Muhajir the region, the preparation for peasantry reform in Abkhazia commission,” believe that the scale of the movement was and the 1866 Likhni uprising. Around 20,000 Abkhazians left even greater as those who managed to stay alive and settled their homeland at the time. These were mostly those living in the in various Ottoman vilayets numbered 2.8 million of which 2.6 mountainous Tsebelda and Dali Districts whose departure meant million were Adyghe.45 that the Kodori Gorge became practically empty. According to

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Circassians

the information from the newspapers: “Those from Tsebelda, before and most of those remaining were also Dali, Gufua have left. Many have left from the Abzhua Uyezd as resettled to the Gagripsh Valley.52 In Abkhazia, well. Cholouans and Jgerdians were driven from their homes. the Empire also used the newly freed-up land They were strongly opposed to leaving. Those who have left for colonization. wanted to remain, too, and were ready to obey all orders… those is Samurzakano are trembling with fear that they may be exiled as well.” According to the correspondent, those leaving were so In the process of resettling the Abkhazians, the list of miserable to leave their homes that “numerous elderly people Muhajirs was being drawn up, indicating the names and and women split their skulls on trees or walls.”48 It must be noted surnames of the heads of families as well as recording the that the Abkhazian nobility who were moving to the Ottoman number of the family members (women, men). The originals of Empire were also taking their serfs and their families with them, these lists are kept among the cases of the Central Historical much like the North Caucasian aristocracy did.49 Archive of the Georgian National Archive (collection 545, record 1, case 191). These materials were studied in detail and published by a Georgian scholar, Bezhan Khorava. According to the testimonies of witnesses, In 1877-1878, during the Russian-Turkish War, a second „a large majority of Abkhazians who were forceful resettlement of Abkhazians to the Ottoman Empire took taken to ships meant for resettling them to the place in August 1877. This was a disorganized, chaotic process. Ottoman Empire were weeping, screaming and They did not make lists of the Muhajirs in this case, yet the turning their hands towards their homeland… and number of exiled Abkhazians is known – 30,000.53 There are saying… that they were not going willingly but other sources on this issue: according to Giorgi Tsereteli, about rather taken by force.“50 Many exiled Abkhazians 48,000 people were deported from Abkhazia54 while as stated by were taking a handful of soil with themselves, Sergi Meskhi, the number of Muhajirs was 50,000.55 According meant to be sprinkled on their graves.51 to the calculations of the Кавказский календарь [Caucasian Calendar], the number of the population of the Sokhumi District reduced from 77,977 to 45,812 due to the Muhajir movement As a result of the Muhajir movement, only which means that the number of those resettled was 22,165 500 people (80 families) were left in lesser people.56 Abkhazia where over 20,000 used to live

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Circassians in emigration

Dagestan and Abkhazia. After suppressing them, their participants and supporters were deported to Siberia and the A certain part of the deported Abkhazians Privolzhsky District. Part of the rebels managed to escape to stayed in Ajara which was newly acquired by the Ottoman Empire. the Russian Empire and Georgian Muslims lived The deportation process did not stop after the war had there at the time. The role of Georgian society already ended either.58 Article 21 of the February 19, 1878 in this was significant. San-Stefano truce agreement allowed the Muslim population on the territories newly acquired by Russia to sell off their belongings and resettle in the Ottoman Empire within three At the beginning of the 1870s, the Tsarist government years of the ratification of the agreement. The Christian somewhat altered its tactics in the North-West Caucasus. population of the Ottoman Empire, on the other hand, was If before they used to force the mountaineers to leave their allowed to move to Russia. In place of the emigrating Muslims, homes, now exile became undesirable and measures for the Tsarist government settled Molokans, Dukhobors and preventing it were put in place. On the April 5, 1874 report also Greeks and Armenians from the inner governorates of card by Viceroy Mikheil Nikolevich, concerning the Muhajir the Empire to the Kars District. movement of Caucasian mountaineers, Emperor Alexander II wrote in his own hand: “It would be preferable for the exile to no longer continue.”57 In terms of Artvin and Ardagan, thousands of Despite this, yet another wave of exile of Caucasian peoples Georgian Muslims from Keda, Khulo, Shuakhevi, was observed during the 1877-1878 Russian-Ottoman War. As Kobuleti and Batumi left their homes and moved the war was taking place, rebellions broke out in Chechnya, to the Ottoman Empire in search of a better

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Monument to the genocide of the Circassians. Anaklia, Georgia life. The number of those who left Ajara in the population of 13 auls in Adygea also moved to the Ottoman period from 1878 to the end of the 1880s alone Empire in 1889-1890.66 The diasporas of North Caucasian reached from 22 to 25 thousand people.59 There peoples currently exist not only in Turkey but also in Bulgaria, are other data as well: according to D. Lysowski, Egypt, Syria, Palestine, Iraq and Jordan. the number was 38 thousand,60 T. Sakhokia estimated 21 thousand61 and J. Varadamanidze calculated 28-30 thousand.62 Leading persons from Georgian society expressed their compassion towards the Muhajirs from Abkhazia and “Ottoman The Georgian National Archive has preserved documentary Georgia.” Ilia Chavchavadze, Niko Nikoladze, material that shows the dynamics of the Muhajir movement from Giorgi Tsereteli, Sergi Meskhi, Zakaria Ajara. For example, in 1878-1880, around 2,000 people became Chichinadze and others often wrote about the Muhajirs from the districts of Batumi, Kintrishi and Gonio (897 tragic fate of the Muhajirs in the Georgian or men, 916 women). From the districts of upper and lower Ajara, the Russian periodical press that was published as well as Machakhela – around 12,351 people (6,197 men and in Georgia. Through their publication, they were 6,154 women). This is a total of 14,254 people.63 These data trying to soften the fate of tens of thousands are filled in by contemporary press accounts: according to the of their compatriots, yet doing this was beyond Голос [Voice] newspaper, only 500 of the 2,000 inhabitants their power. of Kobuleti were remaining by 1897. In the same year about 800 families wrote statements with the request of moving to the Ottoman Empire from lower Ajara and Machakhela64 (there The Muhajir movement of the Caucasian peoples was were up to 5,458 families in Ajara in total at that time).65 widely reflected in their oral traditions and literature. Works Later, in 1884-1887, the Muhajir movement of the Karachay of Abkhazian writers in this regard are well known (Bagrat and Balkarian people to the Ottoman Empire took place. In Shinkuba’s novel “The Last Ubykh,” Dimitri Gulia’s poem 1882-1883, about 1,381 Adyghe families were exiled from “My Hearth,” Samson Chanba’s drama “Muhajir,” Georgia- the Kuban District to the Ottoman Empire. In 1888, 3,333 based Circassian writer Mikheil Lokhvitski’s (Ajuk Girei) story more people were added to this number from this region. The “Thunder” (“Громовой гул”), Abaz Bermuza Tkhaitsukhov’s

12 The Muhajir Movement RUSSIA'S EXPANSION IN THE CAUCASUS AND GEORGIA XIX century in the Caucasus

Ilia Chavchavadze Zakaria Chichinadze (1837 ‒ 1907) (1853 ‒ 1931)

(Кавказ), Kabardin author Askerbi Shortanov’s novel Mountaineers (Горцы), prosaic texts by Circassian Vladimir Abytov, Adyge Iskhak Mashbash, Kabardin Elberd Malbakhov (M. Elberd) and others.67 The issue of the ethnic migration of Caucasian peoples that took place in the second part of the 20th century remains problematic to this day as it directly resonates with the contemporary global challenges with regard to illegal migration that are of an unprecedented scale. According to the latest data by UNHCR, there are 68.5 million people in the world who were Sergi Meskhi forced to leave their homes, 21.3 million of whom are refugees, (1845 ‒ 1883) 40.8 million are IDPs and 3.2 million are asylum seekers. It is no coincidence that the December 4, 2000 Resolution No. historical novel A Fistful of Soil (Горсть земли), descendant 55/76 adopted by the UN General Assembly established the of Adyghe Muhajirs Muhadin Kandura’s trilogy Caucasus World Refugee Day which is marked annually on June 20.

13 The Muhajir Movement RUSSIA'S EXPANSION IN THE CAUCASUS AND GEORGIA XIX century in the Caucasus

Notes:

1 In Islamic states, Muhajir is a name used for an emigrant or a person in exile. According to the Muslim tradition, the first Muhajirs were the followers of the Prophet Muhammad who resettled from Mecca to Iasrib (Meddina) in 622 together with him. Muhajir is also used to signify Muslims who moved to other countries in order to preserve their faith. 2 В. Бакланов, Российская колониальная экспансия на Северном Кавказе и ее последствия. http://historick.ru/view_post.php?id=144&cat=15 3 М. Блиев, В. Дегоев, Кавказская война, М., 1994, с. 559. ასევე, Ингушетия в политике Российской империи на Кавказе. XIX век, Магас, 2014, с. 7; ასევე, http://www.adygi. ru/index.php?newsid=12295 4 В. Дегоев, Большая игра на Кавказе; история и современность (Статьи, очерки, эссе). М., 2001, с. 56. 5 А. Сичкар, Переселение народов Северного Кавказа в Османскую империю (50¬60¬е г. XIX в.): Причины, характер, последствия. Автореферат диссертации на соискание ученой степени кандидата исторических наук. Владикавказ, 2009, с. 10. 6 This date is considered to be the official beginning of the Muhajir movement; however, the process of resettlement was already taking place shortly after the end of the Crimean War. Причины мухаджирского движения горцев Кавказа в Османскую империю. Этапы переселения. http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=11148 7 С. Кащенко, Выселение христян из Крымского ханства в Россию в 1778 г. Ученые записки Таврического национального университета им. В. И. Вернадскогою Серия „Юридические науки“, т. 19 (58), № 2. 2006, с. 34. 8 Акты, собранные Кавказской археографической комиссиею, т. ХII, Тифлис, 1904, с. 665. 9 А. Зиссерман, Фельдмаршал князь Александр Иванович Барятинский. 1815-1879, М., 1890, с. 386. 10 Г. Дзидзари, Махаджирство и проблемы истории Абхазии XIX столетия. Сухум, 1975, с. 8. 11 Ад. Берже, Выселение горцев с Кавказа, „Русская старина“, т. XXXIII, 1882, февраль, с. 346. 12 ჩრდილო კავკასიის ხალხთა ისტორიის ნარკვევები [Briefs on the History of the North Caucasian Peoples], Brief II, Tb., 1978, p. 196. 13 Причины мухаджирского движения горцев Кавказа в Османскую империю. Этапы переселения. http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=11148 14 “The peasants were supposed to go with their masters, even if they did not want to. This was due to the traditional relations of peasants with the nobility, including family connections. See: B. Khorava, აფხაზთა 1867 წლის მუჰაჯირობა [Muhajir Movement of Abkhazians in 1867], Tb., 2014, p. 87. 15 А. Берже, Выселение горцев с Кавказа, „Русская старина“, т. XXXIII, 1882, февраль, с. 299. 16 И. Кануков, Горцы - переселенцы. http://www.darial-online.ru/2006_4/kanukov.shtml 17 В. Тишков, Итоги Кавказской войны и переселения горцев Кавказа https://russiaforall.ru/materials/1432253859 18 А. Сичкар, Переселение народов Северного Кавказа в Османскую империю (50¬60¬е г. XIX в.): Причины, характер, последствия. Автореферат диссертации на соискание ученой степени кандидата исторических наук. Владикавказ, 2009, с. 18. 19 In many cases the non-regular military units of the Ottoman Empire were being formed precisely with exiled mountaineers. This was also the case for the so-called Bashibuzuk Army and cavalry units – Hamidie, many of the officers of which were Circassian. 20 X. Ибрагимбейли, Кавказ в Крымской войне 1853-1856 гг. и международные отношения. М., 1971, с. 55-56. 21 The commission was abolished in 1875 and its functions were transferred to a division formed at the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In 1887, when the new waves of those resettled in the Ottoman Empire from the North Caucasus appeared, the commission was restored. Причины мухаджирского движения горцев Кавказа в Османскую империю. Этапы переселения. http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=11148 22 Ад. Берже, Выселение горцев с Кавказа, „Русская старина“, т. XXXIII, 1882, февраль, с. 346. 23 В. Бакланов, Российская колониальная экспансия на Северном Кавказе и ее последствия. http://historick.ru/view_post.php?id=144&cat=15 24 ჩრდილო კავკასიის ხალხთა ისტორიის ნარკვევები [Briefs on the History of the North Caucasian Peoples],Brief II, Tb., 1978, p. 139 http://www.adygi.ru/index php?newsid=11148 25 Quran, 21:92. 26 Quran, 49:10. 27 Г. Дзидзария, Махаджирство и проблемы истории Абхазии XIX столетия, Сухуми, 1982, с. 10. 28 Sh. Megrelidze, აჭარის წარსულიდან (მუჰაჯირობა 1878-1882 წლებში)[From Ajara’s Past The Muhajir Movement in 1878-1882]. 29 R. Topchishvili, გეოგრაფიული გარემო და კავკასიელთა ეთნიკური კულტურა [The Geographic Environment and the Ethnic Culture of the Caucasians], Tb., 2018, pp. 144; 115; 173. 30 Причины мухаджирского движения горцев Кавказа в Османскую империю. Этапы переселения. http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=11148 31 Ингушетия в политике Российской империи на Кавказе, XIX век, Магас, 2014, с. 7. 32 В. Тишков, Итоги Кавказской войны и переселения горцев Кавказа. https://russiaforall.ru/materials/1432253859 33 http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=11148 34 История народов Северного Кавказа (конец XVIII в. - 1917 г.), М., 1988, с. 156. 35 According to academician A. Berzhe, a total of 493,000 people were resettled from the North Caucasus to the Ottoman Empire between 1858 and 1865. This included: Natukhaj – 45,023; Abadzekh – 27,337; Shapsugh – 165,626; Ubykh – 74,567; Sadz – 11,873; Bzedugh – 10,500; Abaz – 30,000; Kuban Noghai – 30,650; Kabardin – 17,000; Chechen – 23,193 and others. А. Берже, Выселение горцев с Кавказа, „Русская старина“, т. XXXIII, 1882, февраль, с. 165-166. 36 http://www.checheninfo.ru/19496-1865-g-chechenskaya-obschina-turcii.html 37 There is certain information that around 13 Ubykh families remained in various mountainous auls (up to 80 people) who were later resettled to the Kostrom governorate where clues about them disappear. Only five-six Ubykh families were left on the Black Sea coast after the Muhajir movement. See: В. Ворошилов, История убыхов, Майкоп, 2006, с. 147. 38 Г. Дзидзария, Махаджирство и проблемы истории Абхазии XIX столетия. Сухум, 1975, с. 224. 39 http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=13265 40 H. Yapıcı, Harbi Sonrasında Yasanan Göçler ve Neticeleri, Sosyal Bilimler Arastırmaları Dergisi, I, 2012, p. 181; M. Demirel, Artvin ve Batum Göçmenleri (1877-1978 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşından Sonra), Atatürk Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü Dergisi Sayı 40, 2009, Erzurum, 2009, p. 317-318. 41 История народов Северного Кавказа (конец XVIII в. – 1917 г.), М., 1988, с. 158. 42 http://www.parliament.ge/ge/ajax/downloadFile/18399/genocidi-ge 43 https://erodev.ru/en/pricheski/osmanskii-rod-proizoshel-ot-adygov-adygi-i-cherkesy-nasledniki.html 44 Hansen Lars Funch, The Circassian Revival: A Quest for Recognition, Mediated Transnational obilisation and Memorialisation Among a Geographically Dispersed People From the Caucasus, 2014. p. 145. 45 21 мая черкесы всего мира отмечают день памяти адыгов. http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=13265 N. Kireev also estimates the number of those exiled from the Caucasus to be between 600,000 and two million. See: Н.Киреев, История Турции XX век, М., 2007, с. 83-90. 46 А. Сичкар, Переселение народов Северного Кавказа в Османскую империю (50¬60¬е г. XIX в.): Причины, характер, последствия. Автореферат диссертации на соискание ученой степени кандидата исторических наук. Владикавказ, 2009, с. 21. 47 Газ. Кавказ, 1864, 12 июля. 48 Droeba newspaper, 1867, 9 June. 49 Г. Дзидзария, Махаджирство и проблемы истории Абхазии XIX столетия, Сухуми, 1982, с. 280-281. 50 Droeba newspaper, 1978, 6 August. 51 Т. Ачугба, Этническая история абхазов XIX–XX вв. Этнополитические и миграционные аспекты, Сухум, 2010, с. 107. 52 В. Ворошилов, История убыхов, Майкоп, 2006, с. 153. 53 B. Khorava, აფხაზთა 1867 წლის მუჰაჯირობა [1867 Muhajir Movement of Abkhazians], Tb., 2014, pp. 96-99. 54 Газ. Голос, 1877, 5 декабря. 55 Droeba newspaper, 1867, 6 August. 56 Кавказский календарь на 1883 год. Тифлис, 1882, с. 243. 57 А. Берже, Выселение горцев с Кавказа, „Русская старина“, т. XXXVI, 1882, октябрь, с. 2-3. 58 The Muhajir movement periodically continued up until the beginning of WWI. See: Г. Дзидзария, Махаджирство и проблемы истории Абхазии XIX столетия, Сухуми, 1982, с. 7. 59 N. Putkaradze, ქართველი მუჰაჯირები თურქეთის შავიზღვისპირეთში (ეთნომენტალური მარკერები და პოლიტიკურ-კულტურული მეხსიერების საკითხები) [Georgian Muhajirs on the Turkish Coast of the Black Sea (Ethnic-Mental Markers and Issues of Political-Cultural Memory)] Dissertation for the academic title of PhD in history, Batumi, 2017, p. 6. 60 D. Lisovsky, ჭოროხის აუზი [Chorokhi Basin], Tb., 1887, p. 51. 61 T. Sakhokia, მოგზაურობანი [Travels], Batumi, 1985, p. 48. 62 J. Vardamanidze, მუჰაჯირობა სამხრეთ-დასავლეთ საქართველოში (XIX საუკუნის 30-80-იანი წლები [Muhajir Movement in South-Western Georgia (1930-1980s)], Batumi, 2013, p. 155. 63 Georgian National Archive, Central Historical Archive, collection 229, brief 1, case 12, pp. 2; 4. 64 Droeba newspaper, 1879 , 20 June. 65 Droeba newspaper, 1879, 14 July. 66 http://www.parliament.ge/ge/ajax/downloadFile/18399/genocidi-ge 67 А. Акова,Тема махаджирства в свете проблем формирования исторической прозы адыгских литератур, автореферат диссертации на соискане ученой степени кандидата филологических наук, Карачаевск, 2001.

14 The Muhajir Movement RUSSIA'S EXPANSION IN THE CAUCASUS AND GEORGIA XIX century in the Caucasus

Cited Literature: php?id=144&cat=15 21. Берже Ад., Выселение горцев с Кавказа, „Русская старина“, 1. Droeba newspaper, 1867, 9 June. т. XXXIII, 1882, февраль. 2. Droeba newspaper, 1978, 6 August. 22. Блиев М., Дегоев В., Кавказская война, М., 1994. 3. Droeba newspaper, 1879 , 20 June. 23. Ворошилов В., История убыхов, Майкоп, 2006. 4. Droeba newspaper, 1879 , 14 July. 24. Газ. Голос, 1877, 5 декабря. 5. J. Vardamanidze, მუჰაჯირობა სამხრეთ-დასავლეთ საქართველოში 25. Газ. Кавказ, 1864, 12 июля. (XIX საუკუნის 30-80-იანი წლები [Muhajir Movement in South- 26. 21 мая черкесы всего мира отмечают день памяти адыгов. http:// Western Georgia (1830-1880s)], Batumi, 2013. www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=13265 6. R. Topchishvili, გეოგრაფიული გარემო და კავკასიელთა ეთნიკური 27. Дегоев В., Большая игра на Кавказе; история и современность კულტურა [The Geographic Environment and the Ethnic Culture of the (Статьи, очерки, эссе). М., 2001. Caucasians], Tb., 2018. 28. Дзидзари Г., Махаджирство и проблемы истории Абхазии 7. D. Lisovsky, ჭოროხის აუზი [Chorokhi Basin], Tb., 1887 XIX столетия. Сухуми, 1975. 8. Sh. Megrelidze, აჭარის წარსულიდან (მუჰაჯირობა 1878-1882 29. Зиссерман А., Фельдмаршал князь Александр Иванович წლებში) [From Ajara’s Past (The Muhajir Movement in 1878-1882)]. Барятинский. 1815-1879, М., 1890. Tb. 1864 30. Ибрагимбейли X., Кавказ в Крымской войне 1853-1856 гг. 9. Georgian National Archive, Central Historical Archive, collection 229, и международные отношения. М., 1971. brief 1, case 12, pp. 2; 4. 31. Ингушетия в политике Российской империи на Кавказе. 10. T. Sakhokia, მოგზაურობანი [Travels], Batumi, 1985 XIX век, Магас, 2014. 11. N. Putkaradze, ქართველი მუჰაჯირები თურქეთის შავიზღვისპი- 32. История народов Северного Кавказа (конец XVIII в. - 1917 г.), რეთში (ეთნომენტალური მარკერები და პოლიტიკურ-კულტურული М., 1988. მეხსიერების საკითხები) [Georgian Muhajirs on the Turkish Coast 33. Кавказский календарь на 1883 год. Тифлис, 1882. of the Black Sea (Ethnic-Mental Markers and Issues of Political- 34. Кащенко С., Выселение христян из Крымского ханства в Россию Cultural Memory)] Dissertation for the academic title of PhD in в 1778 г. Ученые записки Таврического национального универ- history, Batumi, 2017 ситета им. В. И. Вернадскогою Серия „Юридические науки“, 12. Quran, 21:92. т. 19 (58), № 2. 2006. 13. ჩრდილო კავკასიის ხალხთა ისტორიის ნარკვევები [Briefs on the 35. Кануков И., Горцы - переселенцы. http://www.darial-online. History of the North Caucasian Peoples], Brief II, Tb., 1978, ru/2006_4/kanukov.shtml 14. B. Khorava, აფხაზთა 1867 წლის მუჰაჯირობა 36. http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=12295 [1867 Muhajir Movement of Abkhazians], Tb., 2014 37. Киреев Н., История Турции XX век, М., 2007. 15. Hansen Lars Funch, The Circassian Revival: A Quest for 38. Причины мухаджирского движения горцев Кавказа в Османс- Recognition, Mediated Transnational Mobilisation and Memoriali- кую империю. Этапы переселения. http://www.adygi.ru/index. sation Among a Geographically Dispersed People From the php?newsid=11148 Caucasus, 2014. 39. Сичкар А., Переселение народов Северного Кавказа в Османс- 16. Yapıcı H., Harbi Sonrasında Yasanan Göçler ve Neticeleri, Sosyal кую империю (50¬60 ¬е г. XIX в.): Причины, характер, последст- Bilimler Arastırmaları Dergisi, I, 2012, p. 181; M. Demirel, Artvin ve вия. Автореферат диссертации на соискание ученой степени Batum Göçmenleri (1877-1978 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşından Sonra), кандидата исторических наук. Владикавказ, 2009. Atatürk Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Enstitüsü Dergisi Sayı 40, 40. Тишков В., Итоги Кавказской войны и переселения горцев 2009, Erzurum, 2009. Кавказа https://russiaforall.ru/materials/1432253859 17. Акты, собранные Кавказской археографической комиссиею, 41. http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=11148 т. ХII, Тифлис, 1904. 42. http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=11148 18. Акова А.,Тема махаджирства в свете проблем формирования 43. http://www.checheninfo.ru/19496-1865-g-chechenskaya-obschina- исторической прозы адыгских литератур, автореферат диссер- turcii.html тации на соискане ученой степени кандидата филологических 44. http://www.adygi.ru/index.php?newsid=13265 наук, Карачаевск, 2001. 45. http://www.parliament.ge/ge/ajax/downloadFile/18399/genocidi-ge 19. Ачугба Т., Этническая история абхазов XIX–XX вв. 46. https://erodev.ru/en/pricheski/osmanskii-rod-proizoshel-ot-adygov- Этнополитические и миграционные аспекты, Сухум, 2010. adygi-i-cherkesy-nasledniki.html 20. Бакланов В., Российская колониальная экспансия на Северном 47. http://www.parliament.ge/ge/ajax/downloadFile/18399/genocidi-ge Кавказе и ее последствия. http://historick.ru/view_post. Muhajir movement in 1878-1882, Tb., 1964, p. 23.