DOCSLIB.ORG

Reactions to the Question of Race

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Reactions to the Question of Race The Priming Experiment: Reaction to the Question of Race The Priming Experiment: Reactions to the Question of Race 1 The Priming Experiment: Reaction to the Question of Race Content Issue & Literature Review... ...4 Objectives... ...6 Methodology... ...7 Findings... ...8 Conclusion... ...20 3 The Priming Experiment: Reaction to the Question of Race Issue & Literature Review From Edi Rejang to the whole uproar on ICERD, the topic of race has refused prejudice or fear, each race felt that something had to be compromised in to remain silent in Malaysia post- May 9th. Whilst Malaysians on the whole order to establish friendships with the other race. are excited about having a new government, highlighting the nation’s ability to foresee peaceful exchange of power, Malaysia’s political and social This was established even before the May 9th elections of course which spectrum still remains revolved around race and religion. Some may begin saw a highly racially charged rhetoric from both the ruling and opposition. arguing that the tensions are getting worse over these past few years. Racially charged politics has been prevalent in Malaysia since independence from Britain, 61 years ago. This recent election followed the lot as both BN Malaysia’s Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Muhammad V, in his inaugural and PH used racial rhetorics to garner mostly Malay support. address to lawmakers during the new parliament session, urged “every citizen to preserve and strengthen” the “peace and unity” that Malaysia has had over A survey by Ananthi Al Ramiah and Miles Hewstone, scholars from Oxford’s the decades. This was the first royal speech after Malaysia’s transfer of power Blavatnik School of Government exposed how Malays living in rural areas and the fact that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong chose to spoke of calming were less likely to come into contact with non-Malays. From their schooling, growing racial tensions is indicative of the latter’s continued relevance and to their teenage years, all the way to higher education, rural Malays were danger to Malaysia’s development. most likely to not interact with other races, even despite living in the same neighbourhood. Fundamentally, the study noted that this was a result of Race, language and religion have all been closely intertwined with policy and opportunity rather than preference. Malaysians, as a result of public policy politics. Malays make up close to 60% of Malaysia’s 30 million population. and personal socialized choice, foresee education and work facilities that are The Non-Malay are the next big ethnic group followed by Indians. lacking in diversity. In a study by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, a paper by Dr Lee Hwok- This survey also outlined that Malaysia was primarily divided around three Aun, the “Fault Lines and Common Ground in Malaysia’s Ethnic Relations borders, religion, education and bumiputera policies. and Policies” outlines how, despite general interethnic goodwill amongst most Malaysians, every race in Malaysia has indirectly chosen to stick in In education, the study highlights that almost half of all ethnic Non-Malay its own comfort zone when it comes to making friends and partnerships. respondents wanted to leave the country to complete their higher education. Basing its study on five public opinion surveys addressing Malaysian ethnic On religion, Muslims far favored their own beliefs over others. In a rank of 0 relations, Dr Lee Hwok-Aun found that Malays would rather stick amongst to 100, Muslims rated Islam 90 and other religions below 40. Buddhists and Malays, Chinese amongst Chinese and Indians amongst Indians. Whether by Hindus however rated their religion 70 and other religions 50. 4 The Priming Experiment: Reaction to the Question of Race Religion and education prove to be Malaysia’s biggest barrier to national integration. For policy makers, this is where increased awareness and openness is important. It becomes the basis for Malays, Non-Malay and Indians to want to speak to each other, to learn and to be put off their comfort zone, and be okay with it. Yet not all politicians are on the same page. Oftentimes, religious and racial differences are highlighted and emphasized by politicians to garner support. It becomes, as political analyst Oi Ei Sun suggests, a “political tool.” On mainstream politics, the appeal to foreign (especially Non-Malay) intervention, foreign labor, and bumiputera rights have always been key garners of Malay support. The majority has somehow, in Malaysia, managed to feel like the suppressed minority. Lee concurs with his research, finding that Malays largely favoured bumiputera policies and its continuation because the Malays feel they are still at a disadvantage and in need of assistance. On the whole, Lee found that ethnic Non-Malay Malaysians were very much opposed to race-based policies. Around 85% of Non-Malay respondents argued that they would support no special privileges. The question of vernacular schools however was not raised. Indians were also opposed to special privileges in larger numbers. On the whole, the surveys and the studies highlight emerging differences amongst the ethnic groups in Malaysia. Malaysia it seems, is continuing to prove distant and hostile amongst its different race groups. But there is tolerance, an unwritten rule not to air out these tensions for all to see. Yet that being said, meaningful levels of dialogue, accommodation and diversity in areas of work, school and housing has still not been attained. Malaysia it seems, has still not tapped into its potential to learn from one another, to see its differences as avenues for growth and learning. Political parties need to lead the way, easing their foot off of the Malay agenda, in hopes of just focusing on Malay majority constituencies. Education needs to be prioritized, to engage the minority-fear that rights would be taken away. 5 The Priming Experiment: Reaction to the Question of Race Objectives This priming experiment in no way intends to present its findings as reflective of the entire Malaysian psyche. On the offset, it is important that this study is understood as a study group where priming experiments were conducted. The results reflect the swing of the people we studied, despite their race and religion, it in no way should be interpreted as indicative of other possible respondents beyond this scope. This priming experiment looks at whether Malaysians respond negatively or positively when confronted with Malaysia’s ethnocentrism and race-based politics. Do Malaysians feel comfortable about these developments? Are they confident about raising their children in Malaysia with ethnocentrism on the high? Fundamentally, this priming experiment is intended to further understand why politicians and individuals feel that race-based politics and continued ethnocentrism is continuing to be the rallying call for attention. 6 The Priming Experiment: Reaction to the Question of Race supposed to be noticed by the respondents in passing, creating a priming Methodology effect for the questions they were to answer in the next room. The other half of course were untouched. There was no Keris on the wall, As defined, Priming is a “nonconscious form of human memory concerned there were no newspapers with headlines about any right wing race protest, with perceptual identification of words and objects. It refers to activating and the curtains were removed. Supposedly, we wanted these respondents particular representations or associations in memory just before carrying out to go into their test without having any reminder of Malaysia’s ethnocentrism an action or task.” For example, someone who sees the word red would be and racial disunity. slightly faster to recognize UMNO. Someone who sees light blue would be slightly faster to recognize PKR. This happens because the idea of red and The respondents then sat down to answer specific questions such as: blue have been socialized to be associated in memory with these parties. • How confident are you about raising your kids in Malaysia? This study group comprised of 100 individuals. In a span of one week, • Would you allow your kids to work in a GLC? where the most number of respondents arrived on a Wednesday. The 100 • If all factors were the same, would you choose Malaysia Airlines, Air Asia, individuals, to our knowledge, do not know each other and were not given or Singapore Airlines? specific times to arrive at our centre (only a range of 9-4pm). Whilst being • If all factors were the same, where would you send your kids to school? labelled as a study group, the 100 individuals had no interaction with one Public school, SJK, or International school? another. They each took the test alone with no help from one another. • You have excess funds to build a getaway house, where would you build it? Terengganu, KL or overseas? The respondents were a mixture of Malay, Non-Malay and Indians. 62 of the • If you had a fund, where would you donate? Local University, not donate, respondents were Malay. 30 of the respondents were Non-Malay. 8 of the overseas? respondents were Indian. Because the size of the Indian samples were very small, this study will be excluding the Indian respondents as an individual These questions were not intended to remind the respondents of Malaysia’s race identity. We will be combining the Non-Malay and Indian respondents ethnocentrism. The questions were presented in BM and BI. These questions under “non-Malay.” The respondents were presented as simply an indicator to see the trend in Malaysia’s consumer choice. Below we will dive into the results of this experiment. The key of this experiment is its priming. Half of the respondents were primed and the other half were not. The greatest limitation of this experiment is the size and number of its respondents.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences
    THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ISSN 0219-3213 TRS15/21s ISSUE ISBN 978-981-5011-00-5 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace 15 Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 7 8 9 8 1 5 0 1 1 0 0 5 2021 21-J07781 00 Trends_2021-15 cover.indd 1 8/7/21 12:26 PM TRENDS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 1 9/7/21 8:37 AM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Singapore APEC Study Centre and the Temasek History Research Centre (THRC). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 2 9/7/21 8:37 AM THE UNREALIZED MAHATHIR-ANWAR TRANSITIONS Social Divides and Political Consequences Khoo Boo Teik ISSUE 15 2021 21-J07781 01 Trends_2021-15.indd 3 9/7/21 8:37 AM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2021 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved.
    [Show full text]
  • Malaysia: the 2020 Putsch for Malay Islam Supremacy James Chin School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania
    Malaysia: the 2020 putsch for Malay Islam supremacy James Chin School of Social Sciences, University of Tasmania ABSTRACT Many people were surprised by the sudden fall of Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government on 21 February 2020, barely two years after winning the historic May 2018 general elections. This article argues that the fall was largely due to the following factors: the ideology of Ketuanan Melayu Islam (Malay Islam Supremacy); the Mahathir-Anwar dispute; Mahathir’s own role in trying to reduce the role of the non-Malays in the government; and the manufactured fear among the Malay polity that the Malays and Islam were under threat. It concludes that the majority of the Malay population, and the Malay establishment, are not ready to share political power with the non- Malays. Introduction Many people were shocked when the Barisan National (BN or National Front) govern- ment lost its majority in the May 2018 general elections. After all, BN had been in power since independence in 1957 and the Federation of Malaysia was generally regarded as a stable, one-party regime. What was even more remarkable was that the person responsible for Malaysia’s first regime change, Mahathir Mohammad, was also Malaysia’s erstwhile longest serving prime minister. He had headed the BN from 1981 to 2003 and was widely regarded as Malaysia’s strongman. In 2017, he assumed leader- ship of the then-opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH or Alliance of Hope) coalition and led the coalition to victory on 9 May 2018. He is remarkable as well for the fact that he became, at the age of 93, the world’s oldest elected leader.1 The was great hope that Malaysia would join the global club of democracy but less than two years on, the PH government fell apart on 21 February 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Research Commons at The
    http://waikato.researchgateway.ac.nz/ Research Commons at the University of Waikato Copyright Statement: The digital copy of this thesis is protected by the Copyright Act 1994 (New Zealand). The thesis may be consulted by you, provided you comply with the provisions of the Act and the following conditions of use: Any use you make of these documents or images must be for research or private study purposes only, and you may not make them available to any other person. Authors control the copyright of their thesis. You will recognise the author’s right to be identified as the author of the thesis, and due acknowledgement will be made to the author where appropriate. You will obtain the author’s permission before publishing any material from the thesis. The Defence of Ethnic Identity in Malaysia A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations and Security Studies at The University of Waikato by Melanie Jones-Leaning The University of Waikato 2010 Abstract The changing dynamics of interstate conflict in the post-Cold War environment led scholars to debate the relevance of established security theory. While traditionalists maintained that the state-centric theory should retain its primacy, others argued for a security agenda, not only broadened or widened to include other sectors, but one deepened or extended to include the individual and larger societal groupings as referent objects of security. In the 1990s, the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute developed a reformulated and expanded security agenda which recognized five dimensions of security – political, military, economic, environmental and societal.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of the Underlying Factors That Affected Malaysia-Singapore Relations During the Mahathir Era: Discords and Continuity
    An Analysis of the Underlying Factors That Affected Malaysia-Singapore Relations During the Mahathir Era: Discords and Continuity Rusdi Omar Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Discipline of Politics and International Studies School of History and Politics Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences The University of Adelaide May 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS TITLE PAGE TABLE OF CONTENTS i ABSTRACT v DECLARATION vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii ABBREVIATIONS/ACRONYMS ix GLOSSARY xii 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1. Introductory Background 1 1.2. Statement of the Problem 3 1.3. Research Aims and Objectives 5 1.4. Scope and Limitation 6 1.5. Literature Review 7 1.6. Theoretical/ Conceptual Framework 17 1.7. Research Methodology 25 1.8. Significance of Study 26 1.9. Thesis Organization 27 2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF MALAYSIA-SINGAPORE RELATIONS 30 2.1. Introduction 30 2.2. The Historical Background of Malaysia 32 2.3. The Historical Background of Singapore 34 2.4. The Period of British Colonial Rule 38 i 2.4.1. Malayan Union 40 2.4.2. Federation of Malaya 43 2.4.3. Independence for Malaya 45 2.4.4. Autonomy for Singapore 48 2.5. Singapore’s Inclusion in the Malaysian Federation (1963-1965) 51 2.6. The Period after Singapore’s Separation from Malaysia 60 2.6.1. Tunku Abdul Rahman’s Era 63 2.6.2 Tun Abdul Razak’s Era 68 2.6.3. Tun Hussein Onn’s Era 76 2.7. Conclusion 81 3 CONTENTIOUS ISSUES IN MALAYSIA-SINGAPORE RELATIONS 83 3.1. Introduction to the Issues Affecting Relations Between Malaysia and Singapore 83 3.2.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 266 Malaysia's Past Successes and Uncertain Future: Graduating
    The RSIS Working Paper series presents papers in a preliminary form and serves to stimulate comment and discussion. The views expressed in this publication are entirely those of the author(s), and do not represent the official position of RSIS. If you have any comments, please send them to [email protected]. Unsubscribing If you no longer want to receive RSIS Working Papers, please click on “Unsubscribe” to be removed from the list. No. 266 Malaysia’s Past Successes and Uncertain Future: Graduating from the Middle or Caught in the Middle? Hooi Hooi Lean and Russell Smyth S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Singapore 6 January 2014 About RSIS The S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) was established in January 2007 as an autonomous School within the Nanyang Technological University. Known earlier as the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies when it was established in July 1996, RSIS‟ mission is to be a leading research and graduate teaching institution in strategic and international affairs in the Asia Pacific. To accomplish this mission, it will: Provide a rigorous professional graduate education with a strong practical emphasis, Conduct policy-relevant research in defence, national security, international relations, strategic studies and diplomacy, Foster a global network of like-minded professional schools. GRADUATE EDUCATION IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS RSIS offers a challenging graduate education in international affairs, taught by an international faculty of leading thinkers and practitioners. The Master of Science (MSc) degree programmes in Strategic Studies, International Relations, Asian Studies, and International Political Economy are distinguished by their focus on the Asia Pacific, the professional practice of international affairs, and the cultivation of academic depth.
    [Show full text]
  • Aliran Monthly : Vol.26(10) Page 1 PP3739/12/2006 ISSN 0127
    PP3739/12/2006 ISSN 0127 - 5127 / RM4.00 / 2006:Vol.26No.10 Aliran Monthly : Vol.26(10) Page 1 COVER STORY Lost on the way to 2020 A commentary on the Umno General Assembly 2006 by Khoo Boo Teik hose who had their eyes, TT ears, heads, and hearts TTT assailed by the live tele- cast of the Umno General Assembly last month may be driven to find some balm in the following words: Today we have Malays and Bumiputera as heads of departments, scientists, actuaries, nuclear physi- cists, surgeons, experts in the fields of medicine and aviation, bankers and corporate leaders. In fact, some are already managers of major conglome- rates worth billions of ringgit and able to acquire bigger companies in the open market or participate in mergers and acquisitions which are complex and sophisticated. Alien pride Thus spoke Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad with undisguised pride in Malay attainments after a lifetime’s anxiety that to be Malay was to be backward. Yet his anxiety was never fully assuaged. He left office warning of a ‘second Malay dilemma’, downcast at the thought that he and the Malays had let each other down. But his sense of pride, even though it came before the fall in July 1997, must have been alien to the delegates who made up Aliran Monthly : Vol.26(10) Page 2 EDITOR'S NOTE In the lead story, Khoo Boo Teik comments on how UMNO got lost on the way to 2020. CONTENTS If the goal is 100% national unity, the UMNO of 2006 has taken us 30% forward, 70% back- COVER STORY ward.
    [Show full text]
  • Background Paper
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by eDoc.VifaPol Background Paper No. 14 / September 2011 Malaysia’s New Economic Model Is the Malaysian government serious about economic liberalisation? Wan Saiful Wan Jan In March 2010, the Prime Minister of Malaysia launched the first part of Malaysia’s “New Economic Model” (NEM). It calls for a more liberalised economy and reduced government in- tervention. It also proposes a radical shift from the heavily pro-Malay affirmative action prac- tices that have been in place since the 1970s to a more inclusive and race-blind system. How- ever, when the final part of the NEM was published in December 2010, the initial radicalism and boldness seem to have been watered down following pressure from Malay nationalists. Pro-Malay agenda reappeared. Several actions by the government indicated that they are not as committed to economic liberalisation as they claimed to be when the NEM was first an- nounced. Nevertheless, overall, the NEM still promises significant steps towards the right di- rection. This paper provides an explanation of the NEM and a critical assessment of the poli- tics around it. Executive Summary Multi-ethnic Malaysia, politically dominated by its Malay majority, has been seeking to reduce inter- and intra-ethnic income-disparities for decades. The "New Economic Policy" (NEP), intro- duced in 1971, led to pro-Malay affirmative action policies, which are still in place today. In terms of economic development, Malaysia has made strides and growth has been decent. But continuous government intervention in the economy sees the country now stuck in a middle income trap.
    [Show full text]
  • Wawasan 2020: at the End of the Day Even Art Is Not Important
    Y A O S O U C H O U Wawasan 2020: At the End of the Day Even Art is Not Important l d ı v a n_8 The attempt was as banal as it was futile: another effort by the Malaysian authorities to impose censorship upon an artist. Over several decades, Ahmad Fuad Osman’s art practice has dealt with ethnic identity, national memory and particularly, government abuse of power. Acclaimed as one of the most prominent artists working in Malaysia today, his engaging and sophisticated art has been exhibited recently at the 2016 Singapore Biennale: An Atlas of Mirrors and the 2019 Sharjah Biennial: Leaving the Echo Chamber. Malaysia was ready to acknowledge the achievements of one of its proud sons when the Balai Seni Negara (National Art Gallery of Malaysia) gave him a mid-career exhibition in October 2019, which he ironically titled At the End of the Day Even Art is Not Important (1990-2019). The exhibition consisted of a variety of media—painting, installation and photography, selected and approved by the Bali. On 21 January, 2020, three months into the exhibition, Osman was informed that four of his works would be withdrawn following a complaint from a Gallery Board member. The works in question were Untitled (2012), posters of Anwar Ibrahim with a black eye, a reference to his assault by the Inspector General of Police while in detention before his sodomy trial in 1988; Dreaming of Being A Somebody Afraid of Being A Nobody (2019), portraits of Mohamed Azmin, Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim, key figures in the struggle for power that led to the collapse of the reformist government that came to power after the 2018 general election; Imitating the Mountain (2004), a painting of a naked man lying on his back against the backdrop of a mountain, and Mak Bapak Borek, Anak Cucu Cicit Pun Rintik (2015-18), an installation of overweight white ceramic pigs sited before a gold-plated rock.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins and Evolution of Ethnocracy in Malaysia
    Volume 7 | Issue 47 | Number 4 | Article ID 3259 | Nov 16, 2009 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The Origins and Evolution of Ethnocracy in Malaysia Geoff Wade The Origins and Evolution of1957 Constitution has been used as a basis for Ethnocracy in Malaysia all manner of exclusionist and discriminatory policies which have become increasingly Geoff Wade socially encompassing, producing a situation where non-Malay members of Malaysian 1. Introduction society feel themselves excluded and thereby ignored in terms of access to “public” facilities, How is it that today in the diverse, multi-ethnic funds and opportunities. The March 2008 polity of Malaysia (where government figures election results were in part a reflection of give a population breakdown of 65%sentiments over this socially inequitable Bumiputra, 26% Chinese and 8% Indian), a situation. single ethnic group completely controls - and occupies virtually all positions in - the judiciary, 2. The History of Ethnocracy in public administrative organs, the police, the Malaya/Malaysia from 1942 armed forces and increasingly the universities? While Malays constitute a majority of the Let us begin the account with 1942, and population of this nation, their presence in all proceed to earlier times later in the paper. these spheres of power far exceeds their ratio Even from the beginning of the Japanese within the general population. How did this invasion and occupation of Malaya and situation emerge and how has it evolved? Singapore over the period 1941-45, it was obvious to the British and others that there would need to be a real reassessment of the British role in the peninsula and Borneo post- war.
    [Show full text]
  • In Malaysia: Pakatan Rakyat’S Mobilization of Dissent Between Reformasi and the Tsunami
    Networks in Pursuit of a “Two-Coalition System” in Malaysia: Pakatan Rakyat’s Mobilization of Dissent between Reformasi and the Tsunami Khoo Boo Teik* In Malaysia’s 12th general election, in March 2008, three opposition parties col- lectively cracked the hegemony of the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (BN, or National Front). As the opposition parties formed a coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (PR, or People’s Alliance), a two-coalition system appeared to have taken shape. This essay analyzes how PR reached that electoral outcome by moving from “imagin ing” to “realizing” dissent. Imagining and realizing dissent are not treated as disparate acts here but as tasks borne by qualitatively different networks that helped PR to overcome its structural, organizational, and resource disadvantages. The first networks considered are the cyber-networks that used ICT-sited or -enabled links to construct an alternative media linking PR’s organizers and sup- porters in an imagined community of dissent. PR’s second type of network con- sisted of physical coalitions—groups and organizations that connected the PR parties with their allies in civil society and their supporters at large. Their common objective was to mobilize dissent for electoral contestation. Even after 2008, how- ever, PR was vulnerable to regime harassment and blandishments because it was missing a third type of network that would link party structures and social, com- munity, and civic associations. By analyzing PR’s networks, this essay offers a fresh perspective on the travails of building a two-coalition system. Keywords: Malaysia, 2008 general election, Pakatan Rakyat, cyber-networks, two-coalition system In Malaysia’s 12th general election, held on March 8, 2008, 49 percent of the electorate voted for the non-formalized opposition coalition—made up of Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR, or People’s Justice Party), Parti Islam (PAS, or Islamic Party), and Democratic Action Party (DAP)—and finally cracked the hegemonic hold of the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional (BN, or National Front).
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of Issues During the 13 General Election
    Jurnal Komunikasi Malaysian Journal of Communication Jilid 33(2) 2017: 13-26 SPECIAL ARTICLES ON AGENDA SETTING Media Agenda and Public Agenda: A Study of Issues during the 13th General Election AINI MAZNINA A. MANAF International Islamic University Malaysia [email protected] MALIA TAIBI Universiti Malaysia Sarawak [email protected] KAMARUZZAMAN ABDUL MANAN International Islamic University Malaysia [email protected] ABSTRACT Media might play an important role in public’s voting decision. Even so, it is unknown whether the media agenda counterpart public agenda with regard to the level of importance of the issues covered in the media. This study examined the issues of concern by the Malaysian mainstream newspapers, as well as the issues of concern by the public during the 13th General Election (GE 13). In particular, this study explored the relationship between media and public agenda; as well as the relationship between Malay language newspaper agenda and the Malay public agenda. Content analysis and survey were performed to fulfil these objectives. The findings showed that the media has different agenda from the public. In addition, the Malay newspaper and public of the same ethnic group do not share similar agenda of issues. On top of that, the findings showed the priority of issues perceived by media and public are different. While the public see national security as the most important issue of the country, media on the other hand, set religion and politics as the priority in their agenda. Keywords: Malay newspaper, media agenda, public agenda, issues, 13th General Election INTRODUCTION The results of 13th general election brought a new political scenario in Malaysia.
    [Show full text]
  • Fifty Years of Malaysia's New Economic Policy: Three Chapters
    No. 2021 - 07 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Fifty Years of Malaysia’s New Economic Policy: Three Chapters with No Conclusion Lee Hwok Aun ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore July 2021 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Abstract The New Economic Policy (NEP) which focused on poverty reduction and social restructuring has transformed Malaysia since 1971. Pro-Bumiputera affirmative action was intensively pursued and has continuously faced pushback, with heightened debate at key junctures. The NEP was marred by gaps and omissions, notably its ambiguity on policy mechanisms and long- term implications, and inordinate emphasis on Bumiputera equity ownership. Broader discourses have imbibed these elements and tend to be more selective than systematic in policy critique. During the late 1980s, rousing deliberations on the successor to the NEP settled on a growth-oriented strategy that basically retained the NEP framework and extended ethnicity- driven compromises. Since 2010, notions of reform and alternatives to the NEP’s affirmative action programme have been propagated, which despite bold proclamations, again amount to partial and selective – not comprehensive – change. Affirmative action presently drifts along, with
    [Show full text]