DOCSLIB.ORG

Scottish Leftreview

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Scottish Leftreview ScottishLeft Review Issue 102 November/December 2017 - £2.00 'best re(a)d' ASLEF CALLS FOR AN INTEGRATED, PUBLICLY OWNED, ACCOUNTABLE RAILWAY FOR SCOTLAND (which used to be the SNP’s position – before they became the government!) Mick Whelan Tosh McDonald Kevin Lindsay General Secretary President Scottish Ocer ASLEF the train drivers union- www.aslef.org.uk Trade Union Recognition agreements on all construction sites Adherence to collective agreements Direct employment No blacklisting No public contracts for blacklisters No Bogus self employment or umbrella schemes Protect skills Proper apprenticeships The Rank & File was born out of an attack on the skills of electricians in 2011 by eight of the major mechanical and electrical construction companies in the UK. We have also been in the Health & Safety forefront in the fight against blacklisting with our partners, the Blacklist Support Group. We seek the adherence of collective agreements on all construction sites and recognition of all elected shop stewards and safety reps. The Rank & File, who is made up mostly of Unite members but Contact: also count members of GMB and Ucatt among our ranks, are determined to change the face of construction for the benefit of working people by transforming the attitudes of companies in the Email: [email protected] industry to realise the benefits of having an organised workforce. To do this we need the assistance of clients such as the Scottish government, local authorities, NHS and Scotland’s Universities and Colleges through their procurement processes, in line with the Scottish Unite Scottish Rank and File government’s Fair Work Framework. Together we can make a difference. @ScotRankFile 2 - ScottishLeftReview Issue 102 November/December 2017 feedback comment Beginnings of a new dawn? n the last editorial, we called for a to make it to do more than spout well- constitutional changes may be needed credible left candidate to emerge to intentioned words and make it begin to to bring about a federal or confederal Icontest the leadership of Scottish make good on these by delivering on a future. Recent polling evidence suggests Labour. As we now know, Richard substantial range of socially progressive that support for independence has not Leonard has stepped forward and we policies. Conversely, if Anas Sarwar was reviewsdied a death because of the Corbyn hope that he will be successful. This to win, the SNP would not face such effect. Even if Leonard as a supporter of should be an uncontroversial statement a challenge. He simply does not have Corbynism wins, it is highly unlikely the - for the whole of the left in Scotland radical politics like Leonard despite levels of support for independence will will benefit if he does win because his some recent opportunistic acts on his dramatically change. Hence, the need victory will shift the centre of gravity part on tax. And that’s not to mention to address the constitutional question of politics in Scotland further to the the impact of his personal choices in in a productive manner, and to recall left – on issues of class, the purpose life over the schooling for his children, that much support for independence and beneficiaries of the economy, the shareholding in his father’s company is based upon seeking to break out distribution of wealth and power and etc etc upon his political credibility. By of the stranglehold of austerity and so on and so forth. Thus, while it may contrast, Richard comes out from the neo-liberalism (and not ‘Tartan and cause significant challenges to the SNP, union movement (STUC, GMB), worked shortbread’ nationalism). Last year’s Greens and any independent left (like for leftwing MEP, Alex Falconer, and Scottish Labour annual conference the Scottish Socialist Party (SSP)) in a has been active in the Scottish Labour agreed to set up a working party on party political sense, the confirmation History Society and Keir Hardie Society. constitutional matters. It is important it and extension of Corbynism in Scotland He also has an intellectual sharpness does its work as soon as possible. will be assured with Leonard’s victory. and depth as a writer and thinker which The politics of ‘for the many, not the few politicians do. This general benefit for the left of few’ will come into play in a forceful a Leonard victory is also despite his This general benefit for the left here way. politics being social democratic – albeit is despite of the particular position radical social democrat ones - like For the SNP-cum-Scottish Government, Leonard takes on the issue of those of Corbyn and not socialist per Leonard’s victory would, we hope, start independence and his silence on what se. This is not to split hairs but merely to remember that, one hundred years ScottishLeftReview on from the October revolution, there Issue 102 November/December 2017 are, in fact, two strands of socialism. Contents This was why the Russian Social Editorial comment: beginnings of a new dawn? ......................................................................3 Democratic Labour Party split into Chris Bartter obituary ...............................................................................................................5 two factions in 1903 at its conference Pay, people and power Mark Serwotka ...................................................................................6 held in London – one was called the Public sector pay rise is good for all: demand side is the problem Mike Danson and Geoff Bolsheviks (led by Lenin) and one was Whittam ...................................................................................................................................7 Providing a decent future for care workers Stephen Smellie ..................................................9 called the Mensheviks (led by Martov). Taking on the Tories’ Trade Union Act Gregor Gall ................................................................10 So there is the parliamentary road which Of saints and sinners: social democracy and socialism Craig Lundie .....................................11 is about reforming capitalism rather SNP - insurgents or same old, same old? Raymond Mennie .................................................13 than abolishing it. For this very reason, SNP leadership: no friends of Palestine Mark Brown .............................................................15 it is called ‘socialism from above’ but Clarity needed to reverse indy retreat Hugh Cullen ..............................................................16 What’s a republic for? Bill Bonnar .........................................................................................17 is actually social democracy where Barbour’s legacy and rediscovering Glasgow’s radical housing tradition Michael O’Brien ...18 the modification of the market (its Millennials: be seen and be heard Rebekah McVey ..............................................................19 processes and outcomes) is significant Delivering union rights in Amazon Nigel Flanagan ................................................................20 and achieved through state ownership. The Colombian peace process – one year on Cherilyn Elston ...............................................21 Scottish gypsy travellers – an oppressed and neglected minority Colin Turbett ....................22 In Britain, the high point of social Reversing globalisation will reduce need for immigration controls Peter Lomas ..................23 democracy was the 1945-1951 Labour Book and film reviews - Sean Sheehan, Jackie Bergson, Richard Whyte, governments led by Clement Atlee. Andrew Sanders, Colin Fox, Robin Jones and Donald McCormick .........................................24 Under Atlee, the NHS was established Kick up the tabloids - Vladimir McTavish ................................................................................30 and widespread nationalization (steel, 3 - ScottishLeftReview Issue 102 November/December 2017 coal, rail etc) took place (while the in on the rising tide of radical social of society. The sense in which we should nuclear bomb was developed and democracy? It may seem that they are – see Labour as a political party is all the colonies not given independence). And, but times change and a Labour general more emphasised by the review of party though significant reforms are not to be election victory is far from assured if the democracy that is being led by former scoffed at in this age of neo-liberalism research by Compass on the idea of ‘just MP, Katy Clark. To be a worthwhile and austerity, socialism – ‘socialism from one last heave’ is to be believed. And, review, annual conference must become below’ – is the form of revolutionary once in office, would Labour also be in a policy making conference again and be socialism which does abolish capitalism power? That alone might highlight that the sovereign body of the party, putting and sets humanity upon a completely there is a need for political parties to the the National Executive Committee, new course. Socialism is either of the left of Labour because what happens National Policy Forums and the like in reformist or revolutionary sort and not a outside Parliament can have a big their place. ‘third way’ variant in between. bearing on what happens inside it. And After the removal of any prospect of this leads on to another big issue. Can an imminent second referendum, the The issue of what counts as socialist Labour under Corbyn and McDonnell SNP has returned to the ‘day job’ of or social
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Jeremy Corbyn's Apparent Hardline on Indyref2 May Make Labour
    Academic rigour, journalistic flair Jeremy Corbyn’s apparent hardline on indyref2 may make Labour prospects in Scotland even worse November 14, 2019 3.31pm GMT Author Sean Kippin Lecturer in Politics, University of Stirling Jez-ebel. Andrew Milligan/PA The issue of Scottish independence continues to tie the Labour party in knots. Jeremy Corbyn’s pronouncements during a visit to Glasgow are the latest example of Labour’s difficulties in maintaining its traditional role as the party of Scotland’s working classes and liberal intelligentsia – particularly since the 2014 independence referendum. Asked about a second referendum, the Labour leader initially said he would not agree to one in the first term of a Labour government, “because I think we need to concentrate completely on investment across Scotland”. This appeared to bring him close to Conservative leader Boris Johnson’s “cast-iron pledge” against another Scottish referendum. Shortly afterwards Corbyn’s aides were clarifying to journalists that this was not a shift from Labour’s previous apparent position, that the party would grant a referendum if the SNP won a majority in the 2021 Scottish election. Corbyn confirmed as much in Hamilton on the next stop of his two-day Scottish tour. Glove me do. Andrew Milligan/PA That the Labour leader rowed back on his initial statement speaks to the multi-faced approach that the shifting political dynamics of independence have forced the party to adopt. A variety of statements from senior Labour figures in recent weeks and months have ranged from saying they wouldn’t stand in the way of another indyref to expressing almost outright opposition.
    [Show full text]
  • British Politics and Policy at LSE: the Real SNP 'Peak' Is Yet to Come – If
    British Politics and Policy at LSE: The real SNP ‘peak’ is yet to come – if Conference deals successfully with two key issues Page 1 of 3 The real SNP ‘peak’ is yet to come – if Conference deals successfully with two key issues The cleavages created by Labour’s 2017 electoral performance and by Brexit have made the political landscape more challenging for the SNP. But if the party are able to tack successfully into the new political winds, these challenges can be met, writes Sean Swan, making the forthcoming conference decisive for the party’s future. The SNP annual conference will be held on 8-10 October in Glasgow. It comes as Alex Rowley, Scottish Labour’s acting leader, claims that Scotland is past ‘peak SNP’. Support in the latest opinion polls has the party on 41% support in a future Westminster election, and 38% for a Holyrood election. Meanwhile, support for independence languishes at 43%, which is 2% lower than the Indyref result. These figures are hardly disastrous: the SNP share of the vote in the 2017 Westminster election was 36.9%, and the party took 41.7% in the 2016 Holyrood vote. But there is a tendency to judge the SNP’s performance against the 2015 Westminster general election when it took almost 50% of the vote. The 2015 victory was the product of disappointed Yes voters, who effectively decided on a long march through the institutions, joining the SNP en masse in the wake of the 2014 independence referendum defeat. The 2015 victory was as close to total as it could realistically be, but failed to deliver much tangible progress towards independence.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the 2015 General Election in Scotland Jan Eichhorn, Mor Kandlik Eltanani and Daniel Kenealy
    Understanding the 2015 General Election in Scotland Jan Eichhorn, Mor Kandlik Eltanani and Daniel Kenealy Understanding the 2015 General Election in Scotland Jan Eichhorn, Mor Kandlik Eltanani and Daniel Kenealy1 1. Introduction The 2015 General Election was remarkable for many reasons. The overall result, with David Cameron’s Conservative party securing an overall majority, surprised many after opinion polls had pointed to a hung parliament.2 In Scotland, the most noteworthy development was the shift of support from Labour to the Scottish National Party (SNP). Across Scotland there was a swing of 26.1 per cent from Labour to the SNP, with swings as high as 39.3 per cent (in Glasgow North East). Labour lost 40 of the 41 Scottish seats it had won at the 2010 general election, every one of them to the SNP who also picked up 10 of the 11 seats won by the Liberal Democrats in 2010. Overall, the SNP won 56 of Scotland’s 59 Westminster constituencies and 50 per cent of the vote – the highest share of the vote won in Scotland since the combination of the Scottish Unionist Party and the National Liberal and Conservatives recorded 50.1 per cent in 1955. The party had turned defeat in Scotland’s independence referendum eight months earlier into a landslide electoral triumph. Table 1: The 2015 and 2010 UK General Election result in Scotland, vote share % and seats Vote share Seats 2015 2010 2015 2010 SNP 50.0 19.9 56 6 Labour 24.3 42.0 1 41 Conservatives 14.9 16.7 1 1 Liberal Democrat 7.5 18.9 1 11 Others 3.3 2.5 0 0 Labour’s 24.3 per cent share of the vote was sharply down on the 42 per cent the party recorded in the 2010 general election.
    [Show full text]
  • Response from Johann Lamont MSP, on Behalf of The
    LGBTI equality and the Independence referendum: Response to the Equality Network’s questions from Johann Lamont MSP, Leader of the Scottish Labour Party Equality Law 1. If there is a vote to remain in the UK, will your party support further devolution of equal opportunities powers, as is already the case in Northern Ireland, so that Scotland can protect the progress that has been made in recent years and deal with the deficiencies of current equality law, including: That discrimination on grounds of gender identity and intersex status are not fully covered That unlike sex, gender reassignment, race and disability, there is no protection from harassment in the provision of goods, facilities and services for the sexual orientation protected characteristic That same-sex couples are not currently entitled to equal pension provisions under private sector pension schemes Would you support complete or partial devolution of equal opportunities powers? At present, the Scotland Act states that equal opportunities are a matter reserved to the UK, which means that only the UK Parliament can prevent, eliminate or regulate discrimination between persons on grounds of sex or marital status, on racial grounds, or on grounds of disability, age, sexual orientation, language or social origin, or other personal attributes. The Scottish Parliament can exercise powers to encourage the adoption of, and compliance with, equality legislation, except by means of prohibition or regulation. This power extends to the imposition of legally binding duties on public bodies to give due regard to the importance of complying with equality law. As stated in the final report of our Devolution Commission, we believe the Scottish Parliament’s powers in this area should be extended to make the enforcement of equality law a devolved matter.
    [Show full text]
  • Labour Party Adaptation to Multilevel Politics: Evidence from British General Election Manifestos Dr Lynn Bennie Politics and I
    Labour Party Adaptation to Multilevel Politics: Evidence from British General Election Manifestos Dr Lynn Bennie Politics and International Relations University of Aberdeen and Dr Alistair Clark Politics University of Newcastle Accepted for publication in British Politics, 30th May 2019 1 Labour Party Adaptation to Multilevel Politics: Evidence from British General Election Manifestos Abstract Some policy areas debated in British general elections are the responsibility of devolved institutions, not the UK parliament. Devolution means that state-wide parties produce different versions of their general election manifestos in the devolved territories. Deploying a multi-level party framework, this article examines intra-party variation in Labour’s manifesto content through an original study of British, Scottish and Welsh Labour party manifestos from 2001 to 2017. The analysis focuses on the content and structure of Labour’s general election manifestos across the UK. It examines the roles performed by these documents, revealing how the Labour party has responded to the challenges of devolution. The analysis highlights the variable speeds at which sub-state parties embrace autonomy. It finds that Welsh Labour is more inclined to diverge from the content of UK Labour manifestos than the Scottish party, suggesting Scottish Labour has been slow to understand the politics of national identity and reluctant to embrace opportunities created by devolution. The article has implications for three key literatures: approaches to manifesto analysis; the roles performed by party manifestos; and party adaptation in multi-level systems. Keywords UK Labour, party manifestos, multi-level politics, party adaptation, Scotland, Wales 2 Labour Party Adaptation to Multilevel Politics: Evidence from British General Election Manifestos Devolution means that distinct policy agendas exist in different parts of the UK, and many policies debated in UK general elections do not apply at the sub-state level.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 - Scottishleftreview Issue 100 July/August 2017 2 - Scottishleftreview Issue 100 July/August 2017 Feedback
    1 - ScottishLeftReview Issue 100 July/August 2017 2 - ScottishLeftReview Issue 100 July/August 2017 feedback comment Where we are now ay didn’t quite end in June situation has afflicted the SNP – still an election campaign, under which but her mantra of providing the biggest party by seats and votes reporting had to be more balanced, M‘strong and stable’ in Scotland but looking and feeling a Labour’s pledge to govern for the leadership turned into the actuality lot like Labour after its involvement reviewsmany and not the few resonated of being ‘weak and wobbly’ while in the ‘Better Together’ campaign – widely. Jeremy Corbyn was more at Corbyn went from being (allegedly) somewhat dejected and on the back home and a much better performer unelectable and an electoral liability foot. at the countless mass street rallies into something akin to a conquering than in the Westminster chamber. hero – certainly if his reception at Serious left analysis must start And, Labour was able to create its UNISON annual conference and by asking two fundamental own direct link to voters, especially Glastonbury were anything to go by. questions, namely, why did Labour younger ones, via social media Just as with after the independence do much better than any of the without being reliant upon the referendum in September 2014, it polls (including its own) indicated mainstream media. Its organisation seemed that the vanquished were it would, and why did Labour not of activists especially via a dedicated actually the victors. But there are actually win? The exposure of app used by Momentum in also other historical parallels to Theresa May as weak and wobbly particular was also notable.
    [Show full text]
  • Scottish Labour Women's Manifesto
    Women’s Manifesto 2021 SCOTTISH LABOUR WOMEN’S MANIFESTO INTRODUCTION The Labour Party is the party of equality, committed to achieving a world free from all forms of discrimination. Scottish Labour has a proud record of promoting women’s rights but we have so much more to do. Last year was the 50th anniversary of the Equal Pay Act, yet women still earn 10% less than men. Women have been particularly impacted by lockdown. Women continue to be disproportionately affected both by the cuts to public services carried out by the Tories and SNP and the economy based on insecure low paid work that they have let develop unchecked. The death of Sarah Everard was a painful reminder of the violence and abuse that woman and girls continue to face on a daily basis. We need a renewed and focused effort to reduce this violence through education and funding of services. However, violence against women is linked to structural inequalities so if we are to end it once and for all we must promote equality across Scotland including in our economy and public services. Scottish Labour are committed to the task, including through a new Equal Pay Scotland Act, tackling low wages across Scotland, valuing caring roles, and introducing a childcare service that is shaped by women’s lives. ECONOMY AND WORK A jobs recovery for women Scottish Labour’s Jobs Recovery Plan is one of the largest and most ambitious jobs creation schemes in the history of devolution. With Covid-19 putting many livelihoods at risk, our aim is to ensure that everyone that can work has the offer for a job.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Useful Idiots
    Putin’s Useful Idiots: Britain’s Left, Right and Russia Russia Studies Centre Policy Paper No. 10 (2016) Dr Andrew Foxall The Henry Jackson Society October 2016 PUTIN’S USEFUL IDIOTS Executive Summary ñ Over the past five years, there has been a marked tendency for European populists, from both the left and the right of the political spectrum, to establish connections with Vladimir Putin’s Russia. Those on the right have done so because Putin is seen as standing up to the European Union and/or defending “traditional values” from the corrupting influence of liberalism. Those on the left have done so in part because their admiration for Russia survived the end of the Cold War and in part out of ideological folly: they see anybody who opposes Western imperialism as a strategic bedfellow. ñ In the UK, individuals, movements, and parties on both sides of the political spectrum have deepened ties with Russia. Some individuals have praised Putin and voiced their support for Russia’s actions in Ukraine; others have travelled to Moscow and elsewhere to participate in events organised by the Kremlin or Kremlin-backed organisations; yet more have appeared on Russia’s propaganda networks. Some movements have even aligned themselves with Kremlin-backed organisations in Russia who hold views diametrically opposed to their own; this is particularly the case for left-leaning organisations in the UK, which have established ties with far-right movements in Russia. ñ In an era when marginal individuals and parties in the UK are looking for greater influence and exposure, Russia makes for a frequent point of ideological convergence, and Putin makes for a deceptive and dangerous friend.
    [Show full text]
  • Yes Beyond Salmond
    SSV Forum 2_leaflet 22/02/2014 01:29 Page 1 YWHYE SUSPPO RTBINGE INDYEPEONDENNCED DOE SSN’T AMAKLE YMOU A NOATINONADLIST Following the success oF our the polls show far more support for first Voice Forum in December examining independence among working class the scottish government’s white Paper, scots than the wealthy. this event aims ‘scotland’s Future’, the scottish socialist to open up discussion that is both Voice – scotland’s only socialist stimulating and informative and helps newspaper, edited, published and printed shape the direction of the independence here in scotland – again brings together movement in the months ahead. leading figures on the pro-independence left to discuss another important aspect the Forum takes place on saturday 8 of our campaign for self-determination. march from 10am-2pm in the martin hall, new college, edinburgh university, this, our second Forum discussion, the mound, edinburgh. refreshments features a panel of speakers reflecting will be provided. the wide spectrum of pro-independence progressive opinion: tickets for the event are free but space • Jim sillars Former labour mP and is limited so reservations are again Former Deputy leader of the snP, author strongly recommended. tickets can be of ‘in Place of Fear ii – a socialist obtained in advance via the ssP Programme For independence’ website scottishsocialistparty.org or by • Jean urquhart independent msP for emailing [email protected] the highland and islands To order your copy of • allan grogan chair of ‘labour For ‘The Case For An independence’ Independent Socialist • cllr maggie chaPman scottish Scotland’ by Colin Fox, send green Party co-convener £5 to: SSP, Suite 370, • Jonathon shaFi radical 4th Floor, Central Chambers, independence campaign 93 Hope St, Glasgow G2 6LD.
    [Show full text]
  • Inside the Political Market
    Notes Preface and Acknowledgements 1 Priestley, 1968. Reviewing a book on the latest American campaign tech- niques the same year, Labour agent Terry Pitt warned colleagues that politi- cians ‘will be promoted and marketed like the latest model automobile’ (Labour Organiser no. 558, December). 2 Palast, 2002, p. 161–69. 3 Editorial in The Observer, 18th August 1996. 4 The speech was made to the pro-business Institute of Directors, ‘Mandelson: We sold Labour as news product’, The Guardian, 30th April 1998. 5 Hughes and Wintour, 1990; Gould, 1998. 6 Cockett, 1994. Introduction: Inside the Political Market 1 Coates, 1980; Minkin, 1980; Warde, 1982. 2 Hare, 1993; ‘Top Consumer PR Campaigns of All Time’, PR Week 29th March 2002. Of the other politicians featured the Suffragettes and Conservatives (1979) occupied the fifteenth and sixteenth places respec- tively. 3 Gould, 2002; Gould, 1998, p. 81. 4 Abrams and Rose with Hinden, 1960; Gould, 2002. 5 Mandelson and Liddle, 1996, p. 2; see also Wright, 1997. The Blair leader- ship, like most politicians, deny the extent to which they rely on profes- sionals for strategic input and guidance (Mauser, 1989). 6 Interviewed on BBC1 ‘Breakfast with Frost’, 14th January 1996, cited in Blair, 1996, p. 49. Blair regularly returns to this theme: in his 2003 Conference speech he attacked the interpretation of ‘New Labour’ as ‘a clever piece of marketing, good at winning elections, but hollow where the heart should be’ (The Guardian, 1st October 2003). 7 Driver and Martell, 1998, pp. 158–9. 8 Crompton and Lamb, 1986, p. 1. 9 Almond, 1990, p.
    [Show full text]
  • Results Elected Members
    Results and Elected Members Second edition based on official statistics where available 13 JuLy, 1989 PE 133.341 C 0 N T E N T S Electorate and turnout in the 12 . 1 Great Britain . 2 Northern Ireland . 3 Great Britain constituency results .................................... 4 Ireland constituency results .......................................... 14 Belgium ............................................................... 16 Denmark ............................................................... 18 France ................................................................ 20 Germany . 22 Greece ................................................................ 24 Ireland ............................................................... 26 Italy ................................................................. 28 Luxembourg . 31 Netherlands ........................................................... 33 Portugal .............................................................. 35 Spain ......................... : . ...................................... 37 United Kingdom ........................................................ 39 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS Electorate and turnout in EC states in 1979, 1984 and 1989 Country Electorate Turnout V\J.lid votes Belgium 1989 7,096,273 90.7 5,899,285 1984 6,975,677 92.2 5,725,837 1979 6,800,584 91.4 5,442,867 Denmark 1989 3,923,549 46.2 1,789,395 1984 3,878,600 52.4 2,001,875 1979 3,754,423 47.8 1,754,350 France 1989 38,348,191 48.7 18,145,588 1984 36,880,688 56.7 20,180,934 1979 35,180,531 60.7 20,242,347 Germany 1989 45,773,179 62.3 28,206,690 1984 44,451,981 56.8 24,851,371 1979 42,751,940 65.7 27,847,109 Greece 1989 8,347.387 79.9 6,544,669 1984 7,790,309 77.2 5,956,060 1981 7,319,070 78.6 5,753,478 Ireland 1989 2,453,451 68.3 1,632, 728 1984 2,413,404 47.6 1,l20,-ll6 1979 2,188, 798 63.6 1 '339.
    [Show full text]
  • In Perspective: Tom Nairn
    In perspective: Tom Nairn NEIL DAVIDSON The 1960s saw an upsurge of separatist nationalisms at the core of the capitalist system, with the movements in Catalonia, Eskudai, Occitania, Quebec, Scotland, Wallonia and Wales all making their first serious impact during that decade. Nationalist demands went on to play a role-—although by no means the most important role--in the social upheavals which shook the capitalist system between 1968 and 1976. And although none of them succeeded in establishing new states, several--Catalonia, Quebec and, more recently, Scotland--gained a significant degree of formal autonomy within the state framework of the dominant nation. These events inspired a number of important studies of nationalism, the majority of which appeared in two clusters. The first appeared between 1977 and 1982 and the second between 1989 and 1992, following a further and, in terms of establishing new states, more successful revival of nationalist aspiration in Eastern Europe. Whatever criticisms might be levelled at these works the best have nevertheless helped to advance our understanding of the phenomenon in important, if partial, ways.1 Only a minority of these studies approached the question from an avowedly Marxist perspective. One of them was by the Scottish writer Tom Nairn, who is regarded by many as the foremost modern theoretician of the subject. It is ironic, therefore, that his contribution emphasised the supposed inadequacy of the Marxist tradition as a tool for understanding nationalism, persuading many on the left that, in the famous opening sentence of one key essay, 'The theory of nationalism is Marxism's greatest historical failure'.2 Most of the essays in which he put forward these arguments were collected in a book first published in 1977 called The Break- Up of Britain, but Nairn has recently returned to the subject in a further collection of essays called Faces Of Nationalism.
    [Show full text]